The Informal Economy: theoretical and conceptual issues
ECSP-6EMES-08 | Luiz Inácio Gaiger 2017
Introduction
During the last decades, economic informality has remained an expressive standard in several countries and continents. Contrary to the expectations raised by modernization theories, on the formalization of the informal, there was no waning of informality. New impulse factors, engendered by the regime of flexible capital accumulation, have fuelled it in a number of ways, while the deregulation of labor relations, coupled with the economic recession, has favoured its resurgence. Informality is not bound to disappear, as long as the spread of the formal economy continues to confront persistent structural obstacles that at times maintain it practically as a sector located in the midst of the informal predominance. In broad areas of the globe, we come across a hybrid “institution” of the economy (Polanyi 1957), in which the enforcement of regulations and legal frameworks remains partial and restricted.
In studies on the subject, informality has been seen in several ways: as a phenomenon dependent on the capitalist economy, functional to the preservation of the reserve industrial army and attenuating the misery; As an atypical phenomenon in the face of capitalist economy, determined by contradictory factors and marked by notorious ambiguity; As a phenomenon opposed to the dominant economic logic, harbouring anti-capitalist and virtuous forms, as exemplified by the solidarity economy. While the first approach commonly adopts a perspective of deductive analysis, from the general to the particular and from top to bottom ( top-down ), the second and third approaches guide their analysis as a rule from bottom to top ( bottom-up ), giving prominence to the creativity and capacity of self-organization and adaptation of the popular economy.
Although the theories underlying these approaches diverge, there is no general mismatch between these analytical perspectives, provided that the universes of social practices and relationships under analysis are clearly announced. The habitual use of encompassing concepts, in the absence of a prior evaluation of its explanatory and heuristic power, leads to metonymies. This has occurred in the studies on informality because of the absence of categories that discriminate the various realities that intersect and intertwine under the mantle of the informal. The reiterated ambiguity of the informal thus rests, to a large extent, on inaccuracies found in the conceptual plane.
To understand informality, it is necessary to critically review current approaches and adopt appropriate theoretical perspectives and concepts. One of these required measures is the clarification of terms and concepts as a rule used interchangeably, such as informality, informal sector and informal economy. Figure out what is singular in these terms, or common among them, leads to differentiated treatments. Renouncing the use of unique notions, we will arrive at a conceptual distinction between informal employment and informal economy and a better understanding of the scope of concepts such as informal work, popular economy and solidarity economy.
From the theoretical point of view, it will be necessary to supplant unilateral positions, such as the thesis of dependence and functionality of the informal in relation to the capitalist economy. Or the ( sounds better ) opposite thesis, that takes the informality as a reflection of the excessive and unreasonable interference of the State, which would hinder initiative and oblige micro entrepreneurs to bypass the law in order to conduct themselves freely in the market. In the same way, one must question the approaches of the informal through its opposition to the formal, whose starting point and background is the modern economy, in turn identified spontaneously with the capitalist market economy. From this point of view, the informal is seen as a defective form of economy, a reflection of the state of deficiencies and weaknesses of its economic agents or, according to a critical bias, as a result of the structural relations of subordination and exploitation to which such agents are subjected by capitalist logic.
The informal economy must be understood from its specific features. With this approach, two aspects will be highlighted: firstly, the fact that it must be understood from the organizational principles that are its own, despite being devoid of provisions formally endorsed and sanctioned by the legal frameworks in force. The informal economy incorporates a self-regulated social and economic dynamic, a sui generis rationality. This specific nature is not perceived as the centrality given to the logic of the market leads to approaches limited to the economic sphere. There are few studies on the cultural dimension of informal businesses, their peculiar social dynamics and the existence, to some extent, of a preference of the economic agents for informality.
Secondly, the theoretical primacy given to the market distances us from a plural conception of the economy, which is a prerequisite for evaluating the effective performance of informal units for subsistence, as well as local development processes, among other aspects. The informal economy must be understood as a form of socially embedded economy, in the sense given by Polanyi (1957, 2000). This makes it irreducible to strictly economic properties and functionalities. The central logic that governs its functioning corresponds to the social reproduction of domestic units, which is sought through relational assets from the family sphere and its surrounding circles. This particular socioeconomic logic is what Razeto (1990) calls commensality .
