my country armenia essay

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Armenia , landlocked country of Transcaucasia , lying just south of the great mountain range of the Caucasus and fronting the northwestern extremity of Asia . To the north and east Armenia is bounded by Georgia and Azerbaijan , while its neighbours to the southeast and west are, respectively, Iran and Turkey . Naxçıvan , an exclave of Azerbaijan, borders Armenia to the southwest. The capital is Yerevan (Erevan).

Modern Armenia comprises only a small portion of ancient Armenia, one of the world’s oldest centres of civilization. At its height, Armenia extended from the south-central Black Sea coast to the Caspian Sea and from the Mediterranean Sea to Lake Urmia in present-day Iran. Ancient Armenia was subjected to constant foreign incursions, finally losing its autonomy in the 14th century ce . The centuries-long rule of Ottoman and Persian conquerors imperiled the very existence of the Armenian people. Eastern Armenia was annexed by Russia during the 19th century, while western Armenia remained under Ottoman rule, and in 1894–96 and 1915 the Ottoman government perpetrated systematic massacres and forced deportations of Armenians.

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The portion of Armenia lying within the former Russian Empire declared independence on May 28, 1918, but in 1920 it was invaded by forces from Turkey and Soviet Russia. The Soviet Republic of Armenia was established on November 29, 1920; in 1922 Armenia became part of the Transcaucasian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic; and in 1936 this republic was dissolved and Armenia became a constituent (union) republic of the Soviet Union . Armenia declared sovereignty on August 23, 1990, and independence on September 23, 1991.

The status of Nagorno-Karabakh (also called Artsakh), an enclave of 1,700 square miles (4,400 square km) in southwestern Azerbaijan populated primarily by ethnic Armenians, was from 1988 the source of bitter conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. By the mid-1990s Karabakh Armenian forces had occupied much of southwestern Azerbaijan, but, after a devastating war in 2020, they were compelled to withdraw from most of that area.

Armenia is a mountainous country characterized by a great variety of scenery and geologic instability. The average elevation is 5,900 feet (1,800 metres) above sea level . There are no lowlands: half the territory lies at elevations of 3,300 to 6,600 feet; only about one-tenth lies below the 3,300-foot mark.

The northwestern part of the Armenian Highland—containing Mount Aragats (Alaghez), the highest peak (13,418 feet, or 4,090 metres) in the country—is a combination of lofty mountain ranges, deep river valleys, and lava plateaus dotted with extinct volcanoes. To the north and east, the Somkhet, Bazum, Pambak, Gugark, Areguni, Shakhdag, and Vardenis ranges of the Lesser Caucasus lie across the northern sector of Armenia. Elevated volcanic plateaus (Lory, Shirak, and others), cut by deep river valleys, lie amid these ranges.

In the eastern part of Armenia, the Sevan Basin, containing Lake Sevan (525 square miles) and hemmed in by ranges soaring as high as 11,800 feet, lies at an elevation of about 6,200 feet. In the southwest, a large depression—the Ararat Plain —lies at the foot of Mount Aragats and the Geghama Range; the Aras River cuts this important plain into halves, the northern half lying in Armenia and the southern in Turkey and Iran.

Armenia is subject to damaging earthquakes . On December 7, 1988, an earthquake destroyed the northwestern town of Spitak and caused severe damage to Leninakan (now Gyumri ), Armenia’s second most populous city. About 25,000 people were killed.

Of the total precipitation, some two-thirds is evaporated, and one-third percolates into the rocks, notably the volcanic rocks, which are porous and fissured . The many rivers in Armenia are short and turbulent with numerous rapids and waterfalls. The water level is highest when the snow melts in the spring and during the autumn rains. As a result of considerable difference in elevation along their length, some rivers have great hydroelectric potential.

Most of the rivers fall into the drainage area of the Aras (itself a tributary of the Kura River of the Caspian Basin), which, for 300 miles (480 kilometres), forms a natural boundary between Armenia and Turkey and Iran.

The Aras’ main left-bank tributaries, the Akhuryan (130 miles), the Hrazdan (90 miles), the Arpa (80 miles), and the Vorotan (Bargyushad; 111 miles), serve to irrigate most of Armenia. The tributaries of the Kura —the Debed (109 miles), the Aghstev (80 miles), and others—pass through Armenia’s northeastern regions. Lake Sevan , with a capacity in excess of 9 cubic miles (39 cubic kilometres) of water, is fed by dozens of rivers, but only the Hrazdan leaves its confines.

Armenia is rich in springs and wells, some of which possess medicinal properties.

More than 15 soil types occur in Armenia, including light brown alluvial soils found in the Aras River plain and the Ararat Plain, poor in humus but still intensively cultivated; rich brown soils, found at higher elevations in the hill country; and chernozem (black earth) soils, which cover much of the higher steppe region. Much of Armenia’s soil—formed partly by residues of volcanic lava—is rich in nitrogen, potash, and phosphates. The labour required to clear the surface stones and debris from the soil, however, has made farming in Armenia difficult.

Because of Armenia’s position in the deep interior of the northern part of the subtropical zone, enclosed by lofty ranges, its climate is dry and continental. Regional climatic variation is nevertheless considerable. Intense sunshine occurs on many days of the year. Summer, except in high-elevation areas, is long and hot, the average June and August temperature in the plain being 77° F (25° C); sometimes it rises to uncomfortable levels. Winter is generally not cold; the average January temperature in the plain and foothills is about 23° F (−5° C), whereas in the mountains it drops to 10° F (−12° C). Invasions of Arctic air sometimes cause the temperature to drop sharply: the record low is −51° F (−46° C). Winter is particularly inclement on the elevated, windswept plateaus. Autumn—long, mild, and sunny—is the most pleasant season.

The ranges of the Lesser Caucasus prevent humid air masses from reaching the inner regions of Armenia. On the mountain slopes, at elevations from 4,600 to 6,600 feet, yearly rainfall approaches 32 inches (800 millimetres), while the sheltered inland hollows and plains receive only 8 to 16 inches of rainfall a year.

The climate changes with elevation, ranging from the dry subtropical and dry continental types found in the plain and in the foothills up to a height of 3,000 to 4,600 feet, to the cold type above the 6,600-foot mark.

The broken relief of Armenia, together with the fact that its highland lies at the junction of various biogeographic regions, has produced a great variety of landscapes. Though a small country, Armenia boasts more plant species (in excess of 3,000) than the vast Russian Plain . There are five altitudinal vegetation zones: semidesert, steppe, forest, alpine meadow, and high-elevation tundra.

The semidesert landscape, ascending to an elevation of 4,300 to 4,600 feet, consists of a slightly rolling plain covered with scanty vegetation, mostly sagebrush. The vegetation includes drought-resisting plants such as juniper, sloe, dog rose, and honeysuckle. The boar, wildcat, jackal, adder, gurza (a venomous snake), scorpion, and, more rarely, the leopard inhabit this region.

Steppes predominate in Armenia. They start at elevations of 4,300 to 4,600 feet, and in the northeast they ascend to 6,200 to 6,600 feet. In the central region they reach 6,600 to 7,200 feet and in the south are found as high as 7,900 to 8,200 feet. In the lower elevations the steppes are covered with drought-resistant grasses, while the mountain slopes are overgrown with thorny bushes and juniper.

The forest zone lies in the southeast of Armenia, at elevations of 6,200 to 6,600 feet, where the humidity is considerable, and also in the northeast, at elevations of 7,200 to 7,900 feet. Occupying nearly one-tenth of Armenia, the northeastern forests are largely beech. Oak forests predominate in the southeastern regions, where the climate is drier, and in the lower part of the forest zone hackberry, pistachio, honeysuckle, and dogwood grow. The animal kingdom is represented by the Syrian bear, wildcat, lynx, and squirrel. Birds—woodcock, robin, warbler, titmouse, and woodpecker—are numerous.

The alpine zone lies above 6,600 feet, with stunted grass providing good summer pastures. The fauna is rich; the abundant birdlife includes the mountain turkey, horned lark, and bearded vulture , while the mountains also harbour the bezoar goat and the mountain sheep , or mouflon.

Finally, the alpine tundra, with its scant cushion plants, covers only limited mountain areas and solitary peaks.

Armenians constitute nearly all of the country’s population; they speak Armenian , a distinct branch of the Indo-European language family. The remainder of the population includes Kurds, Russians, and small numbers of Ukrainians, Assyrians, and other groups.

Armenia was converted to Christianity about 300 ce , becoming the first kingdom to adopt the religion after the Arsacid king Tiridates III was converted by St. Gregory the Illuminator . The Armenians have therefore maintained an ancient and rich liturgical and Christian literary tradition. Believing Armenians today belong mainly to the Armenian Apostolic (Orthodox) Church or the Armenian Catholic Church , in communion with Rome.

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What Cultural Genocide Looks Like for Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh

S eptember 2023 saw the tumultuous and traumatic departure of over 100,000 Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh . This mass exodus of an indigenous people from their homeland followed nine months of starvation-by-blockade , which culminated in a murderous military assault on Sept. 19.

These men, women, and children, terrified for their lives, left behind entire worlds: their schools and shops; their fields, flocks, and vineyards; the cemeteries of their ancestors. They also left behind the churches, large and small, ancient and more modern, magnificent and modest, where they had for centuries gathered together and prayed. They also left behind bridges, fortifications, early modern mansions, and Soviet-era monuments, such as the beloved “We are Our Mountains” statues. What will happen now to those places? There is no question, actually.

