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Ancient Rome

By: History.com Editors

Updated: September 22, 2023 | Original: October 14, 2009

Beginning in the eighth century B.C., Ancient Rome grew from a small town on central Italy’s Tiber River into an empire that at its peak encompassed most of continental Europe, Britain, much of western Asia, northern Africa and the Mediterranean islands. Among the many legacies of Roman dominance are the widespread use of the Romance languages (Italian, French, Spanish, Portuguese and Romanian) derived from Latin, the modern Western alphabet and calendar and the emergence of Christianity as a major world religion.

After 450 years as a republic, Rome became an empire in the wake of Julius Caesar’s rise and fall in the first century B.C. The long and triumphant reign of its first emperor, Augustus, began a golden age of peace and prosperity; by contrast, the Roman Empire’s decline and fall by the fifth century A.D. was one of the most dramatic implosions in the history of human civilization.

Origins of Rome

As legend has it, Rome was founded in 753 B.C. by Romulus and Remus, twin sons of Mars, the god of war. Left to drown in a basket on the Tiber by a king of nearby Alba Longa and rescued by a she-wolf, the twins lived to defeat that king and found their own city on the river’s banks in 753 B.C. After killing his brother, Romulus became the first king of Rome, which is named for him.

A line of Sabine, Latin and Etruscan (earlier Italian civilizations) kings followed in a non-hereditary succession. There are seven legendary kings of Rome: Romulus, Numa Pompilius, Tullus Hostilius, Ancus Martius, Lucius Tarquinius Priscus (Tarquin the Elder), Servius Tullius and Tarquinius Superbus, or Tarquin the Proud (534-510 B.C.). While they were referred to as “Rex,” or “King” in Latin, all the kings after Romulus were elected by the senate.

Did you know? Four decades after Constantine made Christianity Rome's official religion, Emperor Julian—known as the Apostate—tried to revive the pagan cults and temples of the past, but the process was reversed after his death, and Julian was the last pagan emperor of Rome.

Rome’s era as a monarchy ended in 509 B.C. with the overthrow of its seventh king, Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, whom ancient historians portrayed as cruel and tyrannical, compared to his benevolent predecessors. A popular uprising was said to have arisen over the rape of a virtuous noblewoman, Lucretia, by the king’s son. Whatever the cause, Rome turned from a monarchy into a republic, a world derived from res publica , or “property of the people.”

Rome was built on seven hills, known as “the seven hills of Rome”—Esquiline Hill, Palatine Hill, Aventine Hill, Capitoline Hill, Quirinal Hill, Viminal Hill and Caelian Hill.

The Early Republic

The power of the monarch passed to two annually elected magistrates called consuls. They also served as commanders in chief of the army. The magistrates, though elected by the people, were drawn largely from the Senate, which was dominated by the patricians, or the descendants of the original senators from the time of Romulus. Politics in the early republic was marked by the long struggle between patricians and plebeians (the common people), who eventually attained some political power through years of concessions from patricians, including their own political bodies, the tribunes, which could initiate or veto legislation.

In 450 B.C., the first Roman law code was inscribed on 12 bronze tablets–known as the Twelve Tables–and publicly displayed in the Roman Forum . These laws included issues of legal procedure, civil rights and property rights and provided the basis for all future Roman civil law. By around 300 B.C., real political power in Rome was centered in the Senate, which at the time included only members of patrician and wealthy plebeian families.

Military Expansion

During the early republic, the Roman state grew exponentially in both size and power. Though the Gauls sacked and burned Rome in 390 B.C., the Romans rebounded under the leadership of the military hero Camillus, eventually gaining control of the entire Italian peninsula by 264 B.C. Rome then fought a series of wars known as the Punic Wars with Carthage, a powerful city-state in northern Africa.

The first two Punic Wars ended with Rome in full control of Sicily, the western Mediterranean and much of Spain. In the Third Punic War (149–146 B.C.), the Romans captured and destroyed the city of Carthage and sold its surviving inhabitants into slavery, making a section of northern Africa a Roman province. At the same time, Rome also spread its influence east, defeating King Philip V of Macedonia in the Macedonian Wars and turning his kingdom into another Roman province.

Rome’s military conquests led directly to its cultural growth as a society, as the Romans benefited greatly from contact with such advanced cultures as the Greeks. The first Roman literature appeared around 240 B.C., with translations of Greek classics into Latin; Romans would eventually adopt much of Greek art, philosophy and religion.

Internal Struggles in the Late Republic

Rome’s complex political institutions began to crumble under the weight of the growing empire, ushering in an era of internal turmoil and violence. The gap between rich and poor widened as wealthy landowners drove small farmers from public land, while access to government was increasingly limited to the more privileged classes. Attempts to address these social problems, such as the reform movements of Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus (in 133 B.C. and 123-22 B.C., respectively) ended in the reformers’ deaths at the hands of their opponents.

Gaius Marius, a commoner whose military prowess elevated him to the position of consul (for the first of six terms) in 107 B.C., was the first of a series of warlords who would dominate Rome during the late republic. By 91 B.C., Marius was struggling against attacks by his opponents, including his fellow general Sulla, who emerged as military dictator around 82 B.C. After Sulla retired, one of his former supporters, Pompey, briefly served as consul before waging successful military campaigns against pirates in the Mediterranean and the forces of Mithridates in Asia. During this same period, Marcus Tullius Cicero , elected consul in 63 B.C., famously defeated the conspiracy of the patrician Cataline and won a reputation as one of Rome’s greatest orators.

Julius Caesar’s Rise

When the victorious Pompey returned to Rome, he formed an uneasy alliance known as the First Triumvirate with the wealthy Marcus Licinius Crassus (who suppressed a slave rebellion led by Spartacus in 71 B.C.) and another rising star in Roman politics: Gaius Julius Caesar . After earning military glory in Spain, Caesar returned to Rome to vie for the consulship in 59 B.C. From his alliance with Pompey and Crassus, Caesar received the governorship of three wealthy provinces in Gaul beginning in 58 B.C.; he then set about conquering the rest of the region for Rome.

After Pompey’s wife Julia (Caesar’s daughter) died in 54 B.C. and Crassus was killed in battle against Parthia (present-day Iran) the following year, the triumvirate was broken. With old-style Roman politics in disorder, Pompey stepped in as sole consul in 53 B.C. Caesar’s military glory in Gaul and his increasing wealth had eclipsed Pompey’s, and the latter teamed with his Senate allies to steadily undermine Caesar. In 49 B.C., Caesar and one of his legions crossed the Rubicon, a river on the border between Italy from Cisalpine Gaul. Caesar’s invasion of Italy ignited a civil war from which he emerged as dictator of Rome for life in 45 B.C.

From Caesar to Augustus

Less than a year later, Julius Caesar was murdered on the ides of March (March 15, 44 B.C.) by a group of his enemies (led by the republican nobles Marcus Junius Brutus and Gaius Cassius). Consul Mark Antony and Caesar’s great-nephew and adopted heir, Octavian, joined forces to crush Brutus and Cassius and divided power in Rome with ex-consul Lepidus in what was known as the Second Triumvirate. With Octavian leading the western provinces, Antony the east, and Lepidus Africa, tensions developed by 36 B.C. and the triumvirate soon dissolved. In 31 B.C., Octavian triumped over the forces of Antony and Queen Cleopatra of Egypt (also rumored to be the onetime lover of Julius Caesar) in the Battle of Actium. In the wake of this devastating defeat, Antony and Cleopatra committed suicide.

By 29 B.C., Octavian was the sole leader of Rome and all its provinces. To avoid meeting Caesar’s fate, he made sure to make his position as absolute ruler acceptable to the public by apparently restoring the political institutions of the Roman republic while in reality retaining all real power for himself. In 27 B.C., Octavian assumed the title of Augustus , becoming the first emperor of Rome.

Age of the Roman Emperors

Augustus’ rule restored morale in Rome after a century of discord and corruption and ushered in the famous pax Romana –two full centuries of peace and prosperity. He instituted various social reforms, won numerous military victories and allowed Roman literature, art, architecture and religion to flourish. Augustus ruled for 56 years, supported by his great army and by a growing cult of devotion to the emperor. When he died, the Senate elevated Augustus to the status of a god, beginning a long-running tradition of deification for popular emperors.

Augustus’ dynasty included the unpopular Tiberius (A.D. 14-37), the bloodthirsty and unstable Caligula (37-41) and Claudius (41-54), who was best remembered for his army’s conquest of Britain. The line ended with Nero (54-68), whose excesses drained the Roman treasury and led to his downfall and eventual suicide.

Four emperors took the throne in the tumultuous year after Nero’s death; the fourth, Vespasian (69-79), and his successors, Titus and Domitian, were known as the Flavians; they attempted to temper the excesses of the Roman court, restore Senate authority and promote public welfare. Titus (79-81) earned his people’s devotion with his handling of recovery efforts after the infamous eruption of Vesuvius, which destroyed the towns of Herculaneum and Pompeii .

The reign of Nerva (96-98), who was selected by the Senate to succeed Domitian, began another golden age in Roman history, during which four emperors–Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius–took the throne peacefully, succeeding one another by adoption, as opposed to hereditary succession. Trajan (98-117) expanded Rome’s borders to the greatest extent in history with victories over the kingdoms of Dacia (now northwestern Romania) and Parthia. His successor Hadrian (117-138) solidified the empire’s frontiers (famously building Hadrian's Wall in present-day England) and continued his predecessor’s work of establishing internal stability and instituting administrative reforms.

Under Antoninus Pius (138-161), Rome continued in peace and prosperity, but the reign of Marcus Aurelius (161–180) was dominated by conflict, including war against Parthia and Armenia and the invasion of Germanic tribes from the north. When Marcus fell ill and died near the battlefield at Vindobona (Vienna), he broke with the tradition of non-hereditary succession and named his 19-year-old son Commodus as his successor.

Decline and Disintegration

The decadence and incompetence of Commodus (180-192) brought the golden age of the Roman emperors to a disappointing end. His death at the hands of his own ministers sparked another period of civil war , from which Lucius Septimius Severus (193-211) emerged victorious. During the third century Rome suffered from a cycle of near-constant conflict. A total of 22 emperors took the throne, many of them meeting violent ends at the hands of the same soldiers who had propelled them to power. Meanwhile, threats from outside plagued the empire and depleted its riches, including continuing aggression from Germans and Parthians and raids by the Goths over the Aegean Sea.

The reign of Diocletian (284-305) temporarily restored peace and prosperity in Rome, but at a high cost to the unity of the empire. Diocletian divided power into the so-called tetrarchy (rule of four), sharing his title of Augustus (emperor) with Maximian. A pair of generals, Galerius and Constantius, were appointed as the assistants and chosen successors of Diocletian and Maximian; Diocletian and Galerius ruled the eastern Roman Empire, while Maximian and Constantius took power in the west.

The stability of this system suffered greatly after Diocletian and Maximian retired from office. Constantine (the son of Constantius) emerged from the ensuing power struggles as sole emperor of a reunified Rome in 324. He moved the Roman capital to the Greek city of Byzantium, which he renamed Constantinople . At the Council of Nicaea in 325, Constantine made Christianity (once an obscure Jewish sect) Rome’s official religion.

Roman unity under Constantine proved illusory, and 30 years after his death the eastern and western empires were again divided. Despite its continuing battle against Persian forces, the eastern Roman Empire–later known as the Byzantine Empire –would remain largely intact for centuries to come. An entirely different story played out in the west, where the empire was wracked by internal conflict as well as threats from abroad–particularly from the Germanic tribes now established within the empire’s frontiers like the Vandals (their sack of Rome originated the phrase “vandalism”)–and was steadily losing money due to constant warfare.

Rome eventually collapsed under the weight of its own bloated empire, losing its provinces one by one: Britain around 410; Spain and northern Africa by 430. Attila and his brutal Huns invaded Gaul and Italy around 450, further shaking the foundations of the empire. In September 476, a Germanic prince named Odovacar won control of the Roman army in Italy. After deposing the last western emperor, Romulus Augustus, Odovacar’s troops proclaimed him king of Italy, bringing an ignoble end to the long, tumultuous history of ancient Rome. The fall of the Roman Empire was complete.

Roman Architecture

Roman architecture and engineering innovations have had a lasting impact on the modern world. Roman aqueducts, first developed in 312 B.C., enabled the rise of cities by transporting water to urban areas, improving public health and sanitation. Some Roman aqueducts transported water up to 60 miles from its source and the Fountain of Trevi in Rome still relies on an updated version of an original Roman aqueduct.

Roman cement and concrete are part of the reason ancient buildings like the Colosseum and Roman Forum are still standing strong today. Roman arches, or segmented arches, improved upon earlier arches to build strong bridges and buildings, evenly distributing weight throughout the structure.

Roman roads, the most advanced roads in the ancient world, enabled the Roman Empire—which was over 1.7 million square miles at the pinnacle of its power—to stay connected. They included such modern-seeming innovations as mile markers and drainage. Over 50,000 miles of road were built by 200 B.C. and several are still in use today.

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Introduction to ancient Rome

Cameo with double portrait of the emperor Trajan and his wife Plotina, c. 117–138 C.E., sardonyx, 5 x 4.3 cm (© Trustees of the British Museum )

From a republic to an empire

Legend has it that Rome was founded in 753 B.C.E. by Romulus, its first king. In 509 B.C.E. Rome became a republic ruled by the Senate (wealthy landowners and elders) and the Roman people. During the 450 years of the Republic, Rome conquered the rest of Italy and then expanded into France, Spain, Turkey, North Africa, and Greece.

Rome became very Greek -influenced or “Hellenized,” and the city was filled with Greek architecture, literature, statues, wall-paintings, mosaics, pottery, and glass. But with Greek culture came Greek gold, and generals and senators fought over this new wealth. The Republic collapsed in civil war and the Roman empire began.

Portland Vase , c. 1–25 C.E., glass, 24 x 17 cm (© Trustees of the British Museum )

In 31 B.C.E. Octavian, the adopted son of Julius Caesar, defeated Cleopatra and Mark Antony at Actium. This brought the last civil war of the Republic to an end. Although it was hoped by many that the Republic could be restored, it soon became clear that a new political system was forming: the emperor became the focus of the empire and its people. Although, in theory, Augustus (as Octavian became known) was only the first citizen and ruled by consent of the Senate, he was in fact the empire’s supreme authority. As emperor he could pass his powers to the heir he decreed and was a king in all but name.

The empire, as it could now be called, enjoyed unparalleled prosperity as the network of cities boomed, and goods, people, and ideas moved freely by land and sea. Many of the masterpieces associated with Roman art, such as the mosaics and wall paintings of Pompeii , gold and silver tableware, and glass, including the Portland Vase , were created in this period. The empire ushered in an economic and social revolution that changed the face of the Roman world: service to the empire and the emperor, not just birth and social status, became the key to advancement.

Successive emperors, such as Tiberius and Claudius, expanded Rome’s territory. By the time of the emperor Trajan , in the late first century C.E., the Roman empire, with about fifty million inhabitants, encompassed the whole of the Mediterranean, Britain, much of northern and central Europe, and the Near East.

Schematic map showing the territorial expansion of Rome from the Middle Republic to the death of the Emperor Trajan (map: Varana , CC BY-SA 3.0)

A vast empire

Starting with Augustus in 27 B.C.E., the emperors ruled for five hundred years. They expanded Rome’s territory and by about 200 C.E., their vast empire stretched from Syria to Spain and from Britain to Egypt. Networks of roads connected rich and vibrant cities, filled with beautiful public buildings. A shared Greco-Roman culture linked people, goods and ideas.

The imperial system of the Roman Empire depended heavily on the personality and standing of the emperor himself. The reigns of weak or unpopular emperors often ended in bloodshed at Rome and chaos throughout the empire as a whole. In the third century C.E. the very existence of the empire was threatened by a combination of economic crisis, weak and short-lived emperors and usurpers (and the violent civil wars between their rival supporting armies), and massive barbarian penetration into Roman territory.

Relative stability was re-established in the fourth century C.E., through the emperor Diocletian’s division of the empire. The empire was divided into eastern and western halves and then into more easily administered units . Although some later emperors such as Constantine ruled the whole empire, the division between east and west became more marked as time passed. Financial pressures, urban decline, underpaid troops, and consequently overstretched frontiers—all of these finally caused the collapse of the western empire under waves of barbarian incursions in the early fifth century C.E. The last western emperor, Romulus Augustus, was deposed in 476 C.E., though the empire in the east, centered on Byzantium (Constantinople), continued until the fifteenth century.