The understanding that the informal economy introduces a modus operandi in the economic terrain, according to specific forms of agency of social bonds, allows to extend a conceptual gradient that relates it to similar forms, but endowed with other peculiarities. One can then distinguish more clearly the informal economy from the popular economy, especially the fact that the differences between them are mainly of approach, of analytical perspectives. The same is true of initiatives of an egalitarian and participatory nature associated with the solidarity economy, whose studies are aligned with an agenda of issues with a view to examining – and at the same time emphasizing – those features.
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The informal economy represents two-thirds of worldwide employment (OECD 2009) and contributes more than 40% of global GDP (Schneider et al. 2010). It is an especially significant feature of urban labour markets in the Global South, having been a persistent phenomenon in all regions, and expanding in the wake of economic growth in Latin America and Asia in recent decades (OECD 2009). Governmental policies toward the informal economy have taken various forms based on several theoretical approaches (Chen et al. 2001, WIEGO 2014). These range from repressive policies that perceive informal entrepreneurship as a drag on economic growth and poverty reduction, to those promoting their legalisation to foster economic development and others encouraging informal workers’ organisation to resist capitalist forms of exploitation. More recently, strongly supportive municipal initiatives have been put in place to increase informal productivity. This study aims to understand the rationality behind, and the impact and limitations of this emerging supportive policy approach aimed at improving the livelihoods of informal entrepreneurs. It analyses these practices using a mixed-methods approach (ethnography complemented with statistical analysis), on the basis of primary data drawn from 97 face-to-face interviews and focus group discussions, together with a randomised questionnaire survey of 906 workers conducted with the collaboration of a team of field assistants across three informal subsectors in Santiago de Chile: waste-pickers, street vendors and home-based enterprises. In light of the evidence, I argue that granting informal entrepreneurs the right to succeed through municipal support effectively promotes the social and economic inclusion of vulnerable populations. Municipal policy support, in the form of training, capitalisation, access to markets and organisation, can be key to speeding up the growth of enterprises otherwise condemned to stagnation or limited expansion. As part and parcel of this argument, I contend that supporting informal entrepreneurs is vital in a situation in which informal entrepreneurship typically becomes a ‘one way street’ in the absence of decent employment alternatives in the lower tiers of the formal economy. My thesis also suggests that understanding formal-informal linkages can benefit from a selective amalgamation of divergent theoretical approaches, as these two markets operate both in integration (as per structuralist and legalist perspectives), a structure commonly described as exploitative, and separately in a parallel network of informal enterprises (as per dualist perspectives), described as a fairer alternative for informal enterprises to trade products. In light of my findings, I offer concrete suggestions for further improving the nature of municipal policies and the necessity for higher-level supportive approaches to fully unlock the informal economy’s potential.
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Please note you do not have access to teaching notes, self-employment, the informal economy and the marginalisation thesis: some evidence from the european union.
International Journal of Entrepreneurial Behavior & Research
ISSN : 1355-2554
Article publication date: 13 April 2015
The purpose of this paper is to evaluate which groups of the self-employed engage in the informal economy. Until now, self-employed people participating in the informal economy have been predominantly viewed as marginalised populations such as those on a lower income and living in deprived regions (i.e. the “marginalisation thesis”). However, an alternative emergent “reinforcement thesis” conversely views the marginalised self-employed as less likely to do so. Until now, no known studies have evaluated these competing perspectives.
Design/methodology/approach
To do this, the author report a 2013 survey conducted across 28 countries involving 1,969 face-to-face interviews with the self-employed about their participation in the informal economy.
Using multilevel mixed-effects logistic regression analysis, the finding is that the marginalisation thesis applies when examining characteristics such as the age, marital status, tax morality, occupation and household financial circumstances of the self-employed engaged in the informal economy. However, when gender and regional variations are analysed, the reinforcement thesis is valid. When characteristics such as the urban-rural divide and educational level are analysed, no evidence is found to support either the marginalisation or reinforcement thesis.
Research limitations/implications
The outcome is a call for a more nuanced understanding of the marginalisation thesis that the self-employed participating in the informal economy are largely marginalised populations.
Originality/value
This is the first extensive evaluation of which self-employed groups participate in the informal economy.
- Self-employment
- Multivariate analysis
- Informal economy
- Marginalization
- Undeclared work
Acknowledgements
This paper is an output of two sources of funding. First, it has been supported by the European Commission’s Framework 7 Industry-Academia Partnerships Programme (IAPP) Grant No. 611259 entitled “Out of the shadows: developing capacities and capabilities for tackling undeclared work in Bulgaria, Croatia and FYR Macedonia” (GREY). Second, it has been supported by the Sectoral Operational Programme Human Resources Development (SOP HRD), Grant No. SOP HRD/159/1.5/S/133675, financed from the European Social Fund and by the Romanian Government under the Contract No. POSDRU 159/1.5/S/133675. The usual disclaimers apply.