We know well what happened in Julfa , in Nakhichevan : a spectacular landscape of 16th-century Armenian tombstones was erased from the face the earth by Azerbaijan over a period of years. We know what happened to the Church of the Mother of God in Jebrayil and the Armenian cemetery in the village of Mets Tagher (or Böyük Taglar) —both were completely scrubbed from the landscape using earthmoving equipment like bulldozers. And we know what happened to the Cathedral of Ghazanchetsots in Shushi, which was, in turn, shelled, vandalized with graffiti, “restored” without its Armenian cupola, and now rebranded as a “Christian” temple. The brazenness of these actions, as journalist Joshua Kucera wrote in May 2021 , “suggests a growing confidence that [Baku] can remake their newly retaken territories in whatever image they want.”

The annihilation of millennia of Armenian life in Arstakh was enabled by the inaction and seeming indifference of those who might have prevented it. The United States and the European Union speak loftily of universal human rights, but did nothing for nine months while the people of Arstakh were denied food, medicine, fuel, and other vital supplies. They did nothing to enforce the order of the International Court of Justice demanding back in February 2023 that Azerbaijan end its blockade. That inaction clearly emboldened Azerbaijan to attack—just as it will encourage others to do the same elsewhere.

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Read More: The U.S. Keeps Failing Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh

It’s important to understand the stakes of this kind of cultural erasure: These monuments and stones testify to the generations of Armenians who worshipped in and cared about them. To destroy them, is to erase not only a culture, but a people. As art historian Barry Flood observed in 2016 about the destruction of cultural heritage by the so-called Islamic state since 2014, “the physical destruction of communal connective tissues—the archives, artifacts, and monuments in which complex micro-histories were instantiated—means that there are now things about these pasts that cannot and never will be known.” The Julfa cemetery is a tragic example of such loss.

If history is any indication, ethnic cleansing tends to be followed by all kinds of cultural destruction, from vandalism to complete effacement from the landscape. The latter tactic will be used with smaller, lesser-known churches. It will be a sinister way to remove less famous Armenian monuments, which will serve the narrative that there were no Armenians there in the early modern period to begin with.

Falsification will also occur, in which Armenian monuments are provided with newly created histories and contexts. The 13 th - century monasteries of Dadivank (in the Kalbajar district) and Gandzasar (in the Martakert province), both magnificent and characteristic examples of medieval Armenian architecture, have already been rebranded as “ancient Caucasian Albanian temples.” Expect these and other sites to become venues for conferences and workshops to highlight “ancient Caucasian Albanian culture.” As for the countless Armenian inscriptions on these buildings, khachkars, and tombstones: these, as President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev announced in February 2021, are Armenian forgeries , and will be “restored” to their “original appearance” (presumably through gouging, sandblasting, or removing of Armenian inscribed stones, as was done in the 1980s).

Finally, there will be a celebration of the “multiculturalism” of Azerbaijan. “Come to Karabakh, home of ancient Christians,” people will say. “Please ignore the gouged-out letters on that stone wall, for it is not an Armenian inscription. There were never Armenians here!" Except for soldiers and invaders, like the ones depicted in a reprehensible museum in Baku, featuring waxen figures of dead Armenian soldiers —a sight so dehumanizing that an international human rights organizations, including Azerbaijani activists, cried out for its closure.

This is how cultural genocide plays out. A little more than 100 years ago was the Armenian Genocide waged by the Ottoman Empire, followed by largescale looting, vandalization, and destruction of Armenian sites across what is now modern-day Turkey. The prospect of a second cultural genocide is now on the table. Except now, Armenians will watch the spectacle unfold online, enduring the trauma site by site and monument by monument.

In 2020, Armenian activists called for international monitoring of vulnerable sites in Nagorno-Karabakh by UNESCO and other heritage organizations. Nothing happened. Now is the time for the world to protect what Armenian culture remains in Nagorno-Karabakh. If we don’t, what culture will be next to go?

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The original version of this story misstated the president of Azerbaijan's name. It is Ilham Aliyev, not Ilhan Aliyev.

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Not all of our memories give us the feeling that they have to do with our past. Some seem to come up from a chasm that is deeper and vaster than our past; they seem to come from before we were born. But this isn’t so strange. These memories that seem so difficult to locate come from that period of our early childhood when ideas and concepts haven’t as yet achieved the scope and coherence they one day will have, when they will give us at once a world and an idea of ourselves. During the period I’m thinking of, we are as yet outside of what one day we will be able to recognize and identify as our individual lives. We perceive things, people, events; we are struck by them, but without being able to analyze them with the tools of the adult; they are simply there before us, silent, without a before or after and without any relation to the reality around us: they are pure presences, though each is closed upon itself and full of enigma. And this is why today if we remember them, it is as though they are both outside the past and a part of our beginnings.

I’m thinking of an image that sometimes suddenly surges up in me from that kind of memory that dwells beneath the more usual one: between two windowless walls of naked stone, and covered with tall wild grass, there is a deep and narrow courtyard beneath what seems to be a summer sky. The place is empty, abandoned. It is like a memory, and perhaps it has some connection to my real life at some fleeting moment of years long past, but I know that I will never recover its path. It is as though it existed outside the world.

But we also have memories that we can place with precision as well as with certainty, except that, strangely enough, they too have no possible place in our past and are therefore related to that kind of absolute elsewhere I am talking about.

It was just this kind of memory that suddenly took hold of me when I first discovered the churches of Armenia in photographs taken at the end of the 1940s, but with the conviction that I had long before seen their facades, their apses, and their huge, uneven, sometimes sculpted stones, and the horizon beyond, not just in these images, but in my real life, at a moment I had completely forgotten until that very instant.

I saw these photographs in historical treatises on the first centuries of Eastern Christian architecture, books that had appeared in English, German, and French at the beginning of the twentieth century. And it’s easy to know why I was so captivated by these evocations. In the first place, these are extremely beautiful buildings that bring real satisfaction to the mind. Their proportions are so simple and harmonious that one cannot but be aware of the asceticism of the masters who conceived them, an asceticism that governed both their thinking and their lives. The lesson of stone, the eternity scattered on the mountain slopes or bathed in the fresh water of the ravines, this lesson has been heard and transmuted into form.

But it wasn’t this beauty that struck me most at the moment of discovery; it was rather the feeling of déjà vu , of something I had known before. And since some of my books are now appearing in Armenian translation, it seems appropriate to reflect upon this kind of illusory reminiscence that for a very long while troubled my relation to so many things and may still affect me.

The most general reason for this pseudo-memory, for that hand I suddenly felt on my shoulder, I think I now understand as well. Those illustrations in the books from the beginning of the twentieth century weren’t in color, as would be the case a few decades later when there would also be a great deal of commentary on the various aspects of the places and things in question, so that viewers can enter into the images without needing to dissociate themselves from their own lives, or from the ways of thinking and feeling that their lives inspire.

No, the reproductions in my books were in black and white, with very few details, and even, given the mediocrity and age of the paper, something grayish in the light. You can enter these images only by breaking with the place you are living in and the person you are on a daily basis. And so you are at a level where, in the suspension of ordinary preoccupations, it is easier and perhaps even necessary to ask questions that are fundamental, the ones that have to do with our being in the world. The black and white makes us think about the meaning one should assign to life, and wonder if one is simple nothingness or if one can pretend to being. Black and white creates a cosa mentale , an experience in which aspirations of a metaphysical nature begin to take shape.

This characteristic of the illustrations in these old books means that one can see them in a way that connects them to the “absolute” memories I mentioned a moment ago, the ones that come from before our conceptual networks gave us a world and allowed us to construct a past. But it also explains why they can create the illusion of a previous life. Because, to say it briefly, the status of the object in these black and white photographs is about being and not about things; we are called upon to see in what is evoked in these pictures not things to make use of, as we would in our normal adult life, but being, the presence of being, as during those moments of childhood that have remained in our minds. We are drawn to the same sort of experience as the one that haunts those memories of pseudo-childhood, and we find ourselves in the same kind of “background of memory” that gives us the sense of something lived outside our lives and yet within them as well.

In short, I had the feeling that I had already been to those churches in the mountains, because the black and white created a continuity with the unlocatable place of certain memories that come from les années profondes , the deep years: with that “before us” that such a feeling causes us to recognize in ourselves. And why did the images of Armenia, and not so many others I saw at around the same time, give me this impression? Because the beauty of the architecture was already a visible manifestation of that unity, of that absolute I had felt in the epiphanies from before.

Now, I don’t pretend to have correctly or adequately analyzed this experience of déjà vu , of something already lived. But precisely because the analysis that might dissipate the illusion is difficult, the illusion maintains its force, and I have to admit that for many years I have lived under its spell. After seeing the photographs, did I really think that I had lived “over there” at some different time? Of course not. But I did begin to wonder if our perception of the world, which is limited today by so much abstraction in the way we look at things, isn’t perhaps, for this very reason, false and blind to certain obvious things that could be beneficial to us. Perhaps another way of looking at the world has created a truer experience somewhere other than here where we are. This is the dream of a kind of hidden world that once existed and may have continued to exist on the margins of our present societies, and where what is most human in us once lived in its original lucidity, which today is obscured and even forgotten, except at those moments of sudden recovery when one rediscovers it in the depths of our perceptions, when by chance some aspect of this “absolute elsewhere,” this “back country,” is placed before our eyes. I described this phenomenon a long time ago in a little book of mine called L’Arrière-pays ( The Hinterland ). I won’t go back into it here. But it allows me to return to what I would like to better understand, that is, my relation to Armenia, and the feeling I always have when I think of this land so far from France.