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Ancient Rome

Find out why this ancient civilization is still important more than 2,000 years after its fall.

Tens of thousands of Romans take their seats in an enormous stadium made of stone and concrete. It’s the year 80, and these people are entering the newly built Colosseum for the first time. Men wearing togas and women in long dresses called stolas will spend the next hundred days watching gladiator games and wild animal fights to celebrate the opening of this amphitheater.

These ancient people were living in the center of a vast empire that spanned across Europe , northern Africa , and parts of the Middle East. Lasting over a thousand years, the ancient Roman civilization contributed to modern languages, government, architecture, and more.

History of ancient Rome

Around the ninth or tenth century B.C., Rome was just a small town on the Tiber River in what’s now central Italy . (One myth says that the town was founded by two brothers—Romulus and Remus—who were raised by a wolf.) For about 500 years, the area was ruled by a series of kings as it grew in strength and power.

But around the year 509 B.C., the last king was overthrown, and Rome became a republic. That meant that some citizens could vote for their leaders and other important matters. Only male Roman citizens could cast votes; women and enslaved people—often brought back as prisoners from military battles—could not.

Elected officials included two consuls who acted sort of like today’s U.S. presidents and kept each other from taking too much power. Both consuls worked with senators, who advised the consuls and helped create laws. Senators were appointed by other officials and could hold their positions for life.

The Roman army fought many wars during this period, first conquering all of what’s now Italy. In 146 B.C., they destroyed the city of Carthage (in modern-day Tunisia, in northern Africa), which was Rome’s greatest rival for trade in the western Mediterranean Sea. Next they conquered Greece.

For 500 years, the republic system mostly worked. But then a series of civil wars divided the people. In 59 B.C., Gaius Julius Caesar, a politician and military general, used the chaos to take power. Serving as consul, Caesar made new laws that benefitted his troops and other regular citizens. Then he conquered what’s now France and invaded Britain .

Even though his troops and many Roman citizens supported him, the Senate worried he was too powerful and wanted him gone. Knowing this, Caesar marched his loyal army into Rome. It was an illegal act that started a civil war, which Caesar would eventually win.

At first, he was named dictator for 10 years. (Before that, a dictator served during times of emergencies for only six months.) He canceled people’s debts and granted Roman citizenship to people outside of Italy so they could vote. Caesar also traveled to Egypt , making an alliance with the pharaoh Cleopatra.

In 44 B.C., Caesar named himself dictator for life. Fearing he was becoming a king, a group of senators killed him on the floor of the Senate. Caesar was gone, but his supporters chased down the assassins. His heir and nephew, Octavian, and general Mark Anthony battled for power.

Octavian eventually won and renamed himself Augustus Caesar. (The family name, Caesar, would become a title that future emperors would use to connect themselves back to Gaius Julius Caesar.) He convinced the Senate to give him absolute power and served successfully for 45 years. After his death, he was declared a god.

For the rest of its existence, Rome was ruled by emperors who were not elected—they reigned for life. The Senate was still part of the government, but it had very little power. Some emperors, like Claudius, were good at their jobs; others, like Nero and Caligula, were so cruel that even their guards turned against them.

By A.D. 117, the Roman Empire included what’s now France, Spain , Greece , Egypt, Turkey , parts of northern Africa, England, Romania, and more. At one point, one out of every four people in the world lived under Rome’s control.

But emperors and the Senate found this vast empire difficult to rule from the city of Rome. In the year 285, it was split into a Western Roman Empire and an Eastern Roman Empire. Known as the Byzantine Empire, the Eastern Roman Empire was ruled from the city of Constantinople, now the modern-day city of Istanbul in Turkey.

The Byzantine Empire would last for almost another thousand years, but the Western Empire—Rome—began to fall apart. Civil wars, plagues, money troubles, and invasions from other groups made the empire unstable. In the year 476, a Germanic king overthrew Romulus Augustus, the last Roman emperor.

Life in ancient Rome

Most people in the city of Rome lived in crowded apartment buildings called insulae that were five to seven stories high. Wealthier Romans lived in houses called domus that had a dining room and an atrium—an open-air courtyard that often had a pool at the center. Some Romans even had vacation homes in Pompeii and Herculaneum, two Roman cities that were destroyed when Mount Vesuvius erupted in A.D. 79.

Rich or poor, Romans gathered to relax, socialize, and clean themselves at Roman baths. Like modern spas, these structures had exercise rooms, swimming pools, saunas, hot and cold plunge pools, and massage spaces. The people also gathered to watch plays, chariot races, and gladiator battles.

Roman citizens enjoyed relaxing, but enslaved people in ancient Rome had a much more difficult life. Many worked in fields, mines, and on ships. Others, like educated Greeks who tutored wealthy children, were forced to work in rich people’s homes. However, some enslaved people were able to buy or earn their freedom and eventually become Roman citizens.

Roman women sometimes worked as midwives—helping to deliver babies—or became priestesses. But in Roman society, women’s main role was to look after the home and family. Although Romans could easily get divorced, children legally belonged to the father (or a male relative if he was no longer living).

Romans believed in many gods, including the sky god Jupiter; Mars, a god who protected Romans in war; and Vesta, the goddess of the home. People would worship these gods and goddesses both at public temples and in their homes.

Why ancient Rome still matters

Today, the city of Rome is the capital of Italy, with around three million people. Visitors can still see many ancient Roman ruins, from the Colosseum to the Roman Forum, where much of ancient Roman politics took place.

But beyond the crumbling buildings, Rome’s impact is seen all over the world today, from huge sports stadiums inspired by the Colosseum to the way that we vote for politicians. The republic’s system of checks and balances on power even inspired the founders of the United States government.

If you drive in Europe or the Middle East today, you might be on a route created by the ancient Romans. Those engineers built a system of 50,000 miles of roads that connected the empire, allowing troops to easily conquer new land and traders to travel and bring back wealth. (It’s where we get the saying, “All roads lead to Rome.”)

You can also thank Roman engineers for perfecting a system for getting running water. They built aqueducts, which were long channels that delivered fresh water from up to 57 miles away for people’s baths, fountains, and even toilets. (Some ancient aqueducts still provide water to modern-day Rome!)

Julius Caesar even gave the world its 365-day calendar with an extra day every fourth year, or leap year. The month of July is named after him, and August is named after his successor, Augustus.

The planets Mercury , Venus, Mars , Jupiter , and Saturn are named after Roman gods.
Roman gods inspired the names of two Western months: January (Janus) and March (Mars).
Romans spoke Latin, the language that modern French, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, and Romanian are based on.
Ancient Romans used animal and human urine to clean their clothes.
A hill in modern-day Rome called Monte Testaccio is an ancient garbage dump made up of smashed pots and jars.
Romans sometimes filled the Colosseum with water and held naval battles inside.

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Rise of Julius Caesar
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Ides of March spark a civil war
Augustus and the Roman Empire

The Roman Empire

Roman empire
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Ancient Rome

The Roman Empire began in 27 BCE when Augustus became the sole ruler of Rome.
Augustus and his successors tried to maintain the imagery and language of the Roman Republic to justify and preserve their personal power.
Beginning with Augustus, emperors built far more monumental structures, which transformed the city of Rome.

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Livy’s History of Rome

Subject Area: History

Source: Translator's Introduction to Livy's The History of Rome by Titus Livius. Translated from the Original with Notes and Illustrations by George Baker, A.M.. First American, from the Last London Edition, in Six Volumes (New York: Peter A. Mesier et al., 1823).

Titus Livius, the illustrious author of the Roman History, descended from a noble family in Rome, and was born at Patavium, now called Padua, in Italy, in the 694th year of Rome, fifty-eight years before the commencement of the Christian æra.

Like many other literary men, his life was contemplative, rather than active; very few particulars, therefore, concerning him, have come down to us. He resided at Rome for a considerable time, where he was much noticed, and highly honoured, by Augustus; to whom he was previously known, it is said, by some writings which he had dedicated to him. Seneca, however, is silent upon the subject of this supposed dedication, though he mentions the work itself, which, he says, consisted of moral and philosophical dialogues.

He appears to have conceived the project of writing his history, immediately upon his settling at Rome; or, perhaps, he came thither for the purpose of collecting the necessary materials for that great work.

Augustus appointed him preceptor to his grandson Claudius, afterwards emperor. But he seems not much to have attended to the advantage which might have resulted from so advantageous a connection, and to have occupied himself, entirely, in the composition of his history; parts of which, as they were finished, he read to Augustus and Macænas.

Distracted with the tumult, and disgusted, it may be, with the intrigues and cabals of Rome, he sought retirement and tranquillity in the beautiful country, and delightful climate, of Naples. Here, enjoying uninterrupted literary ease and quiet, he continued his labour, and finished his work, comprising, in an hundred and forty-two books, the history of Rome, from the foundation of that city to the death of Drusus, containing a period of seven hundred and forty-three years, ending nine years before the birth of our Saviour. Having completed this great work, he returned to pass the remainder of his days in his native country, where he died, 17, at the age of seventy-five years.

What family he left behind him, is not known. Quintilian, however, mentions that he had a son, for whose instruction he drew up some excellent observations on rhetoric; and there is also reason to suppose that he had a daughter, married to Lucius Magius, an orator, who is advantageously spoken of by Seneca.

How highly his works were esteemed, and himself personally honoured and respected, may be gathered from the manner in which he is mentioned by many ancient authors. Tacitus tells us, * that “T. Livius, that admirable historian, not more distinguished by his eloquence than by his fidelity, was so lavish in his praise of Pompey, that Augustus called him the Pompeian: and yet his friendship for him was unalterable.” The younger Pliny informs us, * that “a certain inhabitant of the city of Cadiz was so struck with the illustrious character of Livy, that he travelled to Rome on purpose to see that great genius; and as soon as he had satisfied his curiosity, returned home.”

Of the hundred and forty-two books, of which the history of Rome originally consisted, thirty-five only have come down to us. The contents of the whole, the hundred and thirty-seventh and eighth excepted, have been preserved; compiled, as some, without any good reason, have supposed, by Livy himself; while others, with equal improbability, have asserted them to be the work of Lucius Florus, author of a portion of Roman history. Whoever may have been the compiler, a fact as useless, as it is now impossible to ascertain, they are highly curious; and although they contain but a faint outline, yet they serve to convey some idea of the original, and greatly excite regret at the loss of so large a portion of this valuable work.

The parts of this history which we now possess, are, the first decade: for it appears, from his having prefixed separate prefatory introductions to each portion, that the author had divided his work into distinct parts, consisting each of ten books. The first decade commences with the foundation of the city of Rome, and rapidly runs over the affairs of four hundred and sixty years. The second decade is lost: it comprised a period of seventy-five years; the principal occurrence in it was the first Punic war, in which the Romans, after a long and arduous struggle, were finally victorious. The third decade is extant: it contains a particular and well-detailed account of the second Punic war; the longest, as our author himself observes, and the most hazardous war, the Romans had ever been engaged in; in the course of which they gained so many advantages, and acquired so much military experience, that no nation was ever able, afterwards, to withstand them. The fourth decade contains the Macedonian war against Philip, and the Asiatic against Antiochus. These are related at considerable length, insomuch that the ten books comprise a space of twenty-three years only. Of the fifth decade, the first five books only remain, and these very imperfect. They give an account of the war with Perseus king of Macedonia, who gains several advantages against the Romans, but is at length subdued, and his kingdom reduced to the form of a Roman province; of the corruption of several Roman governors in the administration of the provinces, and their punishment; and of the third Punic war, which lasted only five years.

Of the remaining books, it has been already said, that the contents only have been preserved; and they serve to show us the greatness of our loss, the greatest literary loss, perhaps, owing to the ravages of the time. Livy had employed forty-five books in the history of six centuries; but so many, so various, and so interesting were the events, which he had before him for selection, in the latter period of the Republic, that it took him above double that number to relate the occurrences of little more than an hundred and twenty years. From the admirable manner in which he has written the former part of his History, we may judge of what must have been the merit of this latter part, which fails us, unfortunately, at a most remarkable period, when rational curiosity is raised to the highest pitch. Nor can we doubt the excellence of its execution, when we consider how much better, and how much more copious his materials must have been; for, besides what he could draw from his own personal knowledge, having lived among, and conversed familiarly with, the most considerable men in the empire, who were themselves principal actors in the important transactions which he relates, he had access to the best possible written materials; to the memoirs of Sylla, Cæsar, Labienus, Pollio, Augustus, and many others which were then extant. What would we not give for the picture, finished by so able a hand, from the sketches of such masters? What delight would it not afford us, to see the whole progress of a government from liberty to servitude?—the whole series of causes and effects, apparent and real, public and private?—those which all men saw, and all good men opposed and lamented, at the time; and those which were so disguised to the prejudices, to the partialities, of a divided people, and even to the corruption of mankind, that many did not, and that many could pretend they did not, discern them, till it was too late to resist them? I own, says a noble author, * I should be glad to exchange what we have of this History, for what we have not.

Much as our historian was admired, and highly as he was respected, yet he was not without his detractors. He was charged with patavinity in his writings. The first person who brought this charge against him, seems to have been Asinius Pollio, a polite and elegant writer, and a distinguished ornament of the age of Augustus. *

In what this patavinity consisted, no ancient author having defined it, it is not now easy to say; and, accordingly, it is a matter which has been much disputed. Some will have it, that it was a political term, and that it signified an attachment to the Pompeian party: others contend that it meant a hatred to the Gauls; that it was symbolical of some blameable particularity, they know not what. The more probable opinion, however, seems, from the term itself, to be, that it signified some provincial peculiarity of dialect. Ancient Italy, like modern Italy, had its differences, not of idiom merely, but of language, in every different province. In proportion as their language varies, at this day, from the purity of the Tuscan dialect, they become almost unintelligible to each other: with difficulty can a Venetian and a Neapolitan converse together; that is, the people: for the well-educated in every country learn to speak and write the dialect of the metropolis; although, if brought up in their own provinces, however nearly their language may approach the purity of that of the capital, yet it will ever retain some tincture of provinciality.

If this supposition of the meaning of the word patavinity be right, the fact, upon such authority as that of Pollio, must be admitted; although in what, precisely, it consisted, it is not, at present, perhaps, possible to determine. Much has been written upon the subject, which in reality seems now to be an idle inquiry; and, as a dissertation upon this matter could afford neither instruction nor entertainment to the mere English reader, for whose use the following translation is principally intended, we shall dismiss the subject with observing, that what Quintilian has not told us, no modern scholar will ever, it is probable, have penetration enough to discover: and we may be also allowed to suppose that, whatever these peculiarities may have been, as that great critic has not thought them worth pointing out, they cannot have been either very numerous, or of very material consequence.

Nor will, perhaps, another objection, made by modern critics, be deemed of much greater weight. They dislike, it seems, the plan of his History, and they found that dislike, chiefly on the speeches which he so frequently introduces, which, they contend, it is not probable could have been spoken upon the occasions alleged; and therefore they pronounce them to be violations of truth. That many of them were not spoken by the persons to whom they are ascribed, nor upon the occasions alleged, must be admitted: but they do not, upon that account, violate the truth of history. Nobody can suppose that our author ever meant to impose upon his readers, and to make them believe that what he has given us, as said by the different persons whom he introduces, was really said by them: the supposition is absurd. He could only mean to vary his style; and to enliven and embellish matter, which, if continued in the even and unvaried tone of narration, would be sometimes heavy and tedious; making these supposed speeches a vehicle for conveying, and that in a very lively manner, the arguments for and against a proposed measure; and he thus often brings into them a relation of facts, chiefly facts of remoter times, and much more agreeably than he could have interwoven them into his narrative, which should always be progressive. Modern historians, it is true, have rejected this plan: but Livy is not reprehensible, because his ideas of historic structure were different from theirs. He chose rather to conform himself to a custom which prevailed very generally before his time, and which succeeding writers, of great taste and judgment, have approved and adopted. The conduct of Livy, in this respect, if necessary, might be justified by the example of Herodotus, Xenophon, Polybius, Sallust, Tacitus, and others, whose histories abound with speeches. These speeches frequently give a more perfect idea of the character of the supposed speaker, than could easily have been done by mere description; and it must be acknowledged, that the facts which they sometimes contain, would, if thrown into formal narrative, with episodes and digressions, lose much of their animation and force, and consequently much of their grace and beauty.