Williams, C.C. and Horodnic, I.A. (2015), "Self-employment, the informal economy and the marginalisation thesis: Some evidence from the European Union", International Journal of Entrepreneurial Behavior & Research , Vol. 21 No. 2, pp. 224-242. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJEBR-10-2014-0184
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Aragão-Lagergren, Aida. "Working children in the informal sector in Managua." Uppsala, Sweden : Uppsala University, Dept. of Social and Economic Geography, 1997. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/37028942.html.
McTigue, Judy K. "The political and economic institutions of informal commerce : a comparative analysis of Mexico City and Budapest /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9828979.
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Financial services to the poor are seen as a principal way to achieve goals of poverty reduction and job creation. This study explores the dynamic of microcredit clients with informal sector characteristics.
These characteristics include number of employees, registration status, having a permanent address, being based at home, being based in an open space, operating from a temporary place, and government support of businesses. In recent years, the informal sector on the West Bank has grown to become a major source of job creation for poor Palestinians. Using data collected by the author, this study finds that a majority of the responding microcredit clients are in the informal sector and some of them use microcredit to create a job for themselves because they had no alternative. There is some interest directed towards formal registration from lenders and borrowers, while general progress, in terms of formalization, is found to be fairly insignificant. Finally, we do not find that microcredit increases the probability of less informal sector characteristics acknowledged by microcredit clients. Therefore, while other factors may explain lack of formalization, microcredit is found not to provide enough stimulus on its own to lead questionnaire respondents away from the informal sector.
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Workable policies for Nigerian economy’s informal structure
The Nigerian economy is characterised by a large informal sector with a sizeable share of its output, labour force, income and economic activity. Understanding the informal structure better will help us formulate workable policies which can spur economic growth, reduce poverty and improve the living conditions of its citizens. In this regard, this article explores and analyses the structure of the informal sector in Nigeria, its size, the challenges and the needed policy direction to maximise its potential.
The informal sector is an essential part of the Nigerian economy. It accounts for approximately 65 per cent of the country’s labour force, about 45 percent of GDP, and 60 percent of total domestic investment, which suggests that the informal sector holds the key to boosting growth. Despite its size, studies of the Nigerian informal sector are limited mainly due to the underground nature of most of its members.
The significance of the informal sector in Nigeria The informal sector is the major contributor to Nigeria’s economy because it involves economic activities that are not under the control of the government and are not conducted according to the rules and regulations of a formal business. These activities are small-scale retail trade, agriculture, transport, construction and a host of service-provision jobs. The sector is reported to account for employment of about 65 per cent of Nigeria’s labour market, 84 per cent of urban productivity and 65 per cent of rural productivity.
It covers a considerable part of employment. According to the International Labour Organisation (ILO), over 65 per cent of working Nigerians are in the informal sector (a moderate estimate). The sector also contributes significantly to the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) by creating commodities and services to cater to the needs of the local population. Moreover, the flexible and adaptable nature of the sector makes it the most responsive part of the economy, especially in times of recession or national economic crisis.
Challenges faced by the informal sector The informal sector’s importance can hardly be overstated. This is so because it employed more than 80 per cent of Nigeria’s labour force, as well as it widens the base of tax collection; it paid taxes, created wealth, poverty reduction, reducing inflation limits, and so on. Nevertheless, this informal sector is characterised by many problems that make it difficult for them to be effective and efficient. Some of the problems include…
Lack of access to finance: Small businesses run on credit and operating capital. That is a challenge for informal businesses – they often find it difficult to access formal sources of finance, from loans to credit to bank accounts. This means they can’t expand, diversify, invest in technology and training, or improve their operations.
Regulatory Impediments: Operating in the informal sector means staying away from government regulations; this may result in proprietors having to face harassment from the authorities or fines. This can act as a destabilising factor and slow down growth.
Inadequate infrastructure: Informal sector enterprises are often deprived of basic physical infrastructure, such as power supply, reliable water supply, transport networks and so on, which they are unable to afford, though they badly need them. This makes the enterprises less productive, and less competitive in relation to the formal sector.
Skills gap: Many workers in the informal sector are not skilled enough to boost productivity and earnings. Poor availability of formal schooling and vocational training contribute to this employment skills gap.