I have to say that this sort of dreaming is dangerous. It does have a kind of essential truth in that it preserves the memory of a reality that is one, indivisible, and that exists beyond the grasp of conceptual thought—an immediacy I need to know how to recognize, since it is what we meet with, in this case almost directly, in those feelings of affection we experience most strongly and that motivate the important choices that determine our lives. When we truly love, our attachment goes toward beings that are rich in their own being, not toward the representations that analytical thinking substitutes for them. The memories we cannot situate are thus an allusive designation of what we still are today without fully realizing it: beings who live in a specific place, and for only a moment.

In order to lead our adult lives in a serious way, we have to recognize these “illusions” for what they are and turn their nebulous “elsewhere” into the key to a return to here, even if they are made up of dreams about some other place or time outside our own existence. It is easy, as I’ve just shown by example, to live them through what is distant and mysterious about them, and to create from them the kind of dreams that allow us to escape, if only for a moment, from the task of incarnation. To dream that one lived as a child on Armenian soil is perhaps first of all to dream of becoming a child once more, before the task of incarnation becomes an obligation.

And it’s here that I come back to my “memories” of Armenia, and to the photographs in general, the old photographs. How easy it is to dream through images of this kind, to imagine civilizations we know almost nothing about to be places where the mind and spirit are not subject, as we are here, to irremediable constraints! And to get the better of these delusions, how important it is to undertake a critical examination of the lure that is inherent in every image, and to commit oneself in particular to the work that needs to be done on every specific image that has had power over us, by finding beneath what it offers in a speciously schematic way the more complete and ordinary reality of that thing it is supposed to show us, as for instance in photography!

I have often been under the spell of images. But I have resisted this spell by acquiring, as much as I have been able, the kind of knowledge that art history or the history of civilizations and religions and myths allow us to deepen—in other words, that ensemble of precise knowledge that relocates the distant object in its continuity with every other object in a world without dual dimensions, and that has its center right where we are. I am not a historian, but rather someone concerned with poetry, which denounces dreams and, in the labyrinth into which metaphysical imagination can lead, seeks help from historical research.

It was with this objective in mind that I began the study of Italian art. The idea of a society with a clarity of mind we are incapable of also came to me through my rather imperfect knowledge of the villages and little cities of certain regions in Umbria or Tuscany that, in the middle of the last century when I was exploring them, were still rather difficult to get to. With the resources of an amateur, I set about to learn more about this art, one of the fundamental characteristics of which is that it was the first to yield, sometimes consciously, to snares of the same sort. By studying this art, one discovers artists who, however inflamed with dreams they are, teach us how to live where we are by bringing us into their experience, which is sometimes a deliverance, and an example of successful incarnation. I spent a great deal of time in the company of Piero della Francesca, Bellini, and Bernini. And in Poussin, who came to Italy with ideas, it seems to me, not unlike my own, I recognized a guide along the path toward an acceptance of finitude.

But Armenia! The Armenia of my memories of another life! On the edges of that call from the depths of Italy, and even a bit before, this more ancient Christian civilization was the origin of my idea of the “back country.” It was pictures of churches like those in T’alin, Achtarak, and Odzun, perched in their solitude, that riveted me to this dream, and it was thanks to them that this dream spread out to other regions of this part of the world. And so it was Armenian architecture more than any other art that I should have sought to integrate into ordinary reality, by studying it more seriously and by deepening and diversifying my knowledge of a culture and its artists.

But I never made this effort, and there are good reasons why not. Italian art was easy for me to study, because the books that dealt with it were for the most part in English, French, or Italian, and the Italian had the added advantage of giving me access to its poets, who helped me to enrich my understanding of the works of art in Tuscany, or the Marches, or Rome. From Italy, little by little the field of my interests was only to grow larger and extend to other parts of Europe, which made for more objects of study than I could handle. Armenia, on the other hand, didn’t come to me as Italy did, with words one knows the meanings of, and even their etymologies, which allows one to have some sense of the foundations of thoughts as well as works, and to gauge whether the motivations and intuitions at work in them are still the same for us. My approach to the kingdoms of Armenia was blocked by my ignorance of the language, which I knew I couldn’t even think of learning.

And yet I also know that an unknown language—one draped furthermore in an impenetrable alphabet—can easily rekindle the dream of a transcendental elsewhere, the place, far off, where signs and the absolute fuse. I’m even ready to believe that if I never really tried to study Armenian civilization seriously, it is because some part of me refuses to let go of a kind of dreaming that I have known ever since I began my wanderings in writing, and that may even perhaps be necessary. Poetry, to which I try to remain faithful, means surpassing, deconstructing, the always more or less illusory representations that burden poems but remain a necessary first step in poetic ambition, which can attach itself, as is only natural, to what it will eventually have to combat.

Armenia still troubles me. I realize that she is simply—if I can put it this way—one of the great civilizations of the real world, a place I could go to and meet real people and discuss with them the same problems that exist everywhere else in the world. But I cannot prevent myself from keeping a halo around what I know of her, as if she were the figure of a saint in an icon.

And now I’m being translated into Armenian! My writing, some of the aspects of which Armenia played a role in determining, will be tested by a language that cannot make my dreams its own, unless it can find in them connections to other dreams of a similar sort. A good reason to imagine, therefore, that I cannot be well translated except by someone who is capable, intuitively, of this kind of imagining that is encouraged, then restrained, along the paths of poetry, which can never be followed to their ends. But this intuitive quality is just what makes for the richness of Chouchanik Thamrazian. I will never be able to read in Armenian the translation she has so generously and courageously done of one of my books, but I have confidence in it because I know from firsthand experience that this young writer is a true poet. I found proof through our meetings and letters that her attention is focused on what is—on what is written, and on what is searching within her. That fundamental impatience that sets poetry against so many counterfeit forms of feeling and sensibility is central to her way of looking at things and is at the heart of her magnificent rigor. Her affection both for her own country and for France is obviously operative in all those places between illusion and reality that poetry has an obligation to explore. I thank my translator! Thanks for allowing me to establish with Armenia, which is dear to me, as she is to so many others in France, a relationship that this time is fully real.

I have never been a child on the banks of Lake Van, as someone in me has never stopped telling me I was. I will never be able to visit those churches I saw and continue to see in photographs, though I am convinced they belong at the highest point of artistic possibility. And yet thanks to this translation I can be with you at least a little bit, friends of poetry on Armenian soil.

Yves Bonnefoy (1923–2016) is often acclaimed as one of France’s greatest poets. He published ten major collections of verse, several books of tales, and numerous studies of literature and art, and was a celebrated translator of Shakespeare, Yeats, Keats, and Leopardi. His work has been translated into scores of languages, and he earned many honors, including the European Prize for Poetry (2006) and the Kafka Prize (2007). He succeeded Roland Barthes in the Chair of Comparative Poetics at the Collège de France.

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Armenia is located in the South Caucasus, bordered by Georgia from the north, Iran from the south, Azerbaijan from the north-east and the south-west and Turkey from the west. The Republic of Armenia occupies a territory of 29 800 square km, lying at an average altitude of 1800 meters above sea level. Armenia was the first country in the world that adopted Christianity as a state religion. It happened in 301 AD with the assistance of Gregory the Illuminator and Armenian king Trdat III. The country began the destruction of pagan temples and the construction of Christian churches. The very first was the Echmiadzin Cathedral, which became the first Christian cathedral in the world. You can see this magnificent creation in the town of Echmiadzin, the religious center of all Armenians. Today, religious monuments of Christianity can be seen everywhere throughout Armenia.

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‘Why I Want To Visit Armenia’ Essay Contest Brings Students Together

BY ARA BOYADJIAN

The Visit Armenia, It is Beautiful” project (“VAIIB”) proudly reports the results of its Fifth Essay Contest.

In October 2017, high school students attending various Armenian and Public schools in the Greater Los Angeles area (a total of 20) were invited to participate in the “VISIT ARMENIA, IT IS BEAUTIFUL” essay contest – the fifth contest held in the past ten years. The purpose and goal of the contest is to get young Armenians, living in the Diaspora, to show interest in visiting Armenia. Awakening and encouraging the students’ awareness of the importance of visiting Armenia and how Armenia can benefit, strengthening their urge to visit, transforming that urge to a realization and ultimately creating a lifelong relationship with Armenia is the ultimate mission of the VAIIB project.

Also, while preparing for writing the essay, these high school students have the opportunity to better learn, understand, recognize and acknowledge their roots, heritage and identities and directly connect to their motherland.

Students presented their essays of “Why I want to visit Armenia” in either English or Armenian so that the participants could freely express their thoughts, feelings and reasons why a visit to Armenia is important. This year’s contest required that certain topics be incorporated into the essays. These included two of the following:

Whether you would attend higher education in Armenia – why or why not; What business would you open in Armenia – where, and why; You are part of an architect group – what attraction would you build and where; You are asked to invite two non-Armenians to travel with you to Armenia – who would you take, why and what sights you will show them; You need to create a tourist App – how would you build the App and navigate it.