When we consider the use of such speeches, we shall not perhaps feel inclined to give them up, although many are to be held as mere fictions; contrived, however, with much ingenuity, and for the laudable purpose of conveying useful reflections and salutary admonitions. But though it be admitted, that several of them are fictitious, yet it may be contended that they are not all so. Many of those delivered in the senate, in popular assemblies, in conventions of ambassadors, and other the like occasions, are most probably genuine; and, if they are so, they furnish us with very curious specimens of ancient eloquence. Public speakers among the Romans were in the habit of publishing their speeches upon particular occasions; and others, delivered upon important occurrences, would, doubtless, be noted down, and circulated, by those who were curious about, and probably interested in, the subjects of them. We know that, in our own times, the substance of speeches in the British parliament, and other assemblies, has often been accurately collected, and carefully preserved; and we may, therefore, reasonably suppose that speeches in the Roman senate, upon matters in which the whole community were deeply interested, would be heard with equal attention, and preserved with equal care.

A charge, of a very heavy nature, has been brought against our author, which, were it well founded, would utterly disqualify him from writing a credible history. He is accused of superstitious credulity. That he was of a serious and religious turn of mind is sufficiently apparent from many passages in his history, in which he severely reprehends the licentiousness and profligacy of the times he lived in, and applauds the simplicity of conduct, and sanctity of manners, of ancient days, when “that disregard of the gods, which prevails in the present age, had not taken place; nor did every one, by his own interpretations, accommodate oaths and the laws to his particular views, but rather adapted his practice to them.” * Again, speaking of Spurius Papirius, he describes him as a “youth, born in an age when that sort of learning which inculcates contempt of the gods was yet unknown.” † Numberless passages, to this effect, might be cited; suffice it, however, to observe, that, while reprehending, with strong indignation, the profane, the impious, and the immoral among his countrymen, he omits no opportunity of applauding the virtuous and the good.

But, to be religious is one thing; to be superstitious is another. He has certainly recorded many and monstrous prodigies; to enumerate which would be both tedious and disgusting. As, however, they were not merely the subject of popular tales and vulgar conversation, but the objects of particular attention, noticed always by the magistrates, and even by the senate, whom we frequently find ordering expiations of them, it was his duty, as an historian, to relate them, since they thus made a part of the public transactions of the times. And this he does with great caution; apparently anxious lest he should be supposed to believe in such absurdities, and protesting, as it were, against the imputation of superstition. Thus, upon an occasion where he relates extraordinary prodigies, (more extraordinary, indeed, than in any other part of his history,) he introduces his account of them by saying,—“Numerous prodigies were reported to have happened this year; and the more they were credited by simple and superstitious people, the more such stories multiplied.” * He generally prefaces the mention of all such, with a reserve as to his own belief of them:—“Many prodigies were reported.” † “It was believed that crows had not only torn with their beaks some gold in the capitol, but had even eaten it.” ‡ And again; “Fires from heaven, breaking out in various places, had, as was said,” § &c. Nor is he at all scrupulous in declaring these numerous prodigies to derive their origin from superstitious weakness; thus,—“So apt is superstitious weakness to introduce the deities into the most trivial occurrences” ∥ “The mention of one prodigy was, as usual, followed by reports of others.” ¶ “From this cause arose abundance of superstitious notions; and the minds of the people became disposed both to believe and to propagate accounts of prodigies, of which a very great number were reported.” ** “The consuls expiated several prodigies which had been reported.” †† “Several deceptions of the eyes and ears were credited.” ‡‡ One is almost tempted to think, that those who charge our author with credulity, had never read him; otherwise, how could they overlook such passages as these, and especially the following, in which he seems aware that such a charge might be brought against him, and labours to obviate it?—“In proportion as the war was protracted to a greater length, and successes and disappointments produced various alterations, not only in the situations, but in the sentiments of men, superstitious observances, and these mostly introduced from abroad, gained such ground among the people in general, that it seemed as if either mankind, or the deities, had undergone some sudden change.” *

From the passages here adduced, and very many others to the same purport might be quoted, it may be confidently pronounced, that our author was not the dupe of those vulgar rumours, those “deceptions of the eyes and ears,” which yet he has thought it his duty to record. And, in truth, it seems as if the people themselves, at least the more enlightened of them, were equally inclined, if established custom would have allowed, to disregard them: “They grew weary,” we are told, “not only of the thing itself, but of the religious rites enjoined in consequence; for neither could the senate be convened, nor the business of the public be transacted, the consuls were so constantly employed in sacrifices and expiations.” † And accordingly, with a view to diminish the reports of these miracles, and the troublesome ceremonies consequent thereupon, the consuls, by direction of the senate, published an edict, that when “on any day public worship should be ordered, in consequence of the report of an earthquake, no person should report another earthquake on that day.” * Indeed, how very little faith the senate really had in omens, prodigies, and auspices, we may learn from a remarkable order made by them, upon receiving from a consul the report of unfavourable omens, in no less than three victims successively sacrificed; “they ordered him,” says the Historian, “to continue sacrificing the larger victims, until the omens should prove favourable.” †

It may be asked,—if Livy, the senate, and very many, perhaps the greater number, of the people, disbelieved these omens and prodigies, why relate them? He answers the question himself; “I am well aware,” he says, “that, through the same disregard to religion, which has led men into the present prevailing opinion, of the gods never giving portents of any future events, no prodigies are now either reported to government, or recorded in histories. But, for my part, while I am writing the transactions of ancient times, my sentiments, I know not how, become antique; and I feel a kind of religious awe, which compels me to consider that events, which the men of those times, renowned for wisdom, judged deserving of the attention of government, and of public expiation, must certainly be worthy of a place in my History.” ‡ And, in truth, it must be allowed, that an account of the religious ceremonies, and the superstitious observances, of different nations at different periods, forms not the least curious chapter in the history of the human mind.

A still heavier charge hath been brought against our author; indeed, the heaviest that can be alleged against an historian; namely, the violation of the first great law of history; which is, not to dare to assert any thing false, and not to suppress any truth. * He who could not be warped by views of private interest, has yet been supposed, from an excess of zeal for the honour and glory of his country, in some instances to have gone beyond the truth, in others to have suppressed it.

It has been already mentioned how highly he was esteemed by Augustus, and that he had even received no inconsiderable marks of favour from him. Yet he does not seem to have courted this esteem, or those favours, by any particular attention on his part; nor to have endeavoured to repay them, by the only return which authors can make, the loading their patrons with perhaps undeserved praises. Although, at the time when he wrote his History, Augustus was in complete possession of the Roman empire, yet he names him but three times, and then but in a slight and cursory manner; not availing himself of the opportunity to heap adulation upon him, but simply giving him that praise to which he was unquestionably entitled. On occasion of shutting the temple of Janus, he takes the opportunity of mentioning, that it had been but twice shut since the reign of Numa; the first time in the consulship of Titus Manlius, on the termination of the first Punic war, and that “the happiness of seeing it shut again, the gods granted to our own times, when, after the battle of Actium, the emperor, Cæsar Augustus, established universal peace on land and sea.” * As Augustus was highly vain of this circumstance, had our author’s disposition led him to flatter this master of the world, it would have afforded him an excellent opportunity; as would another occasion, where, speaking of spolia opima, deposited by Cossus in one of the temples, he appeals to the testimony of Augustus Cæsar, whom he styles “the founder or restorer of all our temples.” † But above all, he might have found a niche for him, as well as others of his family, when he mentions the distinguished victory gained by Livius and Nero over Hasdrubal. ‡ He relates the affair itself in very splendid terms, and bestows the most exalted praises on the admirable conduct of those victorious generals. He who was thus rigidly tenacious, when private motives, friendship, or interest might have swayed him, is, nevertheless, accused, from national vanity, of having written with partiality; and of having sometimes exaggerated, and sometimes concealed, the truth.

It must be acknowledged that, when the grandeur of the Roman empire presents itself to his mind, he is not always sufficiently reserved in the terms which he uses. Thus, speaking of Cincinnatus, § so early as the 296th year of Rome, he calls him “the sole hope of the empire of Rome,” at a time when we know that this thus pompously announced empire extended not more than twenty miles beyond the city. And again, not many years after, * he introduces Canuleius boasting of its “eternal duration and immense magnitude.” † When we find him applying such magnificent terms to the Roman state, then in its infancy, we must suppose him to have forgot the period of which he was writing, and to have had present to his mind the splendor and extent to which it had attained at the time when he himself lived and wrote. He even puts the same language into the mouths of foreigners, and of enemies: he makes Hannibal call Rome “the capital of the world,” ‡ at a time when the Romans had not even the whole of Italy in subjection, and no possessions whatever out of Italy, except a part of Sicily and Sardinia. In the same vainglorious boasting strain he tells us, § that the Romans “were never worsted by the enemy’s cavalry, never by their infantry, never in open fight, never on equal ground.” He seems here not to have recollected, what he afterwards acknowledges, ∥ that, in the first battle with Hannibal, “it manifestly appeared that the Carthaginian was superior in cavalry; and, consequently, that open plains, such as those between the Po and the Alps, were unfavourable to the Romans.” Although he thus asserts, in unqualified terms, that the Romans were never worsted in the open field, yet he gives very just and candid accounts, not only of this battle with Hannibal, but of another also against the same commander, and of that of the Allia, against the Gauls, in every one of which the Romans were completely overthrown.

But these, it is probable, should rather be considered as inadvertencies than falsehoods; and, however inclined we may be to overlook or excuse them, we shall not, perhaps, find it so easy to justify some other omissions, or changes, which he has made in his narrative, respecting facts which, if fairly and fully related, would do no honour to his country; or would tend, in some degree, to tarnish the lustre of those celebrated characters which he holds up to our admiration.

Polybius is allowed to be an author of consummate judgment, indefatigable industry, and strict veracity. Livy himself admits that he is entitled to entire credit. He takes extraordinary pains to investigate the causes of the second Punic war, and to determine which of the two nations had incurred the guilt of breach of treaty. He discusses the matter at considerable length; * stating accurately, and carefully examining, the facts and arguments urged on both sides; and brings the matter to this issue,—that, if the war is to be considered as taking its rise from the destruction of Saguntum, the Carthaginians were in the wrong; but by no means so, if the matter be taken up somewhat higher, and the taking of Sardinia by the Romans, and the imposing a tribute upon that island, be included in the account: for that, then, the Carthaginians did no more than take occasion to avenge an injury done them.

Now, how stands the account of this affair, according to Livy? * From this disquisition of Polybius, he carefully selects, and strongly states, every thing which tends to favour the cause of the Romans; but passes over in silence every fact, and every argument, urged by the Greek historian in favour of the Carthaginians; and thus he makes the worse appear the better cause.

It has been urged in defence of Livy, that, in his twelfth book, he gave the account of the affair of Sardinia: and that, if that book had not been lost, it might from thence have appeared, that the conduct of the Romans in that transaction was perfectly justifiable; and that, consequently, what he has suppressed of Polybius’s argument, he has omitted, not so much to favour the cause of his own countrymen, as because he knew the allegations therein to be false. It must, however, be observed, that Polybius was neither a Roman nor a Carthaginian; that he has always been held to be an historian of the highest credit, and the strictest impartiality; that he lived nearer the times he writes of than Livy, and was a most diligent inquirer into the truth of the facts which he relates in his history; that he was by no means unfriendly to the Romans, but the contrary, taking all opportunities to speak of them with the highest praise.

It is not meant here to detract from the merit of Livy as an historian, by the mention of such particulars as these. It may be assumed as a maxim, that no historian of his own country can be, strictly speaking, impartial: he may intend to be so; but the mind will be under an involuntary bias, influenced by some secret inclination, of which he himself may be unconscious; he may believe what he asserts, and yet it may not be true.

Another instance of his partiality to his countrymen may be found in his account of the murder of Brachyllas, * who, he tells us, was made Bœotarch, or chief magistrate of the Bœotians, “for no other reason, than because he had been commander of the Bœotians serving in the army of Philip; passing by Zeuxippus, Pisistratus, and the others who had promoted the alliance with Rome.” That these men, offended at present, and alarmed about future consequences, resolved to take off Brachyllas, and accordingly procured six assassins, who put him to death. In these, and other circumstances, our author perfectly agrees with Polybius, whose account of this whole affair he seems to have almost literally copied; with the omission, however, out of tenderness for the character of Quintius, of a very material circumstance; which is, that the project of murdering Brachyllas was first opened in a conference between Zeuxis, Pisistratus, and Quintius, who told them, that he would not himself do any thing to promote it; but that, if they were disposed to the execution of such a plan, he would do nothing to obstruct it: and he adds, that he directed them to confer upon the matter with Alexamenes, the Ætolian, who was the person, he says, that procured the assassins.

Another, and a very remarkable instance of partiality to the character of his countrymen, we have in his celebrated account of Scipio Africanus; who seems, above all others mentioned in his History, to have engaged his fondest, and, as he himself admits, his partial attention: for when he first introduces him, he does it in the most advantageous manner, as a youth who had scarcely attained to manhood, rescuing his father, who was wounded in a battle with Hannibal. “This,” says he, * “is the same youth who is, hereafter, to enjoy the renown of terminating this war, and to receive the title of Africanus, on account of his glorious victory over Hannibal and the Carthaginians.” He then, in a manner, avows his partiality; for he tells us, that Cœlius attributes the honour of saving the consul to a slave, by nation a Ligurian: “but I rather wish the account to be true which gives it to his son; and so the fact is represented by most authors, and generally believed.”

That Scipio was a most accomplished character, eminently distinguished by his military talents, valour, coolness, patience under difficulties, and moderation in victory, of most gentle manners, and a most generous temper, never has been, nor ever will be denied. But, if other writers knew the truth, and have spoken it, he was not that model of absolute perfection which Livy paints him: and perhaps, had he been the cold and unimpassioned stoic, which he describes him to have been, he had deserved less praise than is undoubtedly due to him, when considered, as other authors represent him, of a very different temperament.

That he generously restored a beautiful captive to her parents, and to her intended spouse, Livy and Polybius are agreed; but they differ somewhat in the account of that affair. Polybius tells us, * that a party of Roman youth, having taken captive a damsel of exquisite beauty, brought her to Scipio, whom they knew to be much attached to the sex; and he makes Scipio say to them, that “a more acceptable gift could not have been presented to him, were he in a private station: but that, in his situation of general, he could by no means accept of it.” Livy suppresses entirely the circumstance of his favourite’s amorous disposition: and yet, what he represents him as saying to Allucius, bears so strong a resemblance to his answer, recorded by Polybius, though he gives it a different turn, to accommodate it to his purpose, that we cannot doubt his having had this passage in his eye: “If my thoughts were not totally employed by the affairs of the public, and if I were at liberty to indulge in the pleasurable pursuits adapted to my time of life,” † &c.

That Scipio, with all his perfections, was not that mirror of chastity which Livy is desirous of representing him, we learn, also, from an anecdote related by Valerius Maximus, ‡ who highly praises the amiable temper and patient forbearance of his wife Æmilia, “who,” he tells us, “knew of his attachment to a female slave, and yet concealed the fact, that there might be no stain upon so illustrious a character.”

Such are the principal facts alleged to prove our historian’s neglect of veracity in his narration: rigorous, and, it may be, invidious scrutiny, has noted some few more; but they are of little importance: and, as it is not improbable, so it is not unfair to suppose, that the paucity of cotemporary historians may have induced those, who were also predisposed, to believe that to be false, which fuller information might perhaps have proved to be true. Why may we not believe that he had better opportunities of knowing the truth than the Greek historian? He admits Polybius to be an author of credit, and yet he differs from him without scruple: he cannot, then, surely, be thought to mean more than that he was a writer of integrity, who compiled his history with fidelity, according to the best information he was able to obtain: that he did not wilfully falsify any fact, rather than that every fact he relates is strictly and absolutely true. He acknowledges him for his master, but does not conceive himself bound to swear to his words.

Besides, it is but doing justice to our author to observe, that if, in some few, and those not very material instances, he may have deviated from the truth, if he has done so, it is never with an ill-design: if he palliates a fault, or suppresses a fact, it is not so much for the purpose of lessening the reputation, or tarnishing the glory of others, whether nations or individuals, as to aggrandize the character of his own nation. He allows himself in a practice which some of his countrymen have, since his time, carried to a much greater, as well as a more blameable extent, and which has received the name of pious fraud.

