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• LSE PhD studentships for 2024/25 entry

  LSE PhD studentships for 2024/25 entry

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The London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) is the world's leading dedicated social science institution. We offer research degrees in all of our departments and institutes, where doctoral candidates will be working alongside field-leading researchers. 

LSE is awarding studentships to new PhD students in 2024. All studentships cover full fees plus an annual stipend.  

For further information on funding opportunities at LSE, deadlines and details on how to make a successful application please visit our website. 

Funding Notes

LSE Discovery

10 July 2024

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LSE Statistics PhD Scholarship

The Department of Statistics is delighted to offer one LSE Statistics PhD Scholarship to a new student on the MPhil/PhD in Statistics programme starting in the 2022/23 academic session. This scholarship will cover tuition fees in full for three years and provide a maintenance stipend for four years of £18,000 per year.

The successful candidate will be selected on the basis of outstanding academic merit and research potential. 

How to apply

To be considered, you must submit a complete application for admission (including references, proposal, marked work etc.) by the deadline below. More information on the Department of Statistics web pages .

• application deadline: 14 January 2022

For more information on how to apply for admission, visit  how to apply  for a place on a PhD programme.

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Roni Küppers

Maria stapleton, july 8th, 2024, what the rise of chega means for portuguese democracy.

0 comments | 3 shares

Estimated reading time: 6 minutes

Portugal’s legislative elections in March saw the rise of the far-right party Chega, a little over a month before the country celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of its Carnation Revolution. Roni Küppers and Maria Stapleton argue that while Chega’s success shows Portuguese voters are aware of the need for reform, the party’s answers might only worsen the situation.

On 25 April this year, Portugal celebrated the 50th anniversary of the Carnation Revolution that put an end to the authoritarian Estado Novo regime of António de Oliveira Salazar. Portugal is now a strikingly different country that has transitioned from the “proudly alone” motto of the last western colonial empire to a profoundly Europeanised society. Along the way, there have been many achievements that deserve to be celebrated in terms of material, social and cultural progress.

At the same time, the country finds itself at a juncture that speaks back to the original promises of Portuguese democracy. To a certain extent, this juncture is symbolised by the meteoric rise of the far-right Chega in this year’s general election , where it secured 18% of the vote. This was a party that notoriously walked out of the Portuguese Parliament on 25 April this year.

An unusual path to democracy

The Portuguese transition has been noted for its unusual circumstances. Originating as a coup led by a section of the military exhausted from fighting multiple colonial liberation wars, the longest dictatorship in 20th century Europe came crumbling down in less than a day, with not so much as a skirmish. This quickly developed into a communist revolution that created severe instability. The situation reached a violent peak in the summer of 1975, after which a counter-coup reoriented democracy towards the liberal, European-style democracy we know today.

Still, the legacy of the revolution has lived on. While the revolutionary path has been mostly regarded as a traumatic example not to follow, more recent perspectives have reevaluated the legacies of the revolution in a positive light. The revolutionary years were marked by striking levels of political and civic mobilisation, orienting the transition into a social transformation that upset traditional hierarchies and reordered economic relations dramatically.

It is no coincidence that Portugal is now at the forefront of Europe in areas such as women’s participation in the labour market and cultural tastes. Moreover, the Constitution passed in 1976 is one of the most progressive ever enacted, remaining to this day a staunch guarantee of social rights despite subsequent modifications. Indeed, the whole political spectrum has been historically tilted to the left, with the mainstream right calling itself “social democratic” and the communists remaining an unusually strong electoral force.

Robert Fishman, who has conducted an extensive examination of the overlooked legacies of the transition , argues the anti-hierarchical ethos of the revolution has left a lasting democratic culture that values pluralism, institutional responsiveness and citizen protest. The inclusive, progressive slant of the post-revolutionary political culture conveniently met a context of high economic growth, which was key to creating a virtuous circle of welfare state development, social progress and receding inequalities. This combination produced rapid development until the early 2000s, reflected in the impressive way that Portuguese society “caught up” with the rest of Europe across a variety of social and economic indicators.

All these dynamics contributed to making the Portuguese transition a successful, albeit turbulent, story. And yet, despite these accomplishments, economic, social and political tensions continue, underlining the gap between the “spirit of 25 April” and the reality of Portuguese democracy.

Portugal today

The foremost problem in Portugal is economic. Since the 2000s, the country has suffered from economic stagnation. It confronted the Great Recession in 2008 from a position of comparative weakness. This led to Portugal requesting a bailout from the Troika in 2011 .

The Constitutional Court’s defence of social rights, combined with widespread protests, managed to moderate the blow. But even if multiple measures from the austerity era have since been rolled back, the consequences have been felt deeply. Budgetary levels in key areas such as health, education and investment remain stagnant today, and socioeconomic inequalities are more pronounced.

A frequently overlooked problem is the gap between ambitious constitutional rights and their delivery. These rights have increasingly relied on private initiatives that channel public funds at the expense of decaying social services (especially healthcare). Increasing dependence on the third sector, one of the largest in the OECD , means the guarantee of social rights lies increasingly beyond the power of democratic institutions and is in the hands of organisations that are under strain.