Over 94 students registered for the essay contest, and 54 submitted essays. The essays were judged by five judges: Capt. Garo Esguijian, Eileen Keusseyan Esq., Bianca Manoukian, Lena Melkonian Esq., and Glendale Council Member Zareh Sinanian, whose identities were first revealed at the awards ceremony held on March 14, 2018.

Over eighty guests attended the award’s ceremony at the “Raffi” Cultural Association. The program started with the National Anthems of the United States of America and the Republic of Armenia beautifully performed by Savannah Minassian, an 11th grade student at Rose and Alex Pilibos Armenian School. A moment of silence followed in memory of February 14, 2018, Parkland Florida tragedy.

Special thanks were extended to all the attending school principals, teachers, educators, as well as the participating students and their parents. The press and media covering the VAIIB events and utilizing the project’s slogan/ logo were also commended. Additionally, the VAIIB Project is thankful for the continued support of Mr. and Mrs. Yeprem and Varsenig Baghboudarian, Mrs. Seta Boyadjian, Capt. Garo Esguijian, Dr. Mrs. Garo and Galia Kassabian, Mrs. Tsolig Khachadourian, Mr. and Mrs. Harout and Vicky Marashlian, Lena Melkonian Esq. of Lena Law, APC., and Mr. and Mrs. Viken and Vartouhi Tavoukjian. This year’s major sponsor the Margarian Law Firm generously provided the monetary awards to the winners. The VAIIB project is also lucky to be supported by Shahe and Sahag Melelian of Arka Photography for documenting all of its events, the “Raffi Cultural Association which has hosted the award’s ceremony for the past 5 contests, and the Western Diocese and Western Prelacy. Gifts were presented to the winners donated by Stepan Partamian of Armenian Arts, Asbarez Newspaper, Sardarabad Book Store, Seeroon Yerertzian-Artist, Harout Pamboukjian, Silva Khatchiguian – Author, California State University of Northridge and Woodbury University. This year, for the first time, the top three winners received scholarship certificates to the American University of Armenia for its summer program.

Savannah graciously expressed her thoughts and feelings about how her family members work diligently in promoting Armenia, the VAIIB project and essay contest, as well as congratulating her fellow students for their accomplishments.

Following the judges’ presentations of their thoughts regarding this year’s essays and encouraging words to the winners to work toward and marshal their ideas and dreams into reality, the authors of the top 4 winning essays read their essays – in no particular winning order. Once the eight honorary mention winners were presented with their certificates, awards and gift bags, the three top winners were revealed for the first time. The first place winner was Vachag Voskian, of AGBU Manoogian Demirdjian School, written in Armenian. The second place winner was Marinor Balozian of Holy Martyrs Ferrahian Armenian School also written in Armenian, Michael Pesnilian from GUSD – Glendale Unified School District, written in English, won third place.

The eight Honorary Mention winners included Anthony Antonyan and Talia Boyadjian from Rose and Alex Pilibos Armenian School; Ovsanna Avetisian, Sevoulig Bastilian and Ani Tchorbajian from Holy Martyrs Ferrahian Armenian School; Alexandra Yaralian from AGBU Manoogian Demirdjian School; Eliza Balian from Burroughs High School in Burbank; and Elizabeth Sexenian from Clark Magnet High School.

It is our belief that the essay contest participants are the future travelers and Ambassadors of Good Will of Armenia, who will also work toward facilitating the goal of the “Visit Armenia, It Is Beautiful” project’s mission and commitment to promote tourism to Armenia thus stimulating and boosting the country’s economy. In doing so, not only will Armenia benefit economically, but this can open doors to encourage reforms and social advancements.

Contributor

Anca-wr welcomes 2018 spring interns.

Ara, You’re doing great job through your VAIIB project. Please don’t stop it, I wish if you run it every year. God bless you and your family.

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My Country Armenia

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In the centre of the square towering over it stands a magnificent building. It houses the Museum of History of Armenia and the National Art Gallery. They are all built in the style of national architecture. In front of the National Gallery there is a beautiful fountain where the townspeople like to walk in hot summer evenings... displayed 300 characters

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This fountain is continued by a series of fountains in the park across the square. Also, Republic Square is the hub of major avenue and streets. The city is climb to the top of the hills, you will see a sweeping panorama. One of them is the Swallow's Fortress park. In the same park you can see the pride of the townspeople-Sports and Concert gall that graces the hill... displayed 300 characters

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Some schools are very strict about their school uniforms and the appearance of their pupils, while other schools have a very relaxed dress code. What are the advantages and disadvantages of having a school uniform?

Some people say that advertising is extremely successful at persuading us to buy things. other people think that advertising is so common that we no longer pay attention to it. discuss both these views and give your own opinion., around the world, people are now living longer than ever before in the past. some say an aging population creates problems for governments. others believe there are benefits to society having more elderly people. to what extent do the advantages of possessing an aging population outweigh the disadvantages, living in a country where you have to speak a foreign language can cause serious social problems, as well as practical problems. to what extent do you agree or disagree with this statement, a person’s worth nowadays seems to be judged according to social status and material possessions. old-fashioned values, such as honour, kindness and trust, no longer seem important. to what extent do you agree or disagree with this opinion give reasons for your answer and include any relevant examples from your own knowledge or experience. write at least 250 words..

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In the centre of the square towering over it stands a magnificent building. It houses the Museum of History of Armenia and the National Art Gallery. They are all built in the style of national architecture. In front of the National Gallery there is a beautiful fountain where the townspeople like to walk in hot summer evenings. This fountain is continued by a series of fountains in the park across the square. Also, Republic Square is the hub of major avenue and streets. The city is climb to the top of the hills, you will see a sweeping panorama. One of them is the Swallow's Fortress park. In the same park you can see the pride of the townspeople-Sports and Concert gall that graces the hill...

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World Bank Armenia Completes the Nation-Wide Essay Competition for Students

How can the Armenian Government overcome the adverse effects of the recent economic crisis? What is the value of forests for Armenia?

These are two of the serious development challenges that the Armenian society is currently facing, and as such, they are also part of the Bank's efforts to support the Government in finding sustainable solutions. Yet, what has brought these two topics together today is not a Bank-Government high-level forum or consultation, but a nationwide students' essay competition that brought just as valuable insights and answers onto the floor.

Roland Avoyan is a 2nd year Bachelor student of Law, and the 3rd award winner for the essays on the economic crisis topic. Still with little practical experience, Roland considers this prize as his first and biggest achievement in the field. His essay stands out as a piece of journalistic article with style and taste for words, flowing smoothly and readable in one breath. "I am very glad that I was able to impress and succeed," rejoices Roland. "Through my essay I was able to express my opinion about the government's measures towards overcoming the crisis and especially about the existing obstacles in Armenia's business environment key to economic growth."

Roland Avoyan

The essay competition that kicked off on February 1, 2011 and closed with an award ceremony on April 28, was a country-wide effort undertaken in the framework of the World Bank Armenia Public Information Services. This initiative aimed at raising more awareness and stimulating discussion among university students on these outstanding national problems vying for long-term solutions that can stick. As citizens of Armenia's second and third generation reforms, it is important that the educated youth of today starts getting involved in policy discussions and thinking of themselves as future change agents and decision makers.

Armine Babakhanyan, Evelina Beknazaryan and Venera Martirosyan as a team are surely one of them. These 2nd year Master's students of Business Administration at the American University of Armenia (AUA) are the champions of the essays on the topic of economic crisis. They submitted a group project, in which Armenia's leadership presents the miracle of the country's economic success at the World Economic Forum - Davos-2016. Their creative approach and demonstration of professional knowledge of the subject matter left us – the jury members - doubtless as who the 1st prize should go to.

"This competition is an opportunity for the Armenian students to voice their ideas and thoughts, by that becoming active players rather than passive observers in the process of our country's development," enthused the winners in sharing with us the joy of their victory. "On the other hand, it gives the government an opportunity to hear how the youth sees the current situation and how they would resolve the problems facing the country. So, what we take home with us from this event is the strong feeling that the Armenian youth can really have a say in the country's development. And, also, when you work hard and believe in yourself, the whole universe contributes to your success."

The review panel was comprised of the World Bank Yerevan Office communications team and the respective operations officers. The process was really meticulous and competitive as the best products had to be selected from among 135 applications that arrived in the course of 1.5 months from a number of universities in the capital city and the regions. Overall, thirteen prizes have been granted, with three of them given as encouragement awards.

Levon Ghukasyan, an award winner for his essay on forests, and a 1st year Master's student at the International Center for Science and Education (National Academy of Sciences) goes about life and builds his relationship with the Nature by taking his cues from the wisdom of an old saying that every man must plant a tree, build a house and have children. Levon believes that preservation of forests and green spaces cannot be made possible only by state-imposed policies, but also the individual's personal culture and lifestyle. "I care a lot about Armenia's forests, and I felt obligated to participate in this competition. I felt that I had to write on this subject. Projects like this will make our youth more aware of the importance of the issue and get them more involved in it," Levon concludes.

The authors of the best two essays presented their works at the April 28 award ceremony, in which journalists from a few national media and the staff of the World Bank Yerevan Office were present. Naira Melkumyan, Acting Country Manager for Armenia, and Artavazd Hakobyan, Operations Officer, handed the certificates 1 . "I am so much pleased and proud to see how smart and creative you - young students - are. And that gives me confidence that your generation can build a better society and a better country," Naira Melkumyan mentioned in her welcoming remarks.