But, whatever may be the case, whether our author must lie under the reproach of softening facts in some instances, or even of suppressing them in others, yet will his genius and talents, as an historian, ever be respected. He cannot be denied the merit of having furnished us with a perfect model of historical composition, in the purest and most elegant style; more remarkable for perspicuity of narration, and neatness of expression, than for depth of reasoning, or pomp of diction. Although he seldom digresses, and but rarely indulges in moral observations or philosophical reflections, yet he never loses sight of what he himself lays down in his preface as the great object of history: the furnishing “clear and distinct examples of every line of conduct; that we may select for ourselves, and for the state to which we belong, such as are worthy of imitation; and carefully noting such, as, being dishonourable in their principles, are equally so in their effects, learn to avoid them.”

All that the present writer feels it necessary to say, upon delivering to the public a new translation of so esteemed a work as Livy’s History, is, that it has been the employment, and amusement, of many years,—a very laborious, but not unuseful, occupation: and that, if he be not deceived by self-love, and the partiality of a few friends, who have taken the trouble of looking into the work, it will be found not altogether unworthy of public acceptance.

The translator had intended a much more copious commentary, than that which now accompanies this work; and, in that view, he had prepared several dissertations upon the manners and customs of the Romans; their senate; their laws; their religious rites; their arts of war, navigation, and commerce, &c. But he acknowledges, with much pleasure, that he has since found his labour, upon those subjects, rendered unnecessary by the publication of Dr. Adam’s Koman Antiquities: a work so excellent in its kind, that whoever has the instruction of youth committed to his care, will do them injustice, if he omits to recommend it to their perusal. The notes, therefore, which are added, and which the translator now thinks it his duty to make as few, and as short as possible, are such only as were deemed more immediately necessary to render some passages intelligible to the mere English reader.

It hath been an usual practice, in prefaces to works of this kind, for the authors of them to load the labours of their predecessors with abuse: a practice, of which the present translator acknowledges he neither sees the necessity, nor the utility. For, should he succeed in disparaging the works of others in the humble walk of translation; should he be able to prove them ever so wretchedly executed, it will by no means follow from thence, that his is better. That he thinks it so, is clear from his presuming to publish it. But, as the public has an undoubted right to judge for itself, and will most assuredly exercise that right, the success of every work, of whatever kind, must ultimately depend upon its own merit.

To the public judgment, therefore, he submits his labour; knowing that every endeavour of his, except that of rendering it worthy of acceptance, would be useless; and that, in spite of his utmost exertions, his book will stand or fall by its own merit or demerit, whichever shall be found to preponderate. The public candour he has no reason to doubt; and he awaits its decision with tranquillity, but not without anxiety.

[ * ] Annal. iv. 34.

[ * ] Ep. II. 3.

[ * ] Bolingbroke.

[ * ] Quintil. Instit. i. 5. viii. 1.

[ * ] B. iii. 46.

[ † ] B. x. 40.

[ * ] B. xxiv. 10.

[ † ] B. xxvii. 4.

[ ‡ ] B. xxx. 2.

[ § ] B. xxxix. 22.

[ ∥ ] B. xxvii. 23.

[ ¶ ] Ib. 37.

[ ** ] B. xxix. 14.

[ †† ] B. xxiv. 44.

[ ‡‡ ] Ibid.

[ * ] B. xxv. 1.

[ † ] B. xxxiv. 55.

[ * ] B. xxxiv. 55.

[ † ] B. xli. 15.

[ ‡ ] B. xlii. 13.

[ * ] Cic. de Orat.

[ * ] B. i. 19.

[ † ] B. iv. 20.

[ ‡ ] B. xxvii. 47, 48, 49.

[ § ] B. iii. 26.

[ * ] Y. R. 310.

[ † ] B. iv. 4.

[ ‡ ] B. xxi. 30.

[ § ] B. ix. 19.

[ ∥ ] B. xxi. 47.

[ * ] Lib. x.

[ * ] B. xxi. 19.

[ * ] B. xxxiii. 27, 28.

[ * ] B. xxxi. 46.

[ † ] B. xxxvi. 50.

[ ‡ ] Lib. vi. 7.

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Comparing Virgil’s Aeneid and Livy’s Early History of Rome Anonymous College

Virgil and Livy were the authors of two substantially different works; one a propagandist epic in the style of Homer, the other an informed account of Rome’s history. This said, it is interesting to note Virgil’s inclusion of short historical...

Essay on the Fall of Rome

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Introduction

The main reasons for the fall of rome, works cited.

The founders of Rome appear to have lived in heroic poverty, sacrificing the little they had to ensure that the empire prospered. However, their successors who had not participated in the struggle to make the empire big and wealthy did not face any pressure to exercise austerity (Brown 57). The new Rome became famous for ostentatious parties and a shared sense of enthusiasm in the high and low classes, who lived a laxer way of life (Brown 57).

As this essay shows, the main reason for the fall of Rome was the lack of financial austerity. The empire grew too big and allowed corruption to reign. It also failed to become innovative in its economic sectors to survive the eventual loss of revenue and gold reserves. When observed in another way, the primary cause of the collapse was the conflict between the need to manage wealth and the desire to spend it.

Moreover, there was a conflict between those who invaded the city and those who lived in the city. Rome also fell because it was expanding. It experimented with the delegation of power to other entities that were not originally Roman, thereby causing the primary ideals and identities, as well as central control of Rome to disappear. Another argument for the fall of Rome is that it did not fall due to an invasion, but it disappeared after losing relevance and being replaced with other civilizations (Ward-Perkins 47-50). This paper will stick to the idea of an actual fall that happened after about 500 years of running as the world’s greatest superpower (Andrews par. 1).

The major reasons for the collapse of Rome are discussed below. First, there was a persistent invasion of the Barbarian tribes. The prosperity of Rome attracted other civilizations around it, who wanted to overthrow the empire (Thompson 17). They opted to use military invasions to take a part of the empire. They did this from all sides, encroaching a little of the empire’s territory at a time. On its part, the empire did everything possible to keep the invaders away (Andrews par 2). German-speaking groups surrounded the Roman Empire. They fought each other and sometimes colluded to fight the Roman Empire (Heather 54).

Each conquest of the groups around the empire somehow modified the structure and culture of the entire empire. The empire had grown big and multifaceted by the time it fell. The expansion of the Empire also created an additional need for bureaucracy, which would eventually undermine a responsive ruling class. Overall, the inclusion of the Barbarians, a term used to describe the collective tribes surrounding the empire, and the vandals created factions in the Empire and diverted fiscal revenue meant for the capital. With insufficient funds, Rome could not hold together and defeat breakaway groups from the Empire.

Accommodating groups, instead of fighting them, also led to the weakening of the Roman army. The army lost its focus on enemies and became weak in battle following many years of peace (Rosenwein 23). Leaders also became less concerned with security and focused on dealing with bureaucracy to enhance their power in the Empire. The quest for power and greatness among the ruling class led to a continuous progression towards the fall of Rome.

Success in the distant wars that the Roman Empire fought increased the wealth of the Empire. The property was acquired from the defeated groups. However, when the wars diminished, rulers continued to live as if Rome had an unlimited supply of wealth. They failed to notice the consequences of their behavior. There was no way out of the mess other than falling, given the lack of any additional warfare to enrich the coffers of the empire and sustain the extravagance of its people. Foreign citizens had taken a part of the Empire and would later create their empires at the time of the decline. Some of them were the Visigoths, who settled in Moesia after being allowed to do so by Emperor Valens (Waldman and Mason 139).

Rome fell because of internal disintegration. Failure to sustain a strong military and exercise moderation in enjoying its wealth made it vulnerable to any attack. Eventually, Rome went through a severe financial crisis, as it was losing its revenue sources from the areas that the factions had developed when they split from the center of power. Rome also increased in size, but it had not participated in conquests for a long time.

Moreover, it did not have a sufficient source of wealth to support the behavior of its ruling class. The imperial coffers could not keep up with wages and other recurrent demands and fund various projects and traditions at the same time. The only solution at the time was to increase taxation and boost the supply of money. However, these actions led to inflation and increased the division between the rich and the poor.

Rome built an internal enemy to its prosperity, given that many poor people failed to afford the basics of life (Atkins and Osborne 205). The rulers of Rome, such as Constantine, reached the extent of hiring mercenaries to join the military because the population was becoming smaller. This weakened the Roman military further. The trend allowed foreigners to gain control of the Roman military. Eventually, the Germanic Goths and Barbarians had too much influence in the military, and they turned against their Roman employers (Andrews par. 9).

Politicians in Rome had bodyguards. The emperor also had guards. However, with hardly any warfare happening in and out of the Empire, the bodyguards became motivated to use their proximity to power for personal enrichment. Eventually, corruption had become so common that the soldiers who worked as bodyguards became independent from the power of the ruler. Instead, they acted as equal partners in the government. They could decide when to remove an emperor and make a replacement. Such was the extent of their power, which led to more corruption because it made the emperors and politicians bribe them to obtain their protection. In the provinces, the poor workers became disillusioned, as their earnings and taxes paid for the affluent and arrogant behaviors of the patriarch (Ward-Perkins 108-115).

Meanwhile, the empire had to do something about the increasing number of poor people caused by the plundering of its coffers by members of the ruling class. The empire provided free food to the poor in Rome and Constantinople. However, the larger proportion of expenditure on food went to the purchase of exotic spices and other delicacies outside the empire. Eventually, the empire would run out of gold to replenish its coffers and became bankrupt. The rulers stripped assets from provinces, such that they were unable to sustain the Empire’s expenditure. They borrowed from central coffers and fell into debt. It was easy for the emerging factions to break away and seek self-rule because many provinces were in debt, and there were no signs of prosperity. The empire had expanded so much that its system of governance could not support it. The ungovernable size stretched from Spain to the modern day Egypt.

Another cause of the fall of Rome was the natural plagues that affected the health of the Roman population. Diseases coming from West Europe wiped out a significant population. The cost of dealing with the diseases, in addition to the loss of revenue because of workers dying from diseases, became a major contributor to the decline of the Empire.

Christianity flourished in the Roman Empire at the time of Constantine. The emperor gave Christians the freedom to practice their religion within the Empire. He was also available to handle any Christian disputes that emerged regarding control or jurisdiction. Embracing Christianity created conflict with the traditional pagan cults that the Romans practiced. Christianity enjoyed power given to it by the emperor; thus, the other Roman religions died.

The growth of Christianity and its linkage to the rulers of Rome created a complex relationship, where the church officials became as influential as the political leaders. In addition, the political leaders appointed bishops to the early Christianity in the Roman Empire. This arrangement created avenues for lobbying for political or church leadership. With the ongoing corruption in the Empire, Christianity became another channel for exercising opposing powers that would eventually destroy the fabric of leadership in Rome. Christianity eventually became the dominant determinant of morals in Rome, following the destruction of other religions due to the lack of political support. However, the corruption in its leadership served as a bad example to the rest of the Empire and contributed to the overall loss of morals.

The traditional Roman values disappeared as the new faith rose to become a state religion in 380 AD. The Emperor was viewed as a divine being, thereby making people revere the empire. Such beliefs provided the meaning of hard work, sacrifice, and order in the Empire as part of their reverence for the divine one. However, the dominance of Christianity and the destruction of the polytheistic beliefs detached people’s actions from direct implications on the emperor. The popes and church leaders acted as opinion shapers in political matters; thus, the center of spiritual power became decentralized and caused people to have varied inclinations to obey moral conduct. It also created a habit of thinking about self-gain before thinking of the overall welfare of the Empire. The change of beliefs and attitudes contributed to the corruption and plunder of wealth in the Empire (Andrews par. 8).

A combination of corruption and political influences in Rome created laxity in the enforcement of moral conduct among public officials. Eventually, the citizens of Rome became accustomed to their new way of life. Respect for life dwindled; people could easily kill each other following disputes and get away with it because of their affiliation with those in power or because they belonged to a higher social class than their victims.

There was a salient disrespect for human and animal life. The lack of morals eventually created chaos in the public life. At the time, Rome also depended on slave labor. Rome had a high influx of slaves who provided cheap labor for its citizens when the Empire was growing through conquests. Unfortunately, the dependence on slaves became an obsession and a way of life. The citizens failed to do their duties of taking care of others and themselves.

They also reduced their efforts of building wealth and being innovative in finding better ways of doing things. Eventually, the entire Rome was lazy because it mainly relied on slave labor to accomplish even the simplest duties. There was no motivation to excel, while things became mediocre because of too much cheap labor. The standards of work plummeted, and the Empire became uncompetitive.

The problem of depending on slaves added to the problem of the affluent behavior of the rich, who opted to import goods that were not available in the Empire. The quality of products in the Empire was poor; thus, people chose to import rather than focus on improving the quality of the Roman products. Eventually, the imports were more than the exports, and the Empire got into the balance of payment problems.

Rome could not support its huge import bill, in addition to the lack of sufficient technological capacity to support domestic production (Fenner par. 2-4). Slavery dependence robbed Rome of the hard work ethics that it had cultivated among its people during the years of early expansion. The Romans had lost the value of being productive, in addition to their lack of the ability to enhance their production prowess. They had little motivation to find superior sources of energy that would sustain competitiveness and make the Empire prosper in trade, transport, and communications. As a result, the Empire lacked sufficient industries to employ its population and grow its wealth. The economic decline became a significant catalyst for the other problems highlighted above, which eventually caused the fall of Rome (Fenner par. 6-8).

The division of the empire into the West and East side, with capitals in Milan and Constantinople respectively, could also be another reason for the decline. There was a bigger chance of the two halves drifting apart in their political and economic ways due to the lack of a central leadership. The two sides failed to work as one Empire when facing outside threats, which made the Empire vulnerable. Language dominance in the two halves also created divisions, with the Greek-speaking East side enjoying moderate economic success, while the Latin-speaking West side was descending into misery. The symbolic capital of the empire was Rome, which remained vulnerable to the invasion of the Barbarians, as Constantinople remained guarded (Andrews par. 6).

In summary, the key events and causes that led to the fall of Rome were the wrong decisions made by several emperors and the increase in the civilization of the people in the empire. These events led to reduced reliance on military support, which caused the weakening of the army. Invasion of the neighboring Barbarians and their habitation of Rome, such as the settlement of the Visigoths in Moesia, also played a part in destabilizing revenue sources for the Empire. Overall, the lack of innovativeness in the economy and a lot of expenses on an unsustainable expansion and consumption of the ruling class caused Rome to fall. Moderation in expenditure and expansion would have saved Rome from falling.

Andrews, Evan. “8 Reasons Why Rome Fell.” 2014. History Lists. Web.

Atkins, Margaret and Robin Osborne, Poverty in the Roman World . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Print.

Brown, Peter. Through the Eye of a Needle: Wealth, the Fall of Rome, and the Making of Christianity in the West, 350 -550 AD . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012. Print.

Fenner, Julian. To What Extent Were Economic Factors to Blame for the Deterioration of the Roman Empire in The Third Century A.D? 2015. Web.

Heather, Peter. The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians . Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. Print.

Rosenwein, Barbara H. A Short History of the Middle Ages: Fourth Edition, Volume 1 . Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2014. Print.

Thompson, Edward Arthur. Romans and Barbarians: the Decline of the Western Empire. Madison: Univ of Wisconsin Press, 2002. Print.

Waldman, Carl and Catherine Mason. Encyclopedia of Europeans Peoples . New York, NY: Facts on File, Inc., 2006. Print.

Ward-Perkins, Bryan. The Fall of Rome: And the End of Civilization . Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005. Print.

Romans and Barbarians: The Decline of the Western Empire
The Barbarianism Invasion to Rome Empire
Rise of the Roman Empire
The Tomb of Shi Huangdi: Mystery and Theories
Egyptian Civilization's History
The Fall of Rome: Historical Debates
Medicine and Religion in Ancient Civilizations
The Fall of Rome and the Barbarian Expansion
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Classics and Ancient History

City of rome - essays, ***term 2 (2018-19) essay titles now available below***, assessed essays:, malum est consilium quod mutari non potest., a bad plan is one which has no room for change. - publilius syrus.

GENERAL ADVICE ON ESSAY TOPICS:

* The answer and main arguments to each question should be c learly set out in the introduction of the essay.

* Arguments should use specific examples from a handful of buildings, structures, sources. Many of these questions could be answered sufficiently through a detailed discussion of a single building (or a comparison of two). Brief discussions of more than 4 buildings will not provide the level of depth required.