This dislocation between social rights, democratic legitimacy and equal provision represents a major challenge that is not being addressed despite current economic growth. Passivity on the part of mainstream parties in this area contrasts with the radical reformism of Chega, whose members articulate a brand of neoliberal reformism.

Cuts and privatisation are a key policy concern for Chega. This stands out in a country whose mainstream is skewed to the left. Chega, who focus their campaigning on combatting prevalent corruption scandals, appear to have had some success in convincing voters that shrinking the public sector is the fastest way to stop corruption, and that deficient social provision is solved with less funding rather than more. This would be a concerning option in a country that is already lagging in poverty rates and inequality within the EU.

Not all problems derive from economic ills, but the recession inaugurated a new age of mass emigration that has accentuated another structural challenge: that of social cohesion. Indeed, the question of the nation is now arguably being debated for the first time in Portugal’s modern history. Traditionally a country of emigration, Portugal has become a country of immigration since democratisation, experiencing waves from the colonies and most recently from Eastern Europe and Asian countries .

Combined with a post-recession wave of emigration, these significant shifts in a country of just over 10 million people are challenging the notion of Portugal as a harmonious, homogeneous country. They are also putting to the test the ingrained national myth that Portugal has a tolerant and pluralistic society. This links back to the revolution, whose policy of radical rupture promoted a culture of amnesia rather than critical engagement with the recent fascist past.

As Pedro Zúquete argues in a recent book , the idea of Portugal as a country of “open arms” is a self-congratulating discourse. It has all too often served to sideline in a post-colonial context the need to tackle the racism denounced by groups like SOS Racismo , whose leader Mamadou Ba was famously prosecuted for “ defaming a prominent neo-Nazi ”.

Finally, this point links to a third key challenge: a notable lack of social and political participation, contrasting with Fishman’s observations. In contrast to similarly small, culturally homogeneous countries like Norway or Denmark, exceptional national cohesion, paired with high levels of belonging and national pride , has not fostered similarly high levels of civic participation in democratic Portugal. Indeed, the Portuguese are among the least trusting, least civically engaged in Europe. Despite occasional flashes, such as during the protests against the Troika, the history of Portuguese politics has been one of apathy.

Building on the previous point, a limited capacity to create horizontal ties amid growing diversity suggests a particularly problematic trend that can brew the precise kind of resentment that the far right draws on ( a study on the 2021 presidential election , for instance, shows the Chega vote is higher in areas where the Roma community is present).

Moreover, a pronounced decline in electoral turnout has occurred in Portugal since its first democratic election. While the most recent election did see an increase in turnout to just under 60%, this was likely driven in part by disgruntled citizens who viewed Chega as an outlet for their discontent. Portuguese democratic culture therefore continues to be characterised by a gap between the revolutionary “dream” and its actual materialisation which points to a need for institutional renovation.

Following the 2024 election, Chega’s leader, André Ventura, proclaimed the end of the two-party system that had structured Portuguese politics since the democratic transition. Unlike in other countries such as Austria or Spain, where the centre-right has entered coalition governments with the far right, the system Chega has denounced as corrupt is firmly set on keeping them away from power. The President (centre-right PSD) said as much in an unusual slip from institutional neutrality. Besides the expected rejection of parties on the left, Chega has also met opposition from the liberals.

The constitutional mechanism for electing the Prime Minister does not require majority support in Parliament, and soon after the election, the leader of the victorious centre-right PSD, Luís Montenegro, was sworn into office after being proposed by the President. Yet passing a budget will require Montenegro to either rely on the wounded centre-left (who have already declined any support) or negotiations with Chega (who are keen to find a spot in government and refuse “humiliation”).

Either in government or not, Chega’s rise does reflect a change of opinion in Portuguese society, marking a shift away from the hegemony that the mainstream parties enjoyed even during the recession. A strategy of ignoring and stigmatising Chega, which seems to be the preference for establishment parties, relies on the hope that their success might be a momentary outburst.

This hope might see confirmation in the party’s disappointing result in the 2024 European Parliament election . Yet the successful focus on national corruption of its electoral message, together with the fact that the Portuguese express exceptional trust in the EU , suggests an EU election is not a particularly good test of their strength.

Importantly, Chega does speak to the structural challenges described above. That the Portuguese desire reform is good news. However, the channel they have found for this desire risks undermining the spirit of the revolution that founded Portuguese democracy. The promises of that revolution hold a mirror to present-day Portugal and only the far right seems to dare look back into it. Perhaps after such a shock, the stage is now set for a new challenger to offer a different way out of the stagnating status quo.

Note: This article gives the views of the authors, not the position of EUROPP – European Politics and Policy or the London School of Economics. Featured image credit: em_concepts / Shutterstock.com

About the author

Roni Küppers is a PhD Candidate in the LSE’s Department of Methodology.

Maria Stapleton is a Senior Research Executive in Opinium’s Social & Political team.