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Essays on My Country

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Some of you might know me by my birth name, Gaius Octavius Thurinus, or Augustus meaning “the revered one” the title I have earned and have been granted by the senate of Rome. I’m the first emperor of Rome, and of course many of you might also recognize me as the nephew of my great uncle Julius Caesar. I’ve been ruling Rome from 27 BC – 14AD. It almost feels as I have been supporting Rome since 63 BC the year I was born.

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Descriptive Essay: My Beloved Country

My country, the United States of America, or ‘The Land of the Free’ as I like to call it, has come a long way since 1607. Significant events like the American Revolution, Declaration of independence and the issue of slavery have shaped my country into what it is today – a land for everyone. By the way, it may sound interesting that the Declaration of Independence was actually written on hemp paper.

America is the fourth largest country in the world in terms of area and occupies the third spot in terms of population. Although America has no official language at the national level, 80% of its population aged five years or more speaks only English at home. Spanish is the second most common language and is also the language that is most widely taught as a second language.

Since it is a land of great opportunities, there is a large immigrant population from many countries that has settled here making it one of the most ethnically diverse countries in the world. Despite this diversity in terms of culture, sect, and religion, America is a peaceful place with something for everybody. All people have the right to be hard in court and differences are normally settled peacefully using existing laws.

America has 50 states that combine to form the federal union. The US operates under a two party system, the Democrats and the Republicans. It is a capitalist economy that is fueled by abundance of natural resources. US is the largest importer of goods in the world while in terms of the amount of goods exported, it occupies the second spot.

We boast a number of great scientists that have changed the way we live. From Graham Bell’s invention of telephone to Thomas Edison’s first light bulb, Americans have been the frontrunners when it comes to technological innovation. We also have America to thank for the internet. It first started as ARPANET and was a project of the US defense department. However, it has evolved with time, and today, nearly every household has access to the internet making the world a global village.

When it comes to quality education, America is the most popular choice in the world. The US spends more on education per student than any other country in the world. Its institutes of higher education have an esteemed place among universities in the world. Every year, America attracts a crop of the most intelligent students from around the world with different scholarship programs.

America is a free country. It does not discriminate among people. If we were not free, our ignorance would cause us to hate or destroy the each other. Even though Christianity is the religion practiced by the majority of the population, there is no discrimination based on religion. My country has given me the tolerance to mix with other cultures and the courage to stand up for my rights. Surely, there is a long list of why I love my country, and will continue to do so until I take my last breath.

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My Country Essay

India has such a deep history and culture that one will become lost in its beauty while looking for it. India is a nation renowned for its cultural richness, delicious cuisine, and friendly people. Here are a few sample essays on the topic ‘My Country’.

100 Words Essay On My Country

Indian culture plays a significant role in people's lives. With its vibrant culture, cuisine, history, and traditions, it makes people's lives happier. Despite the fact that it is recognised as the birthplace of Buddhism and Hinduism, all people of all faiths coexist harmoniously in this region. People fall head over heels in love with India's diverse cuisine and spices, which are famous worldwide. Along with the well-known Taj Mahal, it features amazing architecture and monuments. It has given the world many things, like ayurveda, zero, yoga, and many others. The diverse set of values distinguishes India from other countries of the world.

200 Words Essay On My Country

India, also known as Hindustan, is the biggest democracy in the world. It is a secular and democratic country, meaning that the citizens of India have the right to vote in choosing their leaders. India is known as a country with "Unity in diversity". It means that people with different cultures and traditions speaking different languages live together. India is bounded in the north by the snow-capped Himalayas and in the south by Sri Lanka and the Indian Ocean. In the east by the Bay of Bengal and in the west by the Arabian Sea.

India shares its borders with countries like Pakistan, Afghanistan, China, Nepal, Bhutan, Myanmar and Bangladesh. India is one of the oldest civilisations in the world. It has been recorded as the second most populous country after China.

India has immensely contributed to the fields of literature and science. Authors like Rabindranath Tagore, Ruskin Bond, Kiran Desai and many more have contributed largely to Indian literature. In the field of science, India made advancements in nuclear physics, astrophysics and so on. India attracts tourists due to its rich heritage and beautiful climate. India today is striving to become a global leader and a force to be reckoned with.

500 Words Essay On My Country

India is my motherland and I recognise myself as an Indian before anything else. India is also known as ‘Bharat’ and ‘Hindustan’, it is the biggest democracy in the world. It is known for its vast diversity and rich culture. India is one of the world's oldest civilisations, dating back over 4000 years. India is home to many renowned artists, chivalrous warriors and leaders who have contributed largely to making India what it is today.

Political Scenario | 'Unity in diversity' is the best phrase to explain the vast diversity present in our country. People of various cultures, speaking different languages, reside in India. India is a sovereign, socialist, secular, democratic, republic with a parliamentary government. This means that a Council of Ministers headed by the Prime Minister advises the President, the constitutional head of the country. Indians elect their leaders and are free to do anything they desire but under the confines of the law.

Indian History | India's history is divided into ancient, medieval, and modern history. The ancient period began in prehistoric times and ended in the Gupta period. The Middle Ages began in the Post Gupta period and ended with the arrival of the Europeans. From 1858 to 1947, the British ruled India and were exploiting its rich culture and wealth, leading to extreme poverty among the Indians. Then started the Modern period, which was marked by the advent of new technologies, discoveries and ideas.

India's Beauty | India is a country with beautiful landmarks and heritage. Each state of India has its history. Some of the famous landmarks of India are the Taj Mahal, the Jagannath Temple, the Gateway of India, the Red Fort, Qutub Minar, the golden temple, the Sanchi Stupa and so on. There are several tourist attractions in India which people visit during their holidays. Kashmir, Puri, Darjeeling, Kerala, Shillong, Goa, Andaman and Nicobar island are some of those.

Technological Advancements | India is not lagging behind anymore when it comes to technological advancements and science. India has immensely contributed to science and technology in the past few years. Technology has played an important role in boosting India's economy. The growth in this field ponders on the evolution of Indian scientific research. India has contributed on the grounds of astronomy, nuclear physics, astrophysics and many more. Indians take immense pride in their country for its rich diversity and aims to preserve India's heritage.

India During Pandemic

India has the second-largest population in the world and yet it managed the COVID-19 pandemic admirably with its vaccines Covaxin and CoverShield, which protected everyone from the deadly virus. India put a lot of effort towards developing the domestic market with all the Covid-19-related supplies during the pandemic.

India introduced the following protocols and procedures to effectively handle the pandemic situation—

India introduced early bidding procedures and quality assurance protocols.

Efficient supply chain management system was established based on computerised models that help predict cases and hospitalisations, including interprovincial oxygen and intensive care unit requirements based on epidemiological trends.

Expeditious and quality-assured move of COVID products to government e-procurement sites was established which enabled states to access these products at competitive prices without going through a bidding process.

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My Country Myanmar – Land of Golden Pagodas

Our Country Our Country, the Union of Myanmar, is known as the land of golden pagodas. Myanmar is surrounded by big countries like China in the north and India and Bengladish to the west. Thailand and laos lie to the east of Myanmar and the south is the east of Myanmar and the south is the sea. Its area is about 676553 square kilometers, and it is the second largest country in Southeast Asia after Indonesia. Although it is still a developing country, we can say it has good neighbours, great resources and beautiful natural surroundings.

And, Myanmar is divided into seven states and seven divisions. There are althogether 135 ethnic groups, like Kachin, Kayar, Kayin, Chin, Bamar, Mon, Rakhine, Shan, Palaung, Paoh and different races like Chinese and Indians, living in unity. Our country is situated near the Bay of Bengal, it has monsoon climate. It is colder in the north than in the south, and the central region is dry. It has three separated seasons, the hot season, the rainy season and the cold season (winter). Each season lasts about four months.

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The hot season begins in February and ends in May. The rainy season is from June to September. The cold season starts in October and ends is January. The hot season is the most unfavourable season in our country as it is the most unpleasant time to live. It is really hot, dry and dusty. The lakes and wells dry up in this season. Leaves fall from trees, making some trees bare with dry branches till the middle of the season. New buds come out after that and make them look pleasant thought.

People have to cool themselves in various ways using fans, air-cons, and travelling and staying in summer resorts like Pyin Oo Lwin and Kalaw. In spite of the annoying heat, there are festivals like Water Festival, Kason water Sprinkling Festival and Pagoda Festival, which can release the people from the extreme weather. The Thingyan is one of the most enjoyable festivals in this season. After the hot season, it is the rainy season. In this season, it is very wet and some places are very muddy. The trees and leaves turn very green as their original colour returns when the dust is removed.

Sometimes, it is very frightening because of the thunder, lightning, storms and floods. But, farmers expect the rain to start growing paddy, and rainwater is essential for everyone to live. The next season to come is the cold season. It is quite pleasant and cold in most parts of our country. Flowers bloom beautifully under the mist and fruits and vegetables are abundant in this season. People take exercise and walk in the early morning to get fresh air. Sporting events like marathon, running and walking races are held throughout the world.