* Images and passages ( both are primary sources ) should be discussed & analysed by you. The dates and identifications of buildings are often debated, so secondary sources should be used carefully (you may need to clarify why you accept a certain scholars work).

* Case studies of buildings & monuments will be provided in lecture and in seminars (as are images) but essay discussions should take these a step further.

* All the questions below can be answered in a number of ways, it is up to you to decide which sources to use . If you have concerns, please contact the lecturer ( queries will be answered up to a week before the essay is due) .

* Be flexible: if as you are writing, you find that you have used half or all the word count on a specific discussion, consider carefully whether you try and cut/rewrite (often very time consuming) or to merely change your essay plan ( just make sure it still answers the question !!!).

Term 1 Essay Deadline is Wednesday 28 November (week 9) at 12 noon

Key Referential Texts for all questions A. Claridge (1998) Rome: An Oxford Archaeological Guide. Oxford.

A. Gordon (1992) An Illustrated guide to Latin Epigraphy. Berkeley.

A. Kamm and A. Graham (2015, 3rd ed.), The Romans: An Introduction. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge (Third fundamentally revised edition) [DG231.K23]

Platner & Ashby (1929) A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome Oxford. Online

M. Steinby (1993-2000) Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae 6 vols.

J. Coulston & H. Dodge (2001) (eds ) Ancient Rome: The Archaeology of the Eternal City . Oxford.

N. Rothstein (2011) (ed) Companion to the Roman Republic (Blackwell). ebook & multople copies in library.

1. Does archaeological evidence corroborate historical and literary accounts of Rome's foundation?

Historical and Literary Traditions

Cornell, T. “The Tyranny of evidence A discussion of the possible uses of literacy in Etruria and Latium in the Archaic Age” in J. Humphrey (ed) Literacy in the Roman World JRA Supp. 3, 7-34, Ann Arbor. (1986).

-“The Formation of the Historical Tradition of Rome” in I.S. Moxno (ed) P ast Perspectives: Studies in Greek & Roman Historical Writing . Cambridge.

(1995) T he Beginnings of Rome , New York.

C. Edwards (1996), Writing Rome: Textual Approaches to the City. Cambridge * preview on google books.

M. Fox (1996), Roman Historical Myths. The Regal Period in Augustan Literature (Oxford) [PA 6019.F6]

G.A. Forsythe (2005) A Critical History of Early Rome.

E. Gabba, (1991) Dionysius and the History of Archaic Rome. Berkeley

A. Grandazzi (1997) The Foundation of Rome: Myth and History , Cornell.

K.W. Grandsen (1976) Virgil, Aeneid Book VIII, Cambridge.

N. Hopkins, T he Cloaca Maxima and the Monumental Manipulation of Water in Archaic Rome. Weblink

M Jaeger (1997) Livy’s Written Rome. Ann Arbor.

*T.P. Wiseman (1995), Remus. A Roman Myth. CUP: Cambridge. [BL 820.R3]

T.P. Wiseman (1996), ‘What do we know about early Rome?’ in JRA 9, 310-315. [Arts periodical]

T.P. Wiseman (2004) The Myths of Rome [BL 803W.4]

Archaeology

G. Alföldi (1965), Early Rome and the Latins (Ann Arbor) [DG 231.A5]

A.J. Ammerman (1990) ‘On the origins of the Forum Romanun AJA 94; 627-645 (1996).

“The Comitium in Rome from the Beginning” AJA 100; 121-136.(1998)

“Environmental Archaeology in the Velabrum: a Report” JRA 11 213-23. (2009)

Davies, P. J.E. (2003) “Exploring the International Arena: The Tarquin’s Aspirations for the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus” AIAC . Boston.

G. Galinsky (1974) “The Tomb of Aeneas at Lavinium”, Vergilius no. 20, 2-11. JSTOR

J. F. Hall (1996) E truscan Italy: Etruscan influences on the civilizations of Italy from Antiquity to the Modern Era *Searchable on Google books .

J. N. Hopkins, The Cloaca Maxima and the Monumental Manipulation of Water in Archaic Rome : Article online

A.K. Michels (1953) “Topography &Interpretation of the Lupercalia” TAPh 84, 35-59.

K. Rauflab (1986) Social Studies in Archaic Rome. Berkeley.

David & Francesca Ridgway (1979) (eds) I taly before the Romans: The Iron Age, Orientalising and Etruscan Periods. New York.

(1988) “The Etruscans” CAH2 IV 635-75.

C.J. Smith (1994) “A review of archaeological studies on Iron Age and Archaic Latium JRA 7 285-301.

(1996) Early Rome and Latium: Economy & Society 1000-500 BC.

(1997) “Servius Tullus, Cleisthenes, and the emergence of the polis in Central Italy” in L. Mitchell and P. J. Rhodes The Development of the polis in Archaic Greece ”208-16. London.

T.P Wiseman (1995), “The God of the Lupercal” JRS 79; 1-22 JSTOR

2. How do Rome's 4th-2nd century BC victory temples on the Via Triumphalis compare with contemporary temples on the Palatine & Capitoline area (Temple of Concord, Temple of Victory) in structure and function?

Coarelli, F. (1974) “Public building between the Second Punic War and Sulla” PBSR 45 1977 1-23.

Cornell, T. (1995) T he Beginnings of Rome . 265-71304-9.

- Chapter 2 in Ancient Rome: The Archaeology of the Eternal City. H.Dodge (ed).

DeRose Evans, J. A Companion to the Archaeology of the Roman Republic (esp Chapters 22,28 & 29)* We may not have this book in the library but you can preview nearly all the relevant material on Amazon.

Favro, D. (1994) “The Street Triumphant: The Urban impact of Roman Triumphal Parades” in Favro (ed). Streets of the World: Critical perspectives on Public Space.

Harris, W.V. (1979) War and Imperialism in Republican Rome.

Holloway R.R. (1994) The Archaeology of Early Rome and Latium.

J-P Morel, ‘ The transformation of Italy 300-133BC. The evidence of archaeology, Cambridge Ancient HistoryVIII, 2nd ed. (1989) 477-516.

Orlin, E. Temples, Religion and Politics (chapter 1,2 &4).

J. Pollitt (1986) Art in the Hellenistic Age, (esp. Chs 7, 11). CUP: Cambridge. [N 5610.P6]

F. Sear (1998 - earlier editions also available) Roman Architecture, Batsford: London - chs. 2 (‘Republican Rome’) and 3 (‘Roman Building types’), esp. pp. 11-12, 20-22 and 30-31. [NA 310.S3]

J. Ruepke (2006) 'Communicating with the gods', in N. Rosenstein and R. Morstein-Marx, eds , A Companion to the Roman Republica pp.215-35 M. Torelli (2006) 'The topography and archaeology of Republican Rome', in N. Rosenstein and R. Morstein-Marx, eds, A Companion to the Roman Republic pp.81-101

Smith, C., (1996) Early Rome and Latium. Economy and Society c. 1000-500 BC.

2012 Imperialism, Cultural Politics and Polybiu s (ed.) OUP.

J.E., Stambaugh, ‘The Functions of the Roman temple’, ANRW II 16.1 554-608.

Stamper, J.W. (2005) T he Architecture of Roman Temples: The Republic to the middle Empire. Chapters 2-4 esp.

S tek, T.D. (2009) Cult Places and Cultural Change in Republican Italy: A contextual approach.

D.E. Strong, and J.B. Ward-Perkins (1962), ‘The Temple of Castor in the Forum Romanum’, Papers of the British School at Rome 3 0, 1-30. [Arts periodical]

Zoilkowski, A. (1992) The Temples of Mid Republican Rome .*Read review by E. Thomas in The Classical Review (1995) 380-382.

- ( 1998) “Mummius’ Temple of Hercules Victor and the Rounds temple on the Tiber’ Phoenix 42 , 1988, 309-33. JSTOR

3. Was it Rome's roads or her sewers that had the most important role in shaping urban life?

Primary sources : Frontinus, The Strategems and the Aqueducts of Rome (Loeb translation)

P.J. Aicher (1995) Guide to the aqueducts of ancient Rome (Wauconda, Ill.: Bolchazy-Carducci)

C. Bruun (1991), The Water Supply of Ancient Rome: A Study of Roman Imperial Administration (Helsinki) [TD 216.B7]

N. Rothstein (ed) Companion to the Roman Republic (Chapters 3 and 28). ebook.

E. Gowers (1995) 'The Anatomy of Rome from Capitol to Cloaca' JRS 85 23-32. [JSTOR]

H. B .Evans (1982), "Agrippa’s water plan" in American Journal of Archaeology 86, 401-11. [Arts Pderiodicals]

H.B. Evans (1994) Water Distribution in Ancient Rome: the evidence of Frontinus (Ann Arbor) [TD 398.E9

A.T. Hodge (1989) ‘Aqueducts’, in I.M. Barton Roman Public Buildings 127-51: good technical introduction.

C.F. Norena (2006) 'Water distribution and the residential topography of Augustan Rome', in Haselberger & Humphrey, eds Imaging Ancient Rome (JRA suppl.61) 91-105.

N. Hopkins, The Cloaca Maxima and the Monumental Manipulation of Water in Archaic Rome. weblink

O.F. Robinson, Ancient Rome: City Planning and Admnistration [NA 9092.R6]

Ray Laurence (1999) The Roads of Roman Italy: mobility and cultural change, Routledge, [DG 28.5 L2.]

Oleson, J.P. (1998) Greek and Roman Technology sourcebook [ T. 16 H8]

(2008) "The Oxford Handbook of engineering and technology in the Classical World" [T16.O8.] ebook.

A. Scobie (1986), 'Slums, sanitation, and mortality in the Roman World; Klio 399- 433 . [JSTOR]

F. Sear (1998 - earlier editions also available) Roman Architecture, Batsford: London. [NA 310.S3]

R. Taylor (2000) Public needs and private pleasures: water distribution, the Tiber river and the urban development of ancient Rome (Rome, “L’Erma” di Bretschneider) [on order at library]

4. How does Augustus' building programme present Rome as the centre of the universe?

Res Gestae Divi Augusti - available in Eck 2002 (Appendix), Cooley 2003 (Section A), Chisholm 1981 (pp. 3-10) and P.A. Brunt and J.M. Moore (1967) Res Gestae Divi Augusti (Oxford) [DG 279.M6]; Cooley (2008) edition and commentary on RGDA.

M. Boatwright (1986) ‘The Pomerial Extension of Augustus’, Historia 35: 13-27.

K. Chisholm (1981), Rome: the Augustan Age. OUP: Oxford. (Sourcebook). [DG 279.C4]

M.G.L. Cooley, ed. (2003), T he Age of Augustus (LACTOR 17) - section K [DG 279.A4]

W. Eck (2002), Augustus (Blackwell) - chapter 13 [DG 279.E2]

Elsner, J. (1991), ‘Cult and Sacrifice: Sacrifice in the Ara Pacis Augustae’, JRS 81: 50-61. JSTOR

D. Favro (1993), ‘Reading the Augustan city’, in P.J. Holliday (ed.) Narrative and Event in Ancient Art [P A6029.M6]

(1996), The Urban Image of Augustan Rome . CUP: Cambridge. [DG 63.F2]

K. Galinsky (1996), Augustan Culture [DG 272.G2]

L. Haselberger (2000), 'Imaging Augustan Rome', Journal of Roman Archaeology 13, 515-28.

L. Haselberger (2002), Mapping Augustan Rome (Journal of Roman Archaeology suppl. no. 50) [Oversize DG 66.M2]

(2007) Urbem adornare: die Stadt Rom und ihre Gestaltumwandlung undter Augustus/ Rome's Urban Metamorphosis under Augustus (JRA suppl. 64)

Heslin, P. (2007) ‘Augustus, Domitian and the So-called Horologium Augusti’, Journal of Roman Studies 97, 1-20. JSTOR

K ellum, B. (1985), ‘Sculptural Programs and Propaganda in Augustan Rome: The Temple of Apollo on the Palatine’, in R. Winkes (ed.), The Age of Augustus (Louvain) 170-6*

Koeppel, G. (1985), ‘The Role of Pictorial Models in the Creation of the Historical Relief during the Age of Augustus’, in R. Winkes (ed.), The Age of Augustus (Louvain) 89-106*

_______(1985), ‘Empire Imagery in Augustan Architecture’, in R. Winkes (ed.), The Age of Augustus (Louvain) 137-48*

**_______(1985), ‘Private Portraiture in the Age of Augustus’, in R. Winkes (ed.), The Age of Augustus (Louvain) 107-35* _______(1992), Roman Sculpture (Yale).

Kleiner, F. (1988), ‘The Arch in Honor of C. Octavius and the Fathers of Augustus’, Historia 37: 347-57 **_______(1989) ‘The Study of Roman Triumphal and Honorary Arches 50 Years after Kaehler’, JRA 2: 195-206*

T.J. Luce (1990), 'Livy, Augustus and the Forum Augustum', in K.A. Raaflaub and M. Toher, eds. Between Republic and Empire , 123-138. University of California Press: Berkeley[DG 279.B3]

J.R. Patterson (1992), ‘Review article. The City of Rome: from Republic to Empire’, Journal of Roman Studies 82, 190-194.

N. Purcell (1995), ‘Forum Romanum (The Imperial Period)’ in E.M. Steinby, ed. Lexixon Topographicum Urbis Romae vol. II, 336-42 [Reference DG 63.L3]

N. Purcell (1996), 'Rome and its development under Augustus and his successors' in CAH X, 782-811. CUP: Cambridge. [D 57.C2]

C.B. Rose, (1990), ‘“Princes” and Barbarians on the Ara Pacis’, AJA 94: 453-67. JSTOR

S. Walker (2000), 'The moral museum: Augustus and the city of Rome', in J. Coulston and H. Dodge, Ancient Rome: The Archaeology of the Eternal City, 61-75. Oxford. [DG 65.A6]

A. Wallace-Hadrill (1993), Augustan Rome. Bristol Classical Press: Bristol. [DG279.W2]

G. Woolf, (2012) Rome: an Empire's story . OUP [JC89 W.66] ebook.

*** Victoria Jewell's 1st class dissertation on Color in the Ancient world, see esp. T. Mars Ultor in Chapter 2

The Impact of Colour on the Roman City by Vicky Jewell

5. What insights do houses and apartments in Rome and Ostia provide about the experience of living in Rome?

Primary Accounts : Juvenal, Satires 1, 3, 6 ; Martial, Epigrams 1.70, 86, 108, 117; 3.14, 38; 4.5, 8; 5.20, 22; 12.18, 57

* see also Seminar 3 Bibliography

Barton, I. M., ed., Roman Domestic Buildings (1996)

L. Casson (1998), Everyday Life in Ancient Rome (Baltimore)

G. Calza & G. Becatti, Ostia (Rome) [DG 70 08].

Clarke, J.R., T he Houses of Roman Italy (1991).

Ellis, S. P., Roman Housing ( 2000).

B.W. Frier (1977) ‘The Rental Market in Early Imperial Rome’, Journal of Roman Studies 67: 27–37.[JSTOR] B.W. Frier (1980) Landlords and Tenants in Imperial Rome (Princeton University Press, Princeton). [KE 207.F7]

P. Garnsey (1976), ‘Urban Property Investment’, in M. I. Finley (ed.), Studies in Roman Property ; 123-36

Hales, S. T he Roman House and Social Identity (Cambridge, 2003)

Laurence, R. & Wallace-Hadrill, A., Domestic Space in the Roman World (1997)

R. Laurence (1997) ‘Writing the Roman Metropolis’, in H. Parkins (ed.) Roman Urbanism Ch. 1. [DG 78.R6]

N. Morley (1996), Metropolis & Hinterland: City of Rome & Italian Economy, 200 B.C. -- A.D. 200 - ch. 2, ‘The demographic burden’, esp. pp. 39-46. [DG 63.M6]

*R. Meiggs, Roman Ostia (2nd ed. 1973: Oxford University Press: Oxford), chapters 2, 13 [DG 70.08 + e-book]

McKay, A. M., Houses, Villas and Palaces in the Roman World (paperback ed. 1998) [available bygoogleboocks]

J. Packer, ‘Housing and population in imperial Ostia and Rome’, Journal of Roman studies 57 (1967) 80-95 [JSTOR]

Packer, J. E. (1971) The insulae of imperial Ostia. MAAR 31. Rome, The American Academy in Rome.