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Costs and financial aid

As is the norm with top economic departments in the US and worldwide, students entering the PhD Economics programme at LSE are typically offered five years financial support. Each year the Department of Economics typically admits around 20 students with funding from a variety of sources. The likely routes available to acquiring funding for 2024 entry to the MRes/PhD Economics are as follows:

1. LSE PhD Studentships

Each academic department at LSE is allocated a number of LSE PhD Scholarships. These School-administered  LSE PhD Studentships  cover fees and living expenses each year for four years (during the 2023 entry cycle the stipend amount was £20,622 which the Department then topped up to an annual stipend of £25,472 for five years). In return, recipients of the award are expected to teach in the Department from the second year of the MRes. These Studentships are available for Home UK/EU  and  Overseas students undertaking full time research in any LSE discipline, with annual renewal subject to satisfactory academic performance at the School. Studentships will be awarded on academic merit and research potential.

2. Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC)

The Department is allocated a limited number of Economic and Social Research Council ( ESRC ) 4-year scholarships (including research masters linked to a PhD programme). ESRC awards cover fees (for International students, LSE will cover the difference between UK and overseas fees) and a stipend – in 2023 a stipend of approximately £20,622 was awarded. Additionally, in 2023 the Department also offered ESRC awardees an optional guaranteed class teaching contract for teaching from the second year of the MRes (subject to satisfactory progress in teaching performance) thus topping up the stipend to £25,472 and increasing the award to five years. 

3. Economics PhD Scholarship

The Department also has a number of scholarship packages for its MRes/PhD Economics students which it can deploy flexibly, either as full scholarships, or as partial scholarships. In 2023 these covered tuition fees and a stipend of £25,472 for five years. In return, students were expected to teach in the Department over four years starting from the second year of the MRes.

As a matter of normal procedure, all applicants who are offered a place on our PhD Economics programme would be considered for all types of funding at our disposal and for which they are eligible, on the basis of the information submitted in their LSE application– there is no separate funding application process. 

As competition for places is very high and competition for funding is even more intense, we will not always be able to provide funding to all offer holders. Accordingly, applicants are advised to actively explore all potential sources of funding. The School's  Financial Support Office  webpage has information on sources of funds for prospective graduate students . You should refer to the  Graduate Study  pages for details of fees and a guide to the cost of living in London.

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Postgraduate Travel Fund

Lse's postgraduate travel fund assists research students who are presenting at conferences related to their degree., eligibility.

The Postgraduate Travel Fund is open to PhD students who have been invited to give a paper at the conference related to their research degree. Other types of students are not eligible to apply. Students can be assisted with more than one conference per academic year, but will not normally be awarded more than £1000 in total per academic session. 

Please note that ESRC award holders are expected to have exhausted the Research and Training Support Grant available to them under the terms of their award, and to show how this has been spent, since the costs of attending conferences would normally be met by the RTSG.

There are limited funds available in the Postgraduate Travel Fund and it is expected that funds will normally run out before the end of the academic year. Early application is therefore advisable, ie as soon as you receive an invitation to present a paper.

Application process

Please complete the  Postgraduate Travel Fund Application .

Applications must be completed clearly and in full. Incomplete applications cannot be considered.

Completed applications should be submitted to the Financial Support Office at least two weeks before the conference. Retrospective applications will not be considered.

You can submit your application and supporting documents by email to [email protected].

Provided all the supporting documentation has been submitted you will normally receive a decision by email within ten working days.

Should an award be approved, it is unlikely to cover the full costs of attending the conference and we are currently making awards capped at 70% of the costs applied for to allow the budget to last for the full length of the academic year. Applicants are therefore encouraged to explore all other sources of funding. Some academic departments have funds available to assist students with conference costs. It may be a pre-requisite that recipients of these funds have also applied to the Postgraduate Travel Fund for assistance.

Supporting documentation

• Evidence of your confirmation to present a paper at the conference. 
• Evidence of the cost of registration / membership in order to present at the conference
• Evidence of travel costs in order to attend the conference
• Evidence of accommodation costs in order to attend the conference
• Evidence of insurance cover by LSE Health and Safety Team (if travelling outside the UK) - you will need to complete the Notification to Travel form
• Supporting statement from your supervisor (included in your application or emailed directly to [email protected])

If you wish to add 'holiday' or leisure days to your travel for conference attendance, the School may not be able to provide you with insurance and you will need to make alternative arrangements with an external provider. Read more about adding leisure days to your conference attendance .

In the event of the conference being cancelled, or you being unable to travel for any reason, you must refund any unused award made to you immediately and claim on your travel insurance to refund the balance. Any monies successfully claimed must then be used to refund the award. In the event that some of the award cannot be refunded you should provide evidence to explain this.

RADMA Research Student Conference Funding Programme

RADMA (Research and Development Management) provides funding for conference attendance under its Research Student Conference Funding Programme. The awards provide support to talented mid-study PhD students to attend a conference relevant to their PhD.  Candidates must be undertaking a PhD within the research and development management discipline at a UK university. The award will cover costs related to attending the conference, specifically conference fees, travel, subsistence and accommodation, and will provide:

(1) up to £500 for those students presenting a paper (2) up to £250 for attendance only.  

There is no deadline for receipt of applications, but please note that applications are reviewed quarterly in January, April, July and October.  More information about the RADMA Postgraduate Student Research Support .

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