Religious Lighting Festival, Tazaungdine also falls in this season and it is very delightful to see the surroundings with colourful lights. After enjoying the Christmas festival and hailing the new year, our Independence Day tournaments which are also full of fun and merry-making arrive on the fourth of January. It is the best time of the year in our country as the weather is neither hot nor wet. Our country has four important rivers, called the Ayeyarwady, the Chinwin, the Thanlwin and the Sittaung. They are a great help in transportation and make it possible to grow different kinds of crops.

As our country is an agricultural country, we grow rice, and crops the whole year round, and export rice, beam, prawns and fishes. It is also full of mineral resources like Jade, sapphire, ruby, gold, silver and various kinds of metal. Myanmar pearl is also world famous for its quality. In the forests, we have abundant supply of teak, ironwood and other kinds of hard wood. Myanmar woven clothes and handicrafts like tapestries, lacquerwares, sculptures of various kinds of wood and other wares also reflect the culture of Myanmar people.

The national museum, Planetarium Yangon Zoological graden, Hlawga Wildlife park, Aquarium lakes, amusement parks, natural caves, waterfalls, bird sanctuaries, mountain resorts, summer resorts, various creeks and rivers and botanical gardens are the countless attraction of Myanmar, our country. However, as it was once a colony of the British and the Japanese the people were influenced by different missions of different religions So, there are some Christians, Hindus and Muslims. But, our country have independent since 1954. So, the other religions live together peacefully under the teachings f different religions So, one can see various sizes, styles and shapes of pagodas, images, monasteries, churches, temples and mosques everywhere in our country, Myanmar. The capital of our country is Yangon and, Mandalay is the second largest city and the last capital of Myanmar kings. Naypyitaw is also the large and important city for our country. Bagan is the most famous places with thousands of pagodas. It is very attractive for all people because we can see most of the religious relics and buildings. It is also attractive for foreigners because it has ancient culture, arts and crafts.

Bagan is situated on the east bank of the Ayeyarwady in central Myanmar. It is about 5 kilometers south of Nyaung Oo. Its area is about 16 square miles and it has a hot and dry climate. It was the capital of the Myanmar kingdom during the Bagan dynasty which was from 11th to 13th centuries. It became the centre of Buddhism after King Anawrahta attacked Thaton in 1057 and brought to Bagan the Buddhist monk, Shin Arahan, the sacred Pitakas and the sacred Pali language. Bagan has always been famous for its ancient pagodas and monuments and is recognized by the world’s travellers as one of the world’s wonders.

The architecture and the artistry of the craftsmen show Myanmar’s wounderful achievement in arts and crafts. The lacquareware of Bagan is still very much in use, and stands as a traditional attraction for all of us. There are also places of interest like the Bagan Archaeological Museum, the Myanmar handicraft shops and many other antique shops. Today, Bagan has become a tourist attraction because of its archeological sites and unspoilt beauty. It is such as attractive place for both natives and foreigners. The Shwedagon Pagoda is the most ancient historical pagoda in Myanmar.

The history of the Shwedagon says that the Gotama Buddha gave eight hair relics to the two brothers, Taphussa and Ballika, who went to India as traders. They brought the relics to their hometown, Okkalapa, now known as Yangon. They gave the sacred relics to the king of Okkalapa. The king and the citizen built the first pagoda in Myanmar. This pagoda, known as the Shwedagon, enshrines not only the eight hair relics of Gotama Buddha but also the relics of Kakusam Buddha, Konagan Buddha and Kassapa Buddha. So, it is regarded as the most sacred pagoda. This pagoda was rebuilt and enlarged by later kings.

The last person to rebuilt the pagoda to the present size and shape was Queen Shin Saw Pu. The pagoda is 326 feet tall and its circumference at the base is 1420 feet. Its festival is celebrated every year in the last month of the Myanmar calendar called Tabaung. It is celebrated for seven days culminating on the full-moon day of Tabaung. The Pagoda is covered with gold from top to bottom. It glitters in the sun-light like solid gold. It is well known not only in Myanmar but also in the whole world and many pilgrims from all over Myanmar as well as from abroad have visited the Shwedagon.

There are also many other places of interest in Myanmar, our country. Inlay is one of the most beautiful places in Myanmar. Most of the people who live there are Shans, Pa-ohs, and Danus. They are hospitable and honest. Inlay is a big lake with floating islands. Various kinds of vegetables are grown there. Vegetables are fresh, cheap and plentiful. People in Inlay have a market day every five days. It is very crowded with people selling and buying all kinds of goods, in moving boats. Their lives in boats are very interesting. There are only two places in the world where people row the boats with their legs.

One is in Venice, Italy and the other is in Inlay. That is why Inlay is known as Venice of the east. As it is in Shan State, the weather is cool and pleasant. We can also enjoy ourselves by taking a motor boat ride on the lake. It is very exciting to feed the sea-gulls from a moving boat because they sometimes bite our fingers. The famous Phaung Daw Oo Pagoda is in Inlay so we can go on a pilgrimage there. Its festival is held in October and people from all over the country go there to pay homage to the images of Buddha. There are many beautiful and pleasant places which are worth visiting and seeing in Myanmar.

Pyin Oo Lwin is a hill station. It is 42 miles from Mandalays. The sight of the blue mountains and green valleys along the way is pleasant. It is a quiet town with beautiful gardens. The streets are clean and less crowded and there is hardly any noisy traffic except in the town centre. The atmosphere is peaceful and the climate is pleasant. It is refreshing to go for a walk in the early morning. It is cold during the winter months and cool in summer months. In the evening, the breeze often brings its sweet smell, and the air is clean. Fruits and vegetables are cheap and plentiful the whole year round.

The main attraction of Pyin Oo Lwin is the famous National Kandawgyi Garden. There, we can see real natural beauty and different varieties of the most beautiful and colourful flowers in Myanmar. The Pwe Kauk water fall is the place where families have their meals enjoying the beautiful views. We can go on to visit the Maha Arnthtoo Kantha Pagoda and pay homage to the Buddha image. Many visitors take photographs at the Peit Chin Hmyaung Cave which is the pride and wonder of the town, Pyin Oo Lwin. The cool breeze and the beautiful landscape attract many holiday – makers.

Natural beaches like Ngapali, Ngwe Saung, Kan Thar Yar, Chaung Thar and Maungmakan are also natural unspoilt places where we can get perfect peace and relax ourselves. Myanmars are carefree and fun-loving people. So, there are many festivals in our country for the whole year round. Among them, the Thingyan Festival is the most famous and the year’s greatest event. It is also the most enjoyable festival in our country. The Thingyan marks the end of the old year and welcomes a new one. It usually last for three or four days. During the festival, people throw water on one another. It means washing away the impurities of the old year.

People of different ages, young and old, take part in it. People set up pandals or stages and throw water and revellers who go round the city in open cars. Most of the revellers are teenagers and children get lots of fun, playing in the wet. Water-throwing, shouting and teasing are accepted as a natural process during Thingyan. People get into a forgiving mood and even mere strangers treat each other as long-lost brothers. No one seems to be angry for being wet. We can watch many stage shows and dance shows everywhere. It is not only a time for doing good things. Old people go to pagodas and monasteries to meditate or keep Sabbath.

Young people wash the hair of the elders and cut their nails. Most people avoid doing bad things during this period. The whole country is alive with fun and activities. Thingyan is the festival in which we can get the greatest fun for the longest period. The Myanmar people are kind, hospital and generous. They are also simple, honest, helpful and friendly. In fact, they are peace-loving people. It has an international air-port and a beautiful port for ocean lines. It is also the gateway into Myanmar. We can be proud of our tradition and culture, and Myanmar is self sufficient. It also produces building materials such as wood and bamboo.

There are also many scenic places and pleasant beaches which are very attractive for tourists. People in our country love, regarded by foreigners as helpful, smiling and even easy-going people mistakenly. In fact, Myanmar people are simple and loving. They are also hardworking. Although Myanmar is a developing country, there are a lot of natural resources that we haven’t explored and places of interest to be renovated and attract the tourists. With the improvement of modern technology, we will be able to discover all these and apply for the all-round development of our country, Myanmar. Presented by, 2 GC – 19 Ma Hnin Ei Khaing TU (HINTHATA)

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He is dangerous in word, deed and action

He puts self over country, he loathes the laws we live by, donald trump is unfit to lead.

The editorial board is a group of opinion journalists whose views are informed by expertise, research, debate and certain longstanding values . It is separate from the newsroom.

Next week, for the third time in eight years, Donald Trump will be nominated as the Republican Party’s candidate for president of the United States. A once great political party now serves the interests of one man, a man as demonstrably unsuited for the office of president as any to run in the long history of the Republic, a man whose values, temperament, ideas and language are directly opposed to so much of what has made this country great.

It is a chilling choice against this national moment. For more than two decades, large majorities of Americans have said they are dissatisfied with the direction of the country, and the post-Covid era of stubborn inflation, high interest rates, social division and political stagnation has left many voters even more frustrated and despondent.

The Republican Party once pursued electoral power in service to solutions for such problems, to building “the shining city on a hill,” as Ronald Reagan liked to say. Its vision of the United States — embodied in principled public servants like George H.W. Bush, John McCain and Mitt Romney — was rooted in the values of freedom, sacrifice, individual responsibility and the common good. The party’s conception of those values was reflected in its longstanding conservative policy agenda, and today many Republicans set aside their concerns about Mr. Trump because of his positions on immigration, trade and taxes. But the stakes of this election are not fundamentally about policy disagreements. The stakes are more foundational: what qualities matter most in America’s president and commander in chief.