J. Patterson in Ancient Rome (eds) Coulston and Dodge. “Living and death in ancient Rome” 260-280.

R. Laurence (ed.) (2011) Rome, Ostia, Pompeii Movement and Space.

OUP [DG 77. R6.]

W. Scheidel (2003), "Germs for Rome" in C. Edwards & G. Woolf (ed.), Rome the Cosmopolis, c h. 8 (pp. 158-76). [DG 63.R6]

**A. Scobie (1986), Slums, sanitation and mortality in the Roman world, Klio 68; pp. 399-433. [JSTOR]

B. D. Shaw (1996), ‘Seasons of Death: Aspects of Mortality in Imperial Rome’, JRS 86; pp. 100-138.[JSTOR]

G.R. Storey (2002) ‘Regionaries-Type Insulae 2: Architectural and residential units at Rome’ American Journal of Archaeology 106; pp. 411-34 [Arts Periodicals]

** T.P. Wiseman (1987), ‘Conspicui Postes Tectaque Digna Deo: The Public Image of Aristocratic and Imperial Houses in the Late Republic and Early Empire’, in C. Pietri (ed.), L’Urbs, Espace urbain et histoire (Rome) 475-89.*

Z. Yavetz (1958), ‘The Living Conditions of the Urban Plebs’, Latomus 17: 500–517. [Arts periodical] Also reprinted in R. Seager (1969), The Crisis of the Roman Republic, 162–179. [DG 254.S3]

6. Was there an architectural revolution under the emperor Nero?

Primary sources : Suetonius’ Nero 31; Tacitus’Annales 15. 38-43; Pliny NH 33.54;34.84; 35.120; 36.111;36.163; Seneca, Letters 90.15.

L.F. Ball, (1994) ‘ A reappraisal of Nero’s Domus Aurea’ in Rome Papers ( JRA Supplement 11 (1994) 183-254.

- The Domus Aurea and Architectural Revolution.

Griffin, M. (1987), Nero (London).

Boëthius, A. (1960), The Golden House of Nero (Ann Arbor)

P.J. Aicher (1995) Guide to the aqueducts of ancient Rome (Wauconda, Ill.: Bolchazy-Carducci) C. Bruun (1991), The Water Supply of Ancient Rome: A Study of Roman Imperial Administration (Helsinki) [TD 216.B7]

Elsner, J. (1994), ‘Constructing Decadence. The Representation of Nero as Imperial Builder’, in id. and J. Masters (eds.), Reflections of Nero (London)

H. Dodge (2000) ‘Greater than the pyramids: the water supply of ancient Rome’, in J. Coulston and H. Dodge (eds), Ancient Rome: The Archaeology of the Eternal City, 166-209 (Oxbow Books: Oxford).

Janet Delaine in H. Doge and J. Coulston Ancient Rome 119-137.

H. B .Evans (1982), "Agrippa’s water plan" in American Journal of Archaeology 86, 401-11. H.B. Evans (1994) Water Distribution in Ancient Rome: the evidence of Frontinus (Ann Arbor) [TD 398.E9]

W.L. Macdonald, The Architecture of the Roman Empire vols. I and II.(1986) F. Sear (1998 - earlier editions also available) Roman Architecture, Batsford: London. [NA 310.S3]

R. Taylor (2000) P ublic needs and private pleasures: water distribution, the Tiber river and the urban development of ancient Rome (Rome, “L’Erma” di Bretschneider) [on order at library]

P.L. Tucci (2006) 'Ideology and technology in Rome's water supply: castella, the toponym AQVEDVCTVM and supply to the Palatine and Caelian hills', JRA 19: 92-120.

R.J.A. Wilson (1996)‘Tot aquarum tam multis necessariis molibus...Recent studies on aqueducts and water supply’, in J ournal of Roman Archaeology 9: 5-29. [Arts periodicals]

Thornton, M. K. (1986), ‘Julio-Claudian Building Programs: Eat, Drink and Be Merry’, Historia 35: 28-44 _______and Thornton, R. C. (1989), Julio-Claudian Building Programs (Waucauda, Il.)

Term 2 Essay Deadline is Thursday 7 March (week 9) at 12 noon.

1. What can we learn about Roman society from the study of entertainment buildings? NB - use the topographical dictionaries for details on individual monuments General Barton, C. A. (1993) The Sorrows of the Ancient Romans: The Gladiator and the Monster (Princeton: Princeton University Press) [DG 78.B2] ch.1 Coleman, K. (2000) 'Entertaining Rome', 210-58 in Coulston, J. and H. Dodge, Ancient Rome. The Archaeology of the Eternal City (Oxford) [DG 65.A6] Coleman, K. (2011) 'Public entertainments' in M. Peachin, ed., The Oxford Handbook of Social Relations in the Roman World Lomas, K. and T. Cornell, eds (2002) Bread and Circuses (Routledge, London) (espec. chapters by Holleran and Coleman) [DG 95.B7] Amphitheatres Barton, C. A. (1993) The Sorrows of the Ancient Romans: The Gladiator and the Monster (Princeton: Princeton University Press) [DG 78.B2] ch.1 Beard, M. & Hopkins, K. (2005) The Colosseum [DG 68.1.H6] Fagan, G. (2011) The lure of the arena: social psychology and the crowd at the Roman games [HF 4062.5.F2] Futrell, A. (1997) Blood in the Arena. The Spectacle of Roman Power (University of Texas Press, Austin) [DG 95.F8] 'The imperial games' Welch, K. (1991), ‘Roman Amphitheatres revived’ Journal of Roman Archaeology 1: 272-81. Welch, K. (2003) The Roman Amphitheatre from its origins to the Colosseum [NA 313.W4] Theatres Beacham, R. (1991) The Roman theatre and its audience (Routledge, London) [PA 6067.B3] Slater, W.J., ed. (1996) Roman Theater and Society (Ann Arbor) [PA 6067.R6] Gagliardo, M.C. and J. Packer (2006) ‘A New Look at Pompey’s Theatre: History, Documentation, and Recent Excavation’, American Journal of Archaeology 110.1, 93-122.[Arts Periodical]. Lancaster, L.C. (1998), ‘Reconstructing the restorations of the Colosseum after the fire of 217 AD’, Journal of Roman Archaeology 11: 46-74. Parker, H.N. (1999) ‘The observed of all observers: spectacle, applause and cultural poetics in the Roman theatre audience’, in B. Bergmann and C. Kondoleon (eds) The art of ancient spectacle (Washington: National Gallery of Art) 163-79 [GT 4851.A7] Rawson, E. (1987) 'Discrimina Ordinum: The Lex Julia Theatralis', Papers of the British School at Rome 55: 83-113 Circuses Humphrey, J.H. (1986) Roman Circuses [DG 95.H8] Rose, P. (2005) 'Spectators and spectator comfort in Roman entertainment buildings: a study in functional design', PBSR 73: 99-130 Wiseman, T. P. (1974), ‘The Circus Flaminius’, PBSR 42: 3-26

2. Discuss the challenges of and solutions to supplying the city of Rome. Key Reading: Mattingly, D. and Aldrete, G. (2000) 'The feeding of imperial Rome: the mechanics of the food supply system', in Coulston, J. and H. Dodge, Ancient Rome. The Archaeology of the Eternal City (Oxford) [DG 65.A6] Parkin, H. (1997) 'The consumer city domesticated? The Roman city in elite economic strategies', in Roman Urbanism. Beyond the Consumer City, ed. H.M. Parkins (Routledge: London & New York) pp.83-111 + e-book Rickman, G. (1971) Roman Granaries and Store Buildings, Cambridge University Press [NA 325.G7] Rickman, G. (1971) The corn supply of ancient Rome; Clarendon Press: Oxford [DG 105.R4 + e-book] General Reading: Greene, K. (1986) The Archaeology of the Roman Economy, Batsford: London, chap.1 [DG 85.G7] Harris, W.V. (1993) (ed.) The inscribed economy : production and distribution in the Roman empire in the light of instrumentum domesticum : the proceedings of a conference held at the American Academy in Rome on 10-11 January, 1992, University of Michigan [Oversize: HC 39.I57] Scheidel, W. (2012) (ed.) The Cambridge companion to the Roman economy, Cambridge University Press [HC39.C36] Scheidel, W., Morris, I., Saller, R. (2008) The Cambridge Economic History of the Greco-Roman World Temin, P. (c. 2013) The Roman Market Economy, Princeton University Press [HC39.T46] Transport: Casson, L. (1965) 'Harbour and river boats of ancient Rome', Journal of Roman Studies 55: 31-39 Duncan-Jones, R.P. (1977) ‘Giant cargo-ships in antiquity’, Classical Quarterly 27: 331-34 Hopkins, K. (1983) ‘Models, Ships and Staples’ in Garnsey, P. and Whittaker, C.R. (eds.), Trade and Famine in Classical Antiquity pp. 84-109. [DE 61.E2] Ostia: Ostia: Guide to the Excavations pp.20-21, 26, 52 [DG 70 08] Calza, G. and Becatti, G. Ostia (Rome) pp.9-12, 17-18 [DG 70 08] Meiggs, R. (1973) Roman Ostia (2nd ed. 1973: Oxford University Press: Oxford), chapters 2, 13 [DG 70.08 + e-book] Vitelli, G. (1980) Grain Storage and Urban Growth in Imperial Ostia: A Quantitative Study, World Archaeology, Vol. 12, No. 1, Classical Archaeology (Jun., 1980), pp. 54-68 [JStor] Portus: Keay, S. et al., (2005) Portus: an archaeological survey of the port of Imperial Rome [DG 70.P73] Rickman, G.E. (1996) ‘Portus in perspective’, in Roman Ostia Revisited, eds A. Gallina Zevi & A. Claridge (British School at Rome: London 1996) 281-91 [DG 70.08]

3. ‘Place is an important part of religious experience.’ Discuss for the city of Rome. Roman religion - general Adkins, R. and Adkins, L. (2001) Dictionary of Roman Religion [BL 802.A3] Ando, C. (2003) Roman Religion (Edinburgh Univ Press) [BL 802.R6] Beard, M., North, J., Price, S. (1998) Religions of Rome 2 vols [BL 802.B3] esp. vol. 1, ch.7 Lane Fox, R. L. (1986) Pagans and Christians [BR 182.L2] MacMullen, R. (1981) Paganism in the Roman Empire [BL 802.M2] MacMullen, R. (1984) Christianizing the Roman Empire [BR 170.M2] North, J. (2000) Roman Religion (G&R New Surveys 30) [BL 801.N6] North, J. A. and Price, S. R. F. (eds.) (2011) The religious history of the Roman Empire: pagans, Jews, and Christians, Oxford University Press [BL 803.R62] Rives, J.B. (2007) Religion in the Roman Empire (Blackwell) [BL 803.R4] Rüpke, J. (ed.) (2007) A companion to Roman religion, Blackwell Pub [BL 803.C66] Electronic resource Rüpke, J. (2010) 'Religious Pluralism', in Barchiesi, A. and Scheidel, W., eds, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Studies [DG 209.O94] Scheid, J. (2003) An introduction to Roman religion (Edinburgh Univ. Press) [BL 803.S2] Some 'foreign' gods in Rome Beck, R. (2006) The religion of the Mithras cult in the Roman Empire : mysteries of the unconquered sun [BL 1585.B3] online resource too Bowden, H. (2010) Mystery cults of the ancient world [BL 610.B69] Clauss, M. (2000) The Roman cult of Mithras: the god and his mysteries [BL 1585.C8] Gasparro, G. S. (1985) Soteriology and mystic aspects in the cult of Cybele and Attis [BL 820.C8] Orlin, E. (2010) Foreign cults in Rome [electronic resource] : creating a Roman Empire Roller, L. E. (c.1999) In search of god the mother : the cult of Anatolian Cybele [BL 820.C8] Rüpke, J. (ed.) (2007) A companion to Roman religion, Blackwell Pub [BL 803.C66] Speidel, M. (1980) Mithras-Orion: Greek Hero and Roman Army God [BL 1585.S7] Turcan, R. (1996) The cults of the Roman Empire [BL 805.T8] Witt, R. E. (1997) Isis in the Ancient World [BL 2450.I8] Witt, R. E. (1971) Isis in the Graeco-Roman world [BL 2450.I8]

4. Did Christian funerary monuments present a departure from traditional Roman practice? Key Reading: Davies, P.J.E. (2000) Death and the emperor (Cambridge) [NB 1875.D2] pp.27-34, 127-135 Hope, V.M. (2009) Roman Death: dying and the dead in ancient Rome [DG 103.H68] Patterson, J. R. (2000) 'Living and Dying in the City of Rome: houses and tombs' - pages 259-289 in Mattingly, D. & G. Patterson, J. (1992) ‘Patronage, collegia and burial in Imperial Rome’, in S. Bassett, (ed.) Death in towns: urban responses to the dying and the dead, 100-1600 (Leicester: Leicester University Press) 15-27 [GT 3243.D3 General Reading: Carroll, M. (2006) Spirits of the Dead: Roman funerary commemoration in Western Europe (OUP) [DG 103.C2 Colvin, H. M. (1991) Architecture and the after-life (New Haven, London: Yale University Press) [NA 6162.C6 Elsner, J. and Huskinson, J. (2011) Life, death, and representation: some new work on Roman sarcophagi [NB 1810.L47] Graham, E-J. (2006) The Burial of the Urban Poor in Italy in the Late Roman Republic and Early Empire (BAR 1565) Hope, V. M. and Marshall, E. eds. (2000), Death and disease in the ancient city (London: Routledge) – esp. chapters by Patterson, Hope, Bodel and Lindsay. [DE 61.D3] Huskinson, J. (1996) Roman Children’s Sarcophagi: their Decoration and its Social Significance [NB 1810.H8 Oliver, G.J. (2000) The Epigraphy of Death Pearce, J. et al, eds (2000) Burial, society and context in the Roman world (Oxford: Oxbow) [DG 103.B8] Walker, S. (1985) Memorials to the Roman dead (London: British Museum) [DG 103.W2] Sourcebook: Hope, V.M. (2007) Death in Ancient Rome: A Sourcebook [DG 103.H6 + e-book]

5. How important was the city of Rome to the image-making of the late Roman emperors? NB - use the topographical dictionaries for details on individual monuments Barnes, T. (1982). The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine. Corcoran, S. (1996). The Empire of the Tetrarchs: Imperial Pronouncements and Government, AD 284–324. Ewald, B.C. & Norena, C.F. (eds). (2010). The Emperor and Rome: Space, Representation, and Ritual. Harris, W.V. et al (eds). (1999). The Transformation of Urbs Roma in Late Antiquity. Hekster, O. (1999). ‘The city of Rome in late imperial ideology: The Tetrarchs, Maxentius, and Constantine’, Mediterraneo Antico 2.2, 717-48. Kelly, G. & Grig, L. (eds). (2012). Two Romes: Rome and Constantinople in Late Antiquity. Leadbetter, B. (2009). Galerius and the Will of Diocletian. Mitchell, S. (2015). A History of the later Roman empire, AD 284-641. Rapp, C. & Drake, H.A. (2014). The city in the classical and post-classical world: changing contexts of power and identity. Rees, R. (1993). 'Images and Image: A Re-exmination of Tetrarchic Iconography', G&R 40.2, 181-200. Rees, R. (2004). Diocletian and the Tetrarchy. Williams, S. (1985). Diocletian and the Roman Recovery.

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Navigating the Historical Labyrinth of Ancient Rome: Essay Topics

Welcome, intrepid time travelers and history enthusiasts! As we stand on the brink of another academic exploration, the historical labyrinth of Ancient Rome beckons us. Famous for its grandeur, societal advancements, and dramatic political turmoil, Rome offers a goldmine of captivating topics for your next argumentative essay. To help you on this journey, we present a robust selection of 99 exciting essay topics that span various aspects of Roman civilization.

Table of content

Peeling Back the Layers: Rome Uncovered

What makes Rome so special that it commands our attention more than two millennia after its founding? The city is a fascinating embodiment of countless narratives, where every stone and monument whispers tales of yesteryears.

The story of Rome is one of power and decline, glory and catastrophe. A city that rose from a humble settlement on the banks of the Tiber River to rule a vast empire stretching across three continents. It is an epic tale filled with influential leaders, grand political schemes, momentous battles, and artistic innovations that continue to shape our world.