Social protection: Workers in the informal sector are often excluded from social protection programmes, such as health insurance, pensions and social assistance programmes. This renders them even more vulnerable to economic shocks and health crises.
Case studies: Successful policy interventions Kenya’s Micro and Small Enterprises (MSE) Act: The Kenyan government enacted the country’s Micro and Small Enterprises (MSE) Act to promote, develop and regulate micro and small enterprises. The MSE Act created the Micro and Small Enterprises Authority (MSEA) of Kenya, a government agency that provides support services, training and access to finance to informal businesses.
Pradhan Mantri Mudra Yojana (PMMY) scheme in India: As a new scheme that was started in April 2015, providing loans to small- and micro-enterprises, it has been able to support financing for informal businesses that often operate in cash and facilitate them by allowing them to increase their scale and get more formalised businesses.
Rwanda’s Umurenge SACCO Programme: A strategy to promote financial inclusion in Rwanda involved the establishment of Savings and Credit Cooperative (SACCO) programmes intended to improve the access to and use of savings and credit services by the underserved and the poor, particularly those in the informal sector. Access to finance for informal commercial and domestic enterprises now stands at 51.3 per cent.
Policy recommendations for Nigeria To harness the potential of the informal sector aand address the challenges it faces, pmakers need to develop targeted strategies and policies. First, a comprehensive analysis of its current contribution pattern and future potential must be done by and for policymakers. A whole range of drivers are behind this important shift, and in turn tailored strategies, policies and programmes will propel these drivers to their full potential. Here are a few policy recommendations for the same:
Integrated financial services Microfinance Institutions (MFIs): Expand the microfinance network that provides small credits and lending facilities for informal sector businesses. Encourage linkages between MFIs and commercial banks to widen the scope and scale of outreach and financial inclusion.
Mobile banking Use mobile banking platforms that facilitate access to banking services for informal firms, including digital payment systems for transactions and savings.
Financial literacy programme Implement financial literacy programmes to teach informal sector entrepreneurs how to manage their finances, get access to credit and use financial services.
Simplified regulatory frameworks Making registration easier: Make it easier for businesses to register, including informal firms that want to formalise, and make it possible for them to do so under one roof, in one-stop shops for business registration and tax compliance and access to government facilities.
Tax incentives: Implement tax incentives such as lowering rates or granting exemptions for formerly informal businesses. Subsidise or grant support to get into the formal sector in the first place.
Regulatory support: create units to help informal businesses with regulatory requirements and processes to find and legislate for compliance.
Infrastructure Investments Market Facilities: Improve and modernise market facilities to create safe and enabling environments for informal traders. Water, sanitation and waste management must be readily accessible.
Transportation Networks: Better roads and railways connect people to global networks and markets. Provide adequate technical support for transportation infrastructure to allow for increased productivity and efficiency as well as more effective utilisation of resources.
A considerable number of people can be lifted out of poverty simply by stim, especially by investing in road construction and maintenance.
Access to utilities: Open access to reliable electricity, clean water and internet access for informal sector enterprises. Roll out community infrastructure programmes to meet local priorities.
Vocational Training and Education Skill development programmes: Design and implement vocational training programmes that meet the needs of informal sector workers. Identify and train workers in in-demand skills such as carpentry, tailoring, agriculture and technology.
To be continued tomorrow.
Dr Oluwadele is an Author, Chartered Accountant and Public Policy Scholar based in Canada. He can be reached Via: [email protected]
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- Nigerian economy
- SACCO Programme
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The paper concludes that informal economy in developing countries should be analyzed as social and historical processes rather than a sector that emerges as a result of crisis. What is needed is a ...
The informal economy exists as a result of structured development within the capitalist mode of production (Chen, 2012; Henry, 1978), with capitalist participants driven primarily by the desire to make a profit (Moser, 1978, p. 22). The informal economy serves the formal economy, as a result of formal firms' attempts to reduce labour costs ...
Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Sustainable Development in the Faculty of ... Informal Economy in South Africa ..... 63! 3.5.1 Informal economy linkages with sustainable development, inclusive growth and Local ...