Mr. Trump has shown a character unworthy of the responsibilities of the presidency. He has demonstrated an utter lack of respect for the Constitution, the rule of law and the American people. Instead of a cogent vision for the country’s future, Mr. Trump is animated by a thirst for political power: to use the levers of government to advance his interests, satisfy his impulses and exact retribution against those who he thinks have wronged him.

He is, quite simply, unfit to lead.

The Democrats are rightly engaged in their own debate about whether President Biden is the right person to carry the party’s nomination into the election, given widespread concerns among voters about his age-related fitness. This debate is so intense because of legitimate concerns that Mr. Trump may present a danger to the country, its strength, security and national character — and that a compelling Democratic alternative is the only thing that would prevent his return to power. It is a national tragedy that the Republicans have failed to have a similar debate about the manifest moral and temperamental unfitness of their standard-bearer, instead setting aside their longstanding values, closing ranks and choosing to overlook what those who worked most closely with the former president have described as his systematic dishonesty, corruption, cruelty and incompetence.

That task now falls to the American people. We urge voters to see the dangers of a second Trump term clearly and to reject it. The stakes and significance of the presidency demand a person who has essential qualities and values to earn our trust, and on each one, Donald Trump fails.

Moral Fitness Matters

Presidents are confronted daily with challenges that require not just strength and conviction but also honesty, humility, selflessness, fortitude and the perspective that comes from sound moral judgment.

If Mr. Trump has these qualities, Americans have never seen them in action on behalf of the nation’s interests. His words and actions demonstrate a disregard for basic right and wrong and a clear lack of moral fitness for the responsibilities of the presidency.

He lies blatantly and maliciously, embraces racists , abuses women and has a schoolyard bully’s instinct to target society’s most vulnerable. He has delighted in coarsening and polarizing the town square with ever more divisive and incendiary language. Mr. Trump is a man who craves validation and vindication, so much that he would prefer a hostile leader’s lies to his own intelligence agencies’ truths and would shake down a vulnerable ally for short-term political advantage . His handling of everything from routine affairs to major crises was undermined by his blundering combination of impulsiveness, insecurity and unstudied certainty.

This record shows what can happen to a country led by such a person: America’s image, credibility and cohesion were relentlessly undermined by Mr. Trump during his term.

None of his wrongful actions are so obviously discrediting as his determined and systematic attempts to undermine the integrity of elections — the most basic element of any democracy — an effort that culminated in an insurrection at the Capitol to obstruct the peaceful transfer of power.

On Jan. 6, 2021, Mr. Trump incited a mob to violence with hateful lies, then stood by for hours as hundreds of his supporters took his word and stormed the Capitol with the aim of terrorizing members of Congress into keeping him in office. He praised these insurrectionists and called them patriots; today he gives them a starring role at campaign rallies, playing a rendition of the national anthem sung by inmates involved with Jan. 6., and he has promised to consider pardoning the rioters if re-elected. He continues to wrong the country and its voters by lying about the 2020 election, branding it stolen, despite the courts, the Justice Department and Republican state officials disputing him. No man fit for the presidency would flog such pernicious and destructive lies about democratic norms and values, but the Trumpian hunger for vindication and retribution has no moral center.

To vest such a person with the vast powers of the presidency is to endanger American interests and security at home as well as abroad. The nation’s commander in chief must uphold the oath to “preserve, protect and defend the Constitution.” It is the closest thing that this secular nation has to a sacred trust. The president has several duties and powers that are his alone: He has the sole authority to launch a nuclear weapon. He has the authority to send American troops into harm’s way and to authorize the use of lethal force against individuals and other nations. Americans who serve in the military also take an oath to defend the Constitution, and they rely on their commander in chief to take that oath as seriously as they do.

Mr. Trump has shown, repeatedly, that he does not. On numerous occasions, he asked his defense secretary and commanders in the American armed forces to violate that oath. On other occasions, he demanded that members of the military violate norms that preserve the dignity of the armed services and protect the military from being used for political purposes. They largely refused these illegal and immoral orders, as the oath requires.

The lack of moral grounding undermines Mr. Trump even in areas where voters view him as stronger and trust him more than Mr. Biden, like immigration and crime. Veering into a kind of brutal excess that is, at best, immoral and, at worst, unconstitutional, he has said that undocumented immigrants were “ poisoning the blood of our country ,” and his advisers say he would aim to round them up in mass detention camps and end birthright citizenship . He has indicated that, if faced with episodes of rioting or crime surges, he would unilaterally send troops into American cities. He has asked aides if the United States could shoot migrants below the waist to slow them down, and he has said that he would use the Insurrection Act to deploy the military against protesters.

During his time in office, none of those things happened because there were enough people in military leadership with the moral fitness to say “no” to such illegal orders. But there are good reasons to worry about whether that would happen again, as Mr. Trump works harder to surround himself with people who enable rather than check his most insidious impulses.

The Supreme Court, with its ruling on July 1 granting presidents “absolute immunity” for official acts, has removed an obstacle to Mr. Trump’s worst impulses: the threat of legal consequences. What remains is his own sense of right and wrong. Our country’s future is too precious to rely on such a broken moral compass.

Principled Leadership Matters

Republican presidents and presidential candidates have used their leadership at critical moments to set a tone for society to live up to. Mr. Reagan faced down totalitarianism in the 1980s, appointed the first woman to the Supreme Court and worked with Democrats on bipartisan tax and immigration reforms. George H.W. Bush signed the Americans With Disabilities Act and decisively defended an ally, Kuwait, against Iraqi aggression. George W. Bush, for all his failures after Sept. 11, did not stoke hate against or demonize Muslims or Islam.

As a candidate during the 2008 race, Mr. McCain spoke out when his fellow conservatives spread lies about his opponent, Barack Obama. Mr. Romney was willing to sacrifice his standing and influence in the party he once represented as a presidential nominee, by boldly calling out Mr. Trump’s failings and voting for his removal from office.

These acts of leadership are what it means to put country first, to think beyond oneself.

Mr. Trump has demonstrated contempt for these American ideals. He admires autocrats, from Viktor Orban to Vladimir Putin to Kim Jong-un. He believes in the strongman model of power — a leader who makes things happen by demanding it, compelling agreement through force of will or personality. In reality, a strongman rules through fear and the unprincipled use of political might for self-serving ends, imposing poorly conceived policies that smother innovation, entrepreneurship, ideas and hope.

During his four years in office, Mr. Trump tried to govern the United States as a strongman would, issuing orders or making decrees on Twitter. He announced sudden changes in policy — on who can serve in the military , on trade policy, on how the United States deals with North Korea or Russia — without consulting experts on his staff about how these changes would affect America. Indeed, nowhere did he put his political or personal interests above the national interest more tragically than during the pandemic , when he faked his way through a crisis by touting conspiracy theories and pseudoscience while ignoring the advice of his own experts and resisting basic safety measures that would have saved lives.

He took a similar approach to America’s strategic relationships abroad. Mr. Trump lost the trust of America’s longstanding allies, especially in NATO, leaving Europe less secure and emboldening the far right and authoritarian leaders in Europe, Latin America and Asia. He pulled out of the Iran nuclear deal, leaving that country, already a threat to the world, more dangerous, thanks to a revived program that has achieved near-weapons-grade uranium.

In a second term, his willingness to appease Mr. Putin would leave Ukraine’s future as a democratic and independent country in doubt. Mr. Trump implies that he could single-handedly end the catastrophic war in Gaza but has no real plan. He has suggested that in a second term he’d increase tariffs on Chinese goods to 60 percent or higher and that he would put a 10 percent tariff on all imported goods, moves that would raise prices for American consumers and reduce innovation by allowing U.S. industries to rely on protectionism instead.

The worst of the Trump administration’s policies were often blocked by Congress, by court challenges and by the objections of honorable public servants who stepped in to thwart his demands when they were irresponsible or did not follow the law. When Mr. Trump wanted an end to Obamacare, a single Republican senator, Mr. McCain, saved it, preserving health care for millions of Americans. Mr. Trump demanded that James Comey, his F.B.I. director, pledge loyalty to him and end an investigation into a political ally; Mr. Comey refused. Scientists and public health officials called out and corrected his misinformation about climate science and Covid. The Supreme Court sided against the Trump administration more times than any other president since at least Franklin D. Roosevelt.

A second Trump administration would be different. He intends to fill his administration with sycophants, those who have shown themselves willing to obey Mr. Trump’s demands or those who lack the strength to stand up to him. He wants to remove those who would be obstacles to his agenda, by enacting an order to make it easier to fire civil servants and replace them with those more loyal to him.

This means not only that Americans would lose the benefit of their expertise but also that America would be governed in a climate of fear, in which government employees must serve the interests of the president rather than the public. All cabinet secretaries follow a president’s lead, but Mr. Trump envisions a nation in which public service as Americans understand it would cease to exist — where individual civil servants and departments could no longer make independent decisions and where research by scientists and public health experts and investigations by the Justice Department and others in federal law enforcement would be more malleable to the demands of the White House.