A plunge into Roman history is akin to unraveling a complex web of interactions, directly and indirectly, affecting societies today. Their architectural innovations, from aqueducts to roads, set a precedent for urban infrastructure. The Roman legal system became a foundation for numerous global legal practices. Concepts of citizenship and governance, notions of entertainment, and even parts of our language owe much to Rome.

Moreover, Rome represents a pivotal point in religious history, being central to the spread of Christianity. The development and dissemination of Christian thought within the Roman Empire and the eventual adoption of Christianity as the state religion had enduring consequences on global religious landscapes.

In a broader sense, understanding Rome means understanding the roots of Western civilization. The rise and fall of this once-majestic Empire provide a window into our collective past, offering insights into humanity’s capacity for creativity, resilience, ambition, and even self-destruction.

Rome offers an abundant, complex, and fascinating field of study, a treasure trove of knowledge waiting to be discovered and appreciated. Unearthing the secrets of Rome is a journey, an intellectual adventure that promises to be as enriching as it is exciting. So, are you ready to join us as we traverse the annals of Roman history, picking up the echoes of the past to comprehend our present better?

Topics Galore: Categories for Your Consideration

To aid your exploration, we’ve organized these essay topics into five broad categories: Society and Culture, Politics and Leaders, Warfare and Conquests, Religion and Mythology, and Architecture and Innovations.

The Mosaic of Society and Culture

Step into the everyday life of a Roman citizen, explore their social norms and examine the pivotal Role of culture in shaping the Roman Empire.

Topic Examples:

The Class Structure of Roman Society: Patricians and Plebeians
The Evolution of Roman Law and Its Impact on Modern Legal Systems
The Role of Women in Roman Society
Slavery in Rome: A Comparative Analysis with Ancient Greece
The Significance of Roman Festivals and Public Spectacles
Gladiatorial Games: a Societal Necessity or Brutal Entertainment?
The Impact of Roman Colonization on Indigenous Cultures
The Role of Patronage in the Roman Arts
Language Diversity in the Roman Empire: a Study of Vernacular Languages
Roman Festivals: an Exploration of Seasonal Celebrations and Their Societal Implications
The Roman Culinary Arts: From the Simple to the Extravagant
The Influence of Greek Culture on Roman Society
The Impact of Rome on Modern Western Civilization
The Societal Impact of Roman Clothing and Fashion
An Analysis of the Roman Education System
Roman Theater: a Societal Mirror or Mere Entertainment?
The Role of Sports and Recreation in Roman Society
Roman Marriage Customs and Their Influence on Societal Structure
Influence of Latin: from Roman Streets to Modern Linguistics
Roman Literature and Its Reflection on Society
Graffiti in Pompeii: a Snapshot of Roman Culture
The Significance of Patron-Client Relationships in Roman Society
The Societal Role of the Roman Baths
Roman Dining Customs: a Look at the Convivium
Examination of Roman Social Clubs and Associations
Roman Funeral Rituals and Beliefs About Death
Childhood in Rome: From birth to Adulthood
Roman Slavery: a Study of Manumission and Freedmen
The Impact of Greek Philosophy on Roman Society
Urban Versus Rural Life in Roman Society
The Contribution of Rome to Modern Theatre
The Influence of Rome on Western Literature
The Effect of Roman Tax Policies on Its Citizens
Examination of Roman Housing and City Planning
Trade and Commerce in the Roman Empire
An Overview of Roman Education: From Wax Tablets to Schools
Influence of Roman Laws on Today’s Legal Systems
The Cultural Significance of Roman Mosaics and Frescoes
An In-Depth Look at Roman Entertainment
Roman Citizenship: Privileges and Responsibilities
The Role of Public Speaking and Rhetoric in Roman Society
Influence of Roman Numerals on Modern Numbering Systems
Roman Jewelry: More than Mere Decoration
The Life of a Roman Soldier: Expectations and Reality
The Societal Implications of Roman Expansion
The Significance of Roman Trade Routes
The Role of Women in Different Sectors of Roman Society
The Societal Influence of the Pax Romana
The Importance of the Family Unit in Roman Society
An Analysis of Roman Coinage and Its Symbolism
The Societal Impact of the Roman Calendar
Roman Music: Its Characteristics and Influence on Modern Music

The Grand Stage of Politics and Leaders

Dive into the tumultuous political arena of Rome and discover the individuals whose leadership shaped the Empire’s destiny.

Julius Caesar: Revolutionary Leader or Tyrant?
The Political Implications of Caesar’s Assassination
The Influence and Impact of the Twelve Tables
The Transition From the Roman Republic to the Roman Empire
A Critique of Emperor Nero’s Reign
The Political Structure of the Roman Empire: a Detailed Study
The Role of the Roman Senate in the Governance of the Empire
Analysis of Augustus’ Policies and Their Impact on Rome
The Rise and Fall of Julius Caesar: a Critical Analysis
The Political Genius of Emperor Augustus
The Significance of the Roman Consuls
An Analysis of the Political Reforms of the Gracchi Brothers
A Critique of the Rule of Emperor Marcus Aurelius
An Examination of the Roman Legal System
The Legacy of Roman Law on Contemporary Legal Practices
The Reign of Emperor Hadrian: Rome’s Grand Builder
The Roman Republic vs. the Roman Empire: a Comparison
The Political Impact of Rome’s Geographic Location
The Role of the Praetorian Guard in Roman Politics
Examination of Political Propaganda in Ancient Rome
The Political Implications of Roman Citizenship
Influence and Power: the Political Role of Roman Women
The Effect of Roman Colonization on the Provinces
Examination of the Political Climate During the Pax Romana
The Political Strategy behind Roman Road Construction
The Rule of Emperor Constantine and the Christian Shift
An Analysis of the Reign of Emperor Diocletian
Influence of Roman Political Ideologies on Western Political Thought
Examination of Roman Provincial Administration
The Influence of Roman Bureaucracy on Modern Administrative Systems
The Role and Power of the Roman Assemblies
Impact of the Roman Legal Code on International Law
Political Conflicts and Their Impact on Rome’s Fall
An Overview of the Roman Tax System
The Rule of Emperor Trajan: Rome at Its Zenith
Role of Foreign Policy in Rome’s Expansion
The Societal Impact of the ‘Bread and Circuses’ Policy
The Transition of Power: from Republic to Imperial Rule
Examination of Treason Laws in the Roman Empire
The Influence of Stoicism on Roman Leaders
The Political Significance of the Roman Forum
The Use and Misuse of Political Power in Rome
The Influence of Roman Political Architecture
An Examination of Roman Diplomacy
The Influence of Emperor Justinian on Roman Law
Roman Economy: a Source of Political Power?
The Political Implications of the Roman Census
The Impact of Corruption on the Decline of the Roman Empire
Analysis of the Social Mobility in Roman Political Structures
Examination of the Power Dynamics within the Roman Imperial Family
The Impact of the “Princeps” Title on the Image of Roman Leadership
The Role of Tribunes in the Roman Political Landscape

Epic Battles: Warfare and Conquests

Explore Rome’s military might, strategic brilliance, and the monumental conquests that expanded its boundaries.

The Significance of the Punic Wars in Rome’s Rise to Power
Roman Military Tactics: a Study of the Roman Legion
The Impact of Rome’s Military Conquests on Its Economy and Culture
The Reasons Behind the Fall of the Roman Empire
The Role of the Roman Navy in the Expansion of the Empire
A Comparative Study of Roman and Greek Military Strategies
Analysis of the Barbarian Invasions and Their Effect on Rome
The Causes and Effects of the Roman Civil War
Rome vs. Carthage: a Comparative Study of Military Might
The Military Strategies of Julius Caesar
An Analysis of the Roman Siege Warfare
The Military Significance of the Battle of Actium
The Influence of Roman Military Tactics on Modern Warfare
Examination of the Roman Siege of Jerusalem
The Role of the Roman Navy During the Punic Wars
The Influence of Roman Military Gear and Equipment
Analysis of the Roman Military Training and Discipline
Roman Logistics: a Key to Military Success
The Societal Implications of Rome’s Military Victories
The Role of the Military in Roman Politics
The Impact of Rome’s Military Culture on Its Society
The Roman Army: an Instrument of Imperialism
The Effect of the Roman Military on Conquered Societies
The Influence of Roman Fortifications on Modern Military Architecture
A Study of the Roman Auxiliary Troops
Analysis of the Roman Military Hierarchy
The Significance of Roman Military Law
The Role of Military Engineering in Roman Conquests
The Strategic Importance of Roman Camps
A Detailed Study of the Roman Cavalry
Examination of the Roman Defenses along the Rhine and Danube
An Analysis of the Roman Supply Lines and Logistics
The Societal Impact of the Roman Military-Industrial Complex
The Psychological Warfare Employed by the Romans
A Study of Roman Battlefield Medicine
The Role of Intelligence and Espionage in Roman Military Strategy
The Influence of Roman Military Formations
The Significance of Roman Veterans in Society
A Study of the Roman Military Standard
An Analysis of the Role of Mercenaries in the Roman Army
The Military Innovations of the Romans
The Impact of Rome’s War Economy on Society
A Detailed Study of the Roman Military Roads
The Influence of Roman Naval Warfare
A Study of the Roman War Chariots
An Analysis of the Military Decorations and Honors in Rome
The Impact of Military Defeats on Rome’s Societal and Political Landscape
The Influence of Military Infrastructure on the Expansion of the Roman Empire
The Role of Strategic Fortifications in the Defense of the Roman Empire
Roman Imperialism: A Study of the Motivations Behind Rome’s Territorial Expansions
An Examination of Roman War Elephants
The Impact of the Roman Military on the Spread of the Latin Language

Religion and Mythology: Unraveling the Intricacies of Divine Rome

Unravel the complexities of Roman religious beliefs and mythology and their influence on Roman society.

The Role of Religion in Roman society
The Influence of Greek Mythology on Roman Religious Beliefs
The Cult of the Emperor: Its Inception and Impact
The Role of Augurs and Oracles in Roman Society
The Introduction and Spread of Christianity in Rome
Analysis of Roman Gods and Their Societal Significance
Mithraism in the Roman Empire: a Detailed Study
The Impact of Roman Mythology on Roman Societal Norms
The Significance of Sacrificial Rituals in Roman Religion
Comparative Study of Roman and Greek Gods
The Societal Role of Roman Priesthoods
An Analysis of the Roman State Religion
The Influence of Roman Religious Festivals on the Societal Structure
The Role of Religion in Roman Military Campaigns
An Examination of the Roman Funeral Rites
The Impact of the Roman Belief in Omens and Divination
The Societal and Political Implications of the Vestal Virgins
The Role of Astrology in Roman Religion
An Analysis of the Eastern Religions in Rome
The Significance of Roman Temples in Society
The Evolution of the Roman Pantheon
The Transition from Roman Polytheism to Christian Monotheism
The Impact of Roman Religious Tolerance
Examination of the Religious Symbolism in Roman Art
The Influence of Roman Religion on Roman Law
A Detailed Study of Roman Religious Festivals
The Effect of Christianity on Roman Society and Culture
A Study of the Persecution of Christians in Rome
An Examination of the Religious Implications of the Roman Imperial Cult
The Relationship between Roman Religion and Philosophy
The Cultural Implications of Roman Burial Practices
The Role of Mythology in Roman Literature
The Impact of Roman Religious Architecture
The Role of Roman Religion in Public Life
The Influence of Roman Mythology on Western Culture
Examination of the Roman Religious Calendar
The Role of Religious Syncretism in Rome
The Societal Implications of Roman Oracles and Prophecies
The Significance of Roman Mystery Cults
An Analysis of the Religious Landscape of Rome
The Impact of the Roman Catacombs on the Christian Religion
A Study of the Religious Rites and Rituals in Roman Society
The Role of Roman Religion in the Preservation of Rome’s Heritage
An Examination of the Roman Beliefs about the Afterlife
The Influence of Roman Religion on Roman Music and Theater
A Detailed Study of the Capitoline Triad
The Societal Implications of Roman Religious Sculptures and Carvings
The Impact of Roman Religious Beliefs on Medical Practices
Examination of Syncretism in Roman Religious Practices
Influence of Roman Religious and Mythological Narratives on European Literature
Roman Death Rituals: a Study of Belief in the Afterlife
The Societal and Political Impact of the Cult of Isis in Rome

Architecture and Innovations: Standing on the Shoulders of Roman Giants

Delve into the architectural marvels of Rome and discover the innovations that advanced Roman society.

The Architectural Grandeur of the Colosseum: an In-Depth Analysis
The Significance of Roman Roads and Their Influence on Modern Infrastructure
The Invention of Concrete and Its Impact on Roman Architecture
The Design and Purpose of Roman Aqueducts
A Comparative Study of Roman and Greek Architecture
The Engineering Marvel of the Roman Sewage System: the Cloaca Maxima
The Cultural Significance of Roman Baths
The Architectural Significance of the Roman Arch
The Role of the Roman Pantheon in Architectural History
An Analysis of the Roman Domus: From Layout to Lifestyle
The Influence of Roman Architecture on the Renaissance Period
An Examination of Roman City Planning
The Architectural and Cultural Significance of the Roman Basilicas
The Societal Implications of the Roman Insulae
A Study of the Construction Techniques of Roman Bridges
The Innovation and Importance of the Roman Hypocaust System
An Analysis of the Use of the Arch in Roman Architecture
The Architectural Marvel of the Roman Thermae
The Influence of Roman Architecture on Modern Stadium Design
The Evolution of Roman Wall Painting Styles
The Architectural Significance of the Roman Villa
An Examination of the Engineering of the Roman Aqueducts
The Societal Implications of Roman Road Construction
A Study of the Roman Forum and Its Buildings
An Analysis of the Principles of Roman Urban Planning
The Influence of Roman Architecture on Western Civilization
The Impact of Roman construction materials and Techniques
The Use and Symbolism of Roman Sculpture in Public Spaces
The Aesthetic and Functional Aspects of Roman Gardens
The Architectural and Societal Importance of Roman Theatres
The Influence of Roman Military Architecture on Modern Fortifications
The Significance of the Appian Way
An Analysis of the Roman Use of the Dome
The Roman Use of Concrete and Its Influence on Modern Architecture
The Societal Role of the Roman Circus
An Examination of the Architectural Innovations in the Colosseum
A Study of the Architectural Layout of a Roman Military Camp
An Examination of the Impact of Roman Architecture on Religious Structures
The Design and Functionality of the Roman Sewer System
An Analysis of the Roman Use of Column Orders
The Societal Implications of Roman Public Squares
The Architectural Legacy of Emperor Hadrian
A Study of the Architecture and Design of Roman Ports
An Examination of Roman Lighthouses and Their Architectural Importance
The Architectural and Societal Impact of Roman Catacombs
The Influence of Roman Architecture on European Cathedrals
An Analysis of the Architectural and Artistic Features of Roman Triumphal Arches
Roman Engineering: a Study of the Design and Construction of Roman Harbors
The Societal Implications of Roman Apartment Buildings (Insulae)
Roman City Defenses: a Study of Walls and Fortifications
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As you embark on this journey through time, remember that the goal of an argumentative essay is to present a balanced view substantiated by solid research and evidence. Choose a topic that excites you, gather your evidence, and embark on an intellectual adventure into the heart of Ancient Rome.

Let the spirit of Rome guide your pen! Happy writing, history explorers!

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Elements of ancient Rome exist in our daily lives and are visible throughout our modern infrastructure, government, and culture. Similar to our modern world, the Romans held cultural events, built and stocked libraries, and provided health care. People gathered in town centers to read news on stone tablets and the children attended school. The government passed laws that protected its citizens. Have students develop a KWL chart to find out what they know about ancient Rome, what they want to learn, and what they find out. Split the class into three groups and invite each group to research life in ancient Rome . Once the groups have finished their research, facilitate a class discussion on their findings. Complete and review the KWL chart with the class. Then, as a whole class, review the infographic. Review with students the connections between ancient Rome and modern life that the infographic displays. Ask students to think of one to two additional examples of traces of ancient Rome that they can see in their community. Then, ask students to write a short essay that addresses the following questions:

Why have ancient Rome’s influences lasted to inspire modern societies?
Where have modern societies improved on Rome’s ancient designs, or are there still areas for improvement?
How do students believe these influences will be affected in the future, especially in the context of the digital revolution occurring worldwide?