Informal economy (IE) encompasses a huge diversity of phenomena that vary in composition and size within economies and across regions. Although estimating the size of informality is challenging, there is a wide consensus that the IE is the most important source of employment in developing countries and it also has a significant role in ...
global workforce and economy is informal and because the informal economy is growing in many contexts and appearing in new places and guises. This working paper, the first in the WIEGO series, provides an overview of the definitional, theoretical, and policy debates on the informal economy. The paper opens with
The informal economy must be understood as a form of socially embedded economy, in the sense given by Polanyi (1957, 2000). This makes it irreducible to strictly economic properties and functionalities. The central logic that governs its functioning corresponds to the social reproduction of domestic units, which is sought through relational ...
Thesis Submission Date to Institute : 22.01.2024 Thesis Defense Date : 06.02.2024 Thesis ... Mean Informal Economy Share by Income Classification 46 Figure 5.11. Kernel Density Estimate for Informal Economy Share 46 Figure 5.12. Distribution of Income Levels 47 Figure 5.13. Graphical Representation of Feature Importance for CO
informal economy to inform policymakers on the best approach to tackle it. This thesis's novelty stems from the empirical evidence it offers on the main strategies used so far to tackle informality while considering the African continent's specificities. In line with this objective, Chapter 1 shows that policies that increase informality
The informal economy represents two-thirds of worldwide employment (OECD 2009) and contributes more than 40% of global GDP (Schneider et al. 2010). It is an especially significant feature of urban labour markets in the Global South, having been a persistent phenomenon in all regions, and expanding in the wake of economic growth in Latin America and Asia in recent decades (OECD 2009).
This thesis aims fill this gap by developing theoretical arguments based on the literature on how ... The informal economy is often used synonymously with the shadow-, unofficial- or the black-market economy, or the informal sector in the literature (Huynh & Nguyen 2020). Yet there is
Self-employment, the informal economy and the marginalisation thesis Over the past few decades, there has been widespread recognition that the informal economy remains a sizeable segment of the global economy (ILO, 2002a,b, 2013; Jütting and Laiglesia, ... informal economy takes place as well as to the type of self-employed people engaged in ...
the marginalisation thesis that the self-employed participating in the informal economy are largely marginalised populations. Originality/value - This is the first extensive evaluation of which ...
My PhD thesis looks at the relationship between informal institutions (e.g., morals, customs, traditions, norms, ideologies, and religion) and economic development. The perspective is conceptual as well as empirical. The conceptual part critically compares the theories of Aristotle, Montesquieu, Alexis de Tocqueville, Karl Marx, Max Weber ...
The purpose of this paper is to evaluate which groups of the self-employed engage in the informal economy. Until now, self-employed people participating in the informal economy have been predominantly viewed as marginalised populations such as those on a lower income and living in deprived regions (i.e. the "marginalisation thesis").
As a proportion of total tax revenues, these forgone revenues from the informal economy are as large as 42 percent per annum. For the year 2010, total amount of tax evasion due to informality was 6 percent of GDP (K 2,715.1 billion) or 34 percent of the 2010 of total tax revenues.
There is no single quick fix to formalize informal work and many challenges to be overcome, as advocacy group WIEGO points out. "Formalization of the informal economy can take different forms: registration, taxation, organization and representation, legal frameworks, social protection, business incentives and support."
Figure 4.1 Trend of informal economy in Ethiopia over time. l economy in Ethiopia as shown in the above table is highest in 2012 whic. 54.54% and the low. st is in the next immediate year 2013 which is 30.94%. Overall t. size of informal economy in Ethiopia from 1980 to 2016 is 43.3%.
appendage to formal structures. A study of the raison d'etre, characteristics and unique nature of informal. economy in Pakistan has been undertaken in this paper and attempt has been made to. tax initiatives in order to nurture and help the same towardseventual formaliza.
The thesis, Gender, Structural Adjustment and Informal Economy Sector Trade in Africa: A Case Study of Women Workers in the Informal Sector of North West Province, South Africa, comprises of five chapters{PRIVATE } CHAPTER 1 is mainly introductory and deals specifically with the general orientation of the study as outlined in the background and ...
The informal economy, made up of economic activities that have market value but are not formally registered or regulated, represents a significant part of the global workforce. Supporting workers in the informal economy can help achieve the UN's Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), driving inclusive growth and innovation in underserved ...
This thesis presents the informal economy both as a structural factor which enables migration and as a characteristic of the migrant agency that facilitates it. By doing that, the thesis also complements the literature on migration to Southern Europe and argues that migrations are not simply encouraged by the informal economies of the receiving ...
The Nigerian economy is characterised by a large informal sector with a sizeable share of its output, labour force, income and economic activity. Wednesday, 13th November 2024. News.