Another term under Mr. Trump’s leadership would risk doing permanent damage to our government. As Mr. Comey, a longtime Republican, wrote in a 2019 guest essay for Times Opinion, “Accomplished people lacking inner strength can’t resist the compromises necessary to survive Mr. Trump and that adds up to something they will never recover from.” Very few who serve under him can avoid this fate “because Mr. Trump eats your soul in small bites,” Mr. Comey wrote. “Of course, to stay, you must be seen as on his team, so you make further compromises. You use his language, praise his leadership, tout his commitment to values. And then you are lost. He has eaten your soul.” America will get nowhere with a strongman. It needs a strong leader.

Character Matters

Character is the quality that gives a leader credibility, authority and influence. During the 2016 campaign, Mr. Trump’s petty attacks on his opponents and their families led many Republicans to conclude that he lacked such character. Other Republicans, including those who supported the former president’s policies in office, say they can no longer in good conscience back him for the presidency. “It’s a job that requires the kind of character he just doesn’t have,” Paul Ryan, a former Republican House speaker, said of Mr. Trump in May .

Those who know Mr. Trump’s character best — the people he appointed to serve in the most important positions of his White House — have expressed grave doubts about his fitness for office.

His former chief of staff John Kelly, a retired four-star Marine Corps general, described Mr. Trump as “a person who admires autocrats and murderous dictators. A person that has nothing but contempt for our democratic institutions, our Constitution and the rule of law.” Bill Barr, whom Mr. Trump appointed as attorney general, said of him , “He will always put his own interest and gratifying his own ego ahead of everything else, including the country’s interest.” James Mattis, a retired four-star Marine general who served as defense secretary, said , “Donald Trump is the first president in my lifetime who does not try to unite the American people — does not even pretend to try.”

Mike Pence, Mr. Trump’s vice president, has disavowed him. No other vice president in modern American history has done this. “I believe that anyone who puts themselves over the Constitution should never be president of the United States,” Mr. Pence has said . “And anyone who asked someone else to put them over the Constitution should never be president of the United States again.”

These are hardly exceptions. In any other American administration, a single cabinet-level defection is rare. But an unprecedented number of Mr. Trump’s appointees have publicly criticized his leadership, opposed his 2024 presidential candidacy or ducked questions about his fitness for a second term. More than a dozen of his most senior appointees — those he chose to work alongside him and who saw his performance most closely — have spoken out against him, serving as witnesses about the kind of leader he is.

There are many ways to judge leaders’ character; one is to see whether they accept responsibility for their actions. As a general rule, Mr. Trump abhors accountability. If he loses, the election is rigged. If he is convicted, it’s because the judges are out to get him. If he doesn’t get his way in a deal, as happened multiple times with Congress in his term, he shuts down the government or threatens to.

Americans do not expect their presidents to be perfect; many of them have exhibited hubris, self-regard, arrogance and other character flaws. But the American system of government is more than just the president: It is a system of checks and balances, and it relies on everyone in government to intervene when a president’s personal failings might threaten the common good.

Mr. Trump tested those limits as president, and little has changed about him in the four years since he lost re-election. He tries to intimidate anyone with the temerity to testify as a witness against him. He attacks the integrity of judges who are doing their duty to hold him accountable to the law. He mocks those he dislikes and lies about those who oppose him and targets Republicans for defeat if they fail to bend the knee.

It may be tempting for Americans to believe that a second Trump presidency would be much like the first, with the rest of government steeled to protect the country and resist his worst impulses. But the strongman needs others to be weak, and Mr. Trump is surrounding himself with yes men.

The American public has a right to demand more from their president and those who would serve under him.

A President’s Words Matter

When America saw white nationalists and neo-Nazis march through the streets of Charlottesville, Va., in 2017 and activists were rallying against racism, Mr. Trump spoke of “very fine people on both sides.” When he was pressed about the white supremacist Proud Boys during a 2020 debate, Mr. Trump told them to “stand back and stand by,” a request that, records show, they took literally in deciding to storm Congress. This winter, the former president urged Iowans to vote for him and score a victory over their fellow Americans — “all of the liars, cheaters, thugs, perverts, frauds, crooks, freaks, creeps.” And in a Veterans Day speech in New Hampshire, he used the word “vermin,” a term he has deployed to describe both immigrants and political opponents.

What a president says reflects on the United States and the kind of society we aspire to be.

In 2022 this board raised an urgent alarm about the rising threat of political violence in the United States and what Americans could do to stop it. At the time, Mr. Trump was preparing to declare his intention to run for president again, and the Republican Party was in the middle of a fight for control, between Trumpists and those who were ready to move on from his destructive leadership. This struggle within the party has consequences for all Americans. “A healthy democracy requires both political parties to be fully committed to the rule of law and not to entertain or even tacitly encourage violence or violent speech,” we wrote.

A large faction of one party in our country fails that test, and that faction, Mr. Trump’s MAGA extremists, now control the party and its levers of power. There are many reasons his conquest of the Republican Party is bad for American democracy, but one of the most significant is that those extremists have often embraced violent speech or the belief in using violence to achieve their political goals. This belief led to the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol, and it has resulted in a rising number of threats against judges, elected officials and prosecutors.

This threat cannot be separated from Mr. Trump’s use of language to encourage violence, to dehumanize groups of people and to spread lies. A study by researchers at the University of California, Davis, released in October 2022, came to the conclusion that MAGA Republicans (as opposed to those who identified themselves as traditional Republicans) “are more likely to hold extreme and racist beliefs, to endorse political violence, to see such violence as likely to occur and to predict that they will be armed under circumstances in which they consider political violence to be justified.”

The Republican Party had an opportunity to renounce Trumpism; it has submitted to it. Republican leaders have had many opportunities to repudiate his violent discourse and make clear that it should have no place in political life; they failed to. Sizable numbers of voters in Republican primaries abandoned Mr. Trump for other candidates, and independent and undecided voters have said that Mr. Trump’s language has alienated them from his candidacy.

But with his nomination by his party all but assured, Mr. Trump has become even more reckless in employing extreme and violent speech, such as his references to executing generals who raise questions about his actions. He has argued, before the Supreme Court, that he should have the right to assassinate a political rival and face no consequences.

The Rule of Law Matters

The danger from these foundational failings — of morals and character, of principled leadership and rhetorical excess — is never clearer than in Mr. Trump’s disregard for rule of law, his willingness to do long-term damage to the integrity of America’s systems for short-term personal gain.

As we’ve noted, Mr. Trump’s disregard for democracy was most evident in his attempts to overturn the results of the 2020 election and to encourage violence to stop the peaceful transfer of power. What stood in his way were the many patriotic Americans, at every level of government, who rejected his efforts to bully them into complying with his demands to change election results. Instead, they followed the rules and followed the law. This respect for the rule of law, not the rule of men, is what has allowed American democracy to survive for more than 200 years.

In the four years since losing the election, Mr. Trump has become only more determined to subvert the rule of law, because his whole theory of Trumpism boils down to doing whatever he wants without consequence. Americans are seeing this unfold as Mr. Trump attempts to fight off numerous criminal charges. Not content to work within the law to defend himself, he is instead turning to sympathetic judges — including two Supreme Court justices with apparent conflicts over the 2020 election and Jan. 6-related litigation. The playbook: delay federal prosecution until he can win election and end those legal cases. His vision of government is one that does what he wants, rather than a government that operates according to the rule of law as prescribed by the Constitution, the courts and Congress.

As divided as America is, people across the political spectrum generally recoil from rigged rules, favoritism, self-dealing and abuse of power. Our country has been so stable for so long in part because most Americans and most American leaders follow the rules or face the consequences.

So much in the past two decades has tested these norms in our society — the invasion of Iraq under false pretenses, the failures that led to the 2008 financial crisis and the recession that followed, the pandemic and all the fractures and inequities that it revealed. We need a recommitment to the rule of law and the values of fair play. This election is a moment for Americans to decide whether we will keep striving for those ideals.

Mr. Trump rejects them. If he is re-elected, America will face a new and precarious future, one that it may not be prepared for. It is a future in which intelligence agencies would be judged not according to whether they preserved national security but by whether they served Mr. Trump’s political agenda. It means that prosecutors and law enforcement officials would be judged not according to whether they follow the law to keep Americans safe but by whether they obey his demands to “go after” political enemies. It means that public servants would be judged not according to their dedication or skill but by whether they show sufficient loyalty to him and his MAGA agenda.

Even if Mr. Trump’s vague policy agenda would not be fulfilled, he could rule by fear. The lesson of other countries shows that when a bureaucracy is politicized or pressured, the best public servants will run for the exits.

This is what has already happened in Mr. Trump’s Republican Party, with principled leaders and officials retiring, quitting or facing ouster. In a second term, he intends to do that to the whole of government.

Election Day is less than four months away. The case against Mr. Trump is extensive, and this board urges Americans to perform a simple act of civic duty in an election year: Listen to what Mr. Trump is saying, pay attention to what he did as president and allow yourself to truly inhabit what he has promised to do if returned to office.

Voters frustrated by inflation and immigration or attracted by the force of Mr. Trump’s personality should pause and take note of his words and promises. They have little to do with unity and healing and a lot to do with making the divisions and anger in our society wider and more intense than they already are.

The Republican Party is making its choice next week; soon all Americans will be able to make their own choice. What would Mr. Trump do in a second term? He has told Americans who he is and shown them what kind of leader he would be.

When someone fails so many foundational tests, you don’t give him the most important job in the world.

From top, photographs and video by Damon Winter/The New York Times (2) and Jay Turner Frey Seawell (5).

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