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Home — Essay Samples — History — Julius Caesar — Julius Caesar: One Of The Most Prominent Figures In The History Of Rome

Julius Caesar: One of The Most Prominent Figures in The History of Rome

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Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History Essays

Baroque rome.

The Denial of Saint Peter

Caravaggio (Michelangelo Merisi)

Bust-Length Portrait of a Woman (recto); Bust-Length Study of a Girl (verso)

Agostino Carracci

Harpsichord

Michele Todini , designer

Barberini Cabinet

Galleria dei Lavori, Florence

Bacchanal: A Faun Teased by Children

Gian Lorenzo Bernini

Cardinal Scipione Borghese (1577–1633)

Giuliano Finelli

The Abduction of the Sabine Women

Nicolas Poussin

The Coronation of the Virgin

Annibale Carracci

The Preaching of John the Baptist

Bartholomeus Breenbergh

Marcantonio Pasqualini (1614–1691) Crowned by Apollo

Andrea Sacchi

Saint John the Baptist Preaching

Mattia Preti (Il Cavalier Calabrese)

Queen Esther Approaching the Palace of Ahasuerus

Claude Lorrain (Claude Gellée)

The Fall of the Giants

Salvator Rosa

The Lamentation

Domenichino (Domenico Zampieri)

Holy-water stoup with relief of Mary of Egypt

Giovanni Giardini

Pope Alexander VII (Fabio Chigi, 1599–1667; reigned 1655–67)

Melchiorre Cafà

The Martyrdom of Saint Cecilia (Cartoon for a Fresco)

Pope Innocent X

After a composition by Alessandro Algardi

Jean Sorabella Independent Scholar

October 2003

In the seventeenth century, the city of Rome became the consummate statement of Catholic majesty and triumph expressed in all the arts. Baroque architects, artists, and urban planners so magnified and invigorated the classical and ecclesiastical traditions of the city that it became for centuries after the acknowledged capital of the European art world, not only a focus for tourists and artists but also a watershed of inspiration throughout the Western world.

Urbanism and Architecture Although Rome gained in magnificent buildings and monuments during the Renaissance , it also suffered the attacks of Reformation theologians and invading armies; although home to major centers of religious pilgrimage and venerable remains of Imperial Rome, the city’s haphazard street system impeded circulation and diminished spectators’ vantage on its monuments. To remedy this situation, Pope Sixtus V (r. 1585–90) promoted his vision of “Roma in forma sideris,” that is, Rome in the shape of a star. He engaged Domenico Fontana (1543–1607) and other planners to lay out processional avenues linking the great basilicas, such as Santa Maria Maggiore and San Giovanni in Laterano, with other strategic points; routes emanated like the rays of a star from focal piazzas marked with Egyptian obelisks brought to Rome in ancient times.

Today the papacy controls only the small zone known as Vatican City, but its domain in former times was not so restricted, and papal patronage transformed the entire city. Three energetic popes, Urban VIII (r. 1623–44), Innocent X (r. 1644–55), and Alexander VII (r. 1655–67), charged the versatile talents of Gian Lorenzo Bernini (1598–1680), Francesco Borromini (1599–1667), and Pietro da Cortona (1596–1669) with commissions meant to monumentalize and beautify areas all over Rome. Bernini executed several projects at the Basilica of Saint Peter, the center of papal authority: he created the superb bronze baldacchino (canopy) over the high altar for Urban VIII, and for Alexander VII he designed the sculptural adornment of the chair of Peter in the apse and the sweeping round colonnades that frame the facade. Nearby, Bernini designed the Ponte Sant’Angelo, a bridge across the Tiber embellished with angels carrying the instruments of Christ’s passion, which eased movement between the Vatican and the important commercial area across the river.

All the popes used the official residence in the Vatican, but they also lavished attention on their own palaces in other parts of the city. Innocent X, for example, developed the Piazza Navona, commissioning Borromini to design facades for the Church of Sant’Agnese in Agone and for his palace next door, and engaging Bernini to create the spectacular Fountain of the Four Rivers, whose gushing waters, colossal sculpture, and crowning obelisk form the centerpiece of the square. The introduction of fountains and monumental stairways throughout the city induced pedestrians not only to move easily from place to place but also to linger in beautified transitional spaces. A prime example is the Spanish Steps, a symmetrical system of landings and curving staircases that connect two neighborhoods formerly divided by an impassably steep hill. Although several artists proposed solutions to the problem, the Steps were finally built to the elegant design of Francesco De Sanctis and completed in 1726.

The Building and Embellishment of Baroque Churches Throughout the seventeenth century, churches were constructed along Rome’s newly cut thoroughfares, and existing buildings were modified in keeping with Baroque taste. Borromini designed innovative churches, such as Sant’Ivo alla Sapienza and San Carlo alle Quattro Fontane, in which complex harmonies of curved and rectangular forms create surprising, sculptural interiors. Borromini also remodeled the ancient basilica of San Giovanni in Laterano, incorporating stuccowork by Alessandro Algardi, gilding, and an abundance of colored marbles, materials lavishly applied in many other Roman interiors. At the Cornaro Chapel in the Church of Santa Maria della Vittoria, Bernini used sculpture, architectural elements, and hidden light sources to transform a family chapel into a theatrical re-creation of Saint Teresa of Ávila ecstatically receiving an angel with an arrow of divine love. As a result of Pietro da Cortona’s new convex facade for Santa Maria della Pace, the little church seems to swell into the piazza outside and beckon to the viewer turning down the street in front.

Painters also embraced the challenge to create integrated environments ( un bel composto ) meant to heighten religious experience. By 1600, in three famous paintings illustrating the life of Saint Matthew, Caravaggio made the light represented within each picture consistent with the actual illumination of the chapel where the pictures were to hang. In the 1640s and 1650s, Pietro da Cortona adorned the vaults of Santa Maria in Vallicella with spectacular portrayals of the Trinity in Glory and the Assumption of the Virgin, in which monumental groups of figures seen from below enact heavenly events as though occurring in the viewer’s own experience. Pietro’s ceiling frescoes set the standard for many later masterpieces, including the radiant Triumph of the Name of Jesus (1676–79) in Il Gesù, the principal church of the Jesuit order, painted by Giovanni Battista Gaulli, and Andrea Pozzo’s Glory of Saint Ignatius (1691–94) in the Church of Sant’Ignazio, where the ceiling seems to open to reveal the saint ascending into heaven over a hovering assembly of angels and personifications.

Painting and the Decorative Arts The concentration of willing patrons in Rome attracted artists from all over Europe, and painters continued to argue the primacy of technique based alternatively on drawing ( disegno ) or coloring ( colorito ) . Among the artists hailed for reconciling the two approaches was the Bolognese-born Annibale Carracci (1560–1609), who applied his gifts as both draftsman and colorist to the emerging genre of landscape as well as traditional religious subjects; his Coronation of the Virgin ( 1971.155 ), for instance, combines a compositional scheme derived from Michelangelo with subtle lighting in the spirit of Titian . In a famous public debate probably conducted in 1636, Andrea Sacchi (ca. 1599–1661), whose Marcantonio Pasqualini Crowned by Apollo ( 1981.317 ) displays his reliance on drawing, made claims for compositions with few figures and pure contours, while Pietro da Cortona opposed him, advocating instead great assemblies of figures and freer brushwork. Sacchi’s influence is visible in the work of the French painter Nicolas Poussin (1594–1665), who made his career in Rome, painting scenes from biblical and classical history; in his Abduction of the Sabine Women ( 46.160 ), he uses bold colors, sharp contours, and figures derived from Greco-Roman sculpture , all characteristic of his art.

The exuberant theatricality of seventeenth-century projects on an urban scale also animates smaller examples of sculpture and decorative art. Bernini’s early Bacchanal ( 1976.92 ) includes figures in characteristic twisting poses in a composition different from every point of view. Giovanni Giardini’s holy-water stoup ( 1995.110 ) depicts Saint Mary of Egypt in a concave silver panel framed in lapis lazuli, and Michele Todini’s harpsichord ( 89.4.2929 ) carried by tritons of gilded wood is conceived as the centerpiece of a mythic musical contest.

Sorabella, Jean. “Baroque Rome.” In Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History . New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000–. http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/baro/hd_baro.htm (October 2003)

Additional Essays by Jean Sorabella

Sorabella, Jean. “ Pilgrimage in Medieval Europe .” (April 2011)
Sorabella, Jean. “ Portraiture in Renaissance and Baroque Europe .” (August 2007)
Sorabella, Jean. “ Venetian Color and Florentine Design .” (October 2002)
Sorabella, Jean. “ Art of the Roman Provinces, 1–500 A.D. .” (May 2010)
Sorabella, Jean. “ The Nude in Baroque and Later Art .” (January 2008)
Sorabella, Jean. “ The Nude in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance .” (January 2008)
Sorabella, Jean. “ The Nude in Western Art and Its Beginnings in Antiquity .” (January 2008)
Sorabella, Jean. “ Monasticism in Western Medieval Europe .” (originally published October 2001, last revised March 2013)
Sorabella, Jean. “ Interior Design in England, 1600–1800 .” (October 2003)
Sorabella, Jean. “ The Vikings (780–1100) .” (October 2002)
Sorabella, Jean. “ Painting the Life of Christ in Medieval and Renaissance Italy .” (June 2008)
Sorabella, Jean. “ The Birth and Infancy of Christ in Italian Painting .” (June 2008)
Sorabella, Jean. “ The Crucifixion and Passion of Christ in Italian Painting .” (June 2008)
Sorabella, Jean. “ Carolingian Art .” (December 2008)
Sorabella, Jean. “ Ottonian Art .” (September 2008)
Sorabella, Jean. “ The Ballet .” (October 2004)
Sorabella, Jean. “ The Opera .” (October 2004)
Sorabella, Jean. “ The Grand Tour .” (October 2003)

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Nicolas Poussin (1594–1665)
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The Rediscovery of Classical Antiquity
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Central Europe (including Germany), 1600–1800 A.D.
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Florence and Central Italy, 1600–1800 A.D.
France, 1600–1800 A.D.
Great Britain and Ireland, 1600–1800 A.D.
Iberian Peninsula, 1600–1800 A.D.
Low Countries, 1600–1800 A.D.
Rome and Southern Italy, 1600–1800 A.D.
Venice and Northern Italy, 1600–1800 A.D.
17th Century A.D.
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Architecture
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Classical Period
Classical Ruins
Deity / Religious Figure
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Preparatory Study
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Artist or Maker

Algardi, Alessandro
Amati, Andrea
Amati, Nicolò
Bernini, Gian Lorenzo
Bernini, Pietro
Breenbergh, Bartholomeus
Cafà, Melchiorre
Carracci, Agostino
Carracci, Annibale
Carracci, Ludovico
Domenichino
Finelli, Giuliano
Francesco Del Tuppo
Gentileschi, Artemisia
Giardini, Giovanni
Lorrain, Claude
Luti, Benedetto
Onofri, Basilio
Pietro da Cortona
Poussin, Nicolas
Preti, Mattia
Reiff, Jacob
Rosa, Salvator
Sacchi, Andrea
Solimena, Francesco
Todini, Michele

Online Features

Viewpoints/Body Language: “Bacchanal: A Faun Teased by Children”

Deciphering the Victor of the Inaugural Punic Conflict

This essay about the First Punic War explores the epic clash between Rome and Carthage from 264 to 241 BCE. Focused on the struggle for dominance over Sicily, it into naval innovations, land battles, and diplomatic maneuvers that shaped the conflict. Despite the Treaty of Lutatius, the true victor remains ambiguous, highlighting the resilience and ambition of both civilizations. Through intricate analysis, it reveals the enduring legacy of this ancient rivalry, reshaping the Mediterranean’s geopolitical landscape and setting the stage for centuries of conflict.

How it works

The Inaugural Punic Conflict looms large in the annals of ancient history, a dramatic saga of power, ambition, and strategic cunning that reverberates through the ages. From 264 to 241 BCE, the clash between Rome and Carthage unfolded across the azure expanse of the Mediterranean, a theater of war where empires collided and destinies were forged.

Central to the conflict was the contest for dominance over Sicily, a jewel coveted by both Rome and Carthage for its strategic significance and bountiful resources. Carthage, with its maritime prowess honed over centuries of seafaring trade, held sway over the western Mediterranean, while Rome, a rising power fueled by martial vigor and expansionist zeal, sought to extend its reach beyond the Italian peninsula.

Naval supremacy emerged as the linchpin of the conflict, with Carthage boasting a formidable fleet that ruled the waves with unmatched skill and experience. Rome, lacking a maritime tradition, faced a daunting challenge at sea. Yet, in a stroke of audacious innovation, the Romans devised the corvus, a boarding bridge that turned the tide of naval warfare in their favor. With this ingenious contraption, Roman ships could grapple and board Carthaginian vessels, transforming naval battles into chaotic mêlées where Roman tenacity prevailed.

But the war was not confined to the seas. On land, legions clashed in epic confrontations that tested the mettle of both adversaries. From the rugged hills of Sicily to the fertile plains of Italy, armies marched and counter-marched, leaving a trail of devastation in their wake. Legendary commanders such as Hamilcar Barca and Gaius Lutatius Catulus emerged as masters of the battlefield, their strategic brilliance shaping the ebb and flow of the conflict.

Diplomacy, too, played a pivotal role in the struggle for supremacy. Both Rome and Carthage courted allies and mercenaries, seeking to tip the balance of power in their favor. Carthage, with its vast wealth and network of alliances, enlisted the support of Greek city-states and mercenaries from across the Mediterranean. Rome, meanwhile, forged alliances with neighboring tribes and exploited internal divisions within Carthaginian territories to weaken its adversary.

As the war dragged on, both Rome and Carthage found themselves stretched to their limits. The conflict exacted a heavy toll in blood and treasure, straining the resources and resolve of both civilizations. Yet, neither side was willing to yield, each driven by a determination to emerge victorious at any cost.

In 241 BCE, after two decades of relentless warfare, the First Punic War reached its climax with the signing of the Treaty of Lutatius. The terms of the treaty were harsh for Carthage, which was compelled to cede Sicily to Rome and pay a crippling indemnity. While Carthage retained its territories in North Africa, the loss of Sicily dealt a severe blow to its prestige and influence in the region. Rome, for its part, emerged as the preeminent power in the western Mediterranean, its dominion extending from the Italian peninsula to the shores of Sicily.

Yet, amid the spoils of victory, the true victor of the Inaugural Punic Conflict remains elusive. While Rome secured territorial gains and asserted its dominance over Sicily, Carthage retained its core territories and preserved its naval might. The war ended in a stalemate of sorts, with neither side achieving a decisive, knockout blow. Instead, both Rome and Carthage emerged from the conflict bruised but unbowed, their rivalry destined to endure for centuries to come.

The legacy of the First Punic War endures as a testament to the resilience, ingenuity, and ambition of ancient civilizations. It was a clash of titans that reshaped the geopolitical landscape of the Mediterranean and set the stage for centuries of rivalry and conflict. As we unravel the mysteries of this ancient conflict, we gain insight into the complexities of power politics and the enduring consequences of ambition unchecked.

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Published: Oct 26, 2018. Livy's The Early History of Rome chronicles the rise of the Roman Empire, from its founding (traditionally dated to 753 BC) through the reign of Augustus Caesar in his own time. His catalogue details the accomplishments and failures of major Roman figures and puts forth a model of greatness for all of Rome to follow.
Julius Caesar: One Of The Most Prominent Figures In The History Of Rome
Due to the contributions that Caesar gave to both the city and people of Rome, it would hardly be a surprise that he would be the next ruler. For instance, Caesar was idolized and admired by the people of Rome for many reasons; one reason being how Caesar dealt with a widespread debt in Rome caused by a civil war, which resulted in both lenders and borrowers suffering as a result.
Baroque Rome
Pope Innocent X. In the seventeenth century, the city of Rome became the consummate statement of Catholic majesty and triumph expressed in all the arts. Baroque architects, artists, and urban planners so magnified and invigorated the classical and ecclesiastical traditions of the city that it became for centuries after the acknowledged capital ...
Deciphering the Victor of the Inaugural Punic Conflict
Essay Example: The Inaugural Punic Conflict looms large in the annals of ancient history, a dramatic saga of power, ambition, and strategic cunning that reverberates through the ages. From 264 to 241 BCE, the clash between Rome and Carthage unfolded across the azure expanse of the Mediterranean

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