food bank research

• Open access
• Published: 22 April 2021

The impact of novel and traditional food bank approaches on food insecurity: a longitudinal study in Ottawa, Canada

• Anita Rizvi 1 ,
• Rania Wasfi 1 , 2 ,
• Aganeta Enns 1 &
• Elizabeth Kristjansson 1  

BMC Public Health volume  21 , Article number:  771 ( 2021 ) Cite this article

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A Correction to this article was published on 19 May 2021

This article has been updated

Food insecurity is strongly associated with poor mental and physical health, especially with chronic diseases. Food banks have become the primary long-term solution to addressing food insecurity. Traditionally, food banks provide assistance in the form of pre-packed hampers based on the food supplies on hand, such that the food items often do not meet the recipients’ cultural, religious or medical requirements. Recently, new approaches have been implemented by food banks, including choice models of food selection, additional onsite programming, and integrating food banks within Community Resource Centres.

This study examined changes in food security and physical and mental health, at four time points over 18 months at eleven food banks in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. The participants – people who accessed these food banks – were surveyed using the Household Food Security Survey Module (HFSSM) and the Short-Form Health Survey Version 2 (SF-12). Statistical analyses included: pairwise paired t-tests between the mean perceived physical and mental health scores across the four waves of data collection, and longitudinal mixed effects regression models to understand how food security changed over time.

The majority of people who were food insecure at baseline remained food insecure at the 18-month follow-up, although there was a small downward trend in the proportion of people in the severely food insecure category. Conversely, there was a small but significant increase in the mean perceived mental health score at the 18-month follow-up compared to baseline. We found significant reductions in food insecurity for people who accessed food banks that offered a Choice model of food distribution and food banks that were integrated within Community Resource Centres.

Conclusions

Food banks offer some relief of food insecurity but they don’t eliminate the problem. In this study, reductions in food insecurity were associated with food banks that offered a Choice model and those that were integrated within a Community Resource Centre. There was a slight improvement in perceived mental health at the 18-month time point; however, moderately and severely food insecure participants still had much lower perceived mental health than the general population.

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Introduction

Household food insecurity, defined as the inadequate or insecure access to food due to financial constraints, is a growing health problem in Canada that adversely affects mental, physical, and social health, and strains our healthcare system [ 1 , 2 ]. The magnitude of the problem is alarming considering that in 2017–2018, one in eight households in Canada faced food insecurity, which translates into nearly 4.4 million people, including more than 1.2 million children. The number of people living in food-insecure households in 2017–2018 constitutes the highest rate since national monitoring began in 2007 [ 2 ].

Past research has highlighted the many negative health consequences associated with food insecurity [ 3 , 4 , 5 ], including a multitude of chronic conditions, such as arthritis, back problems, hypertension, diabetes, and cardiovascular disease [ 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 ]. Additionally, adults with mobility impairments are inordinately affected by food insecurity [ 10 ]. Food insecurity likewise has an enduring effect on children’s wellbeing, with studies linking the exposure to food insecurity at an early age with increased risk of developing asthma, depression, and suicidal ideation in adolescence and early adulthood [ 11 , 12 , 13 ].

Food insecurity has been associated with nutritional vulnerability. In Canada, adults in food-insecure households reported lower dietary intake of energy, macronutrients and micronutrients in comparison to their food secure counterparts; adolescents who were food insecure also reported some nutritional deficits [ 14 ]. People living in food insecure households reported limited social support and poorer social cohesion in their neighbourhoods [ 15 , 16 ] compared to food secure households.

Food banks emerged in Canada in the early 1980’s as a short-term measure to ameliorate a surge in food insecurity due to job losses after a downturn in the oil industry and the subsequent economic recession [ 17 ]. The number of visits to Canadian food banks has been climbing since then, with 1,084,386 visits reported across the Canadian Food Bank Network in March 2019 [ 18 , 19 ]. In the absence of comprehensive government policies, food banks have continued to propagate, and these agencies are now the first line of response to the issue of hunger and food insecurity in Canada [ 20 ].

With respect to terminology, food banks in Canada serve the functions of both “food pantries” – the local not-for-profit agencies that provide food assistance, in the form of unprepared grocery items, directly to people in need – as well as the central warehouses which are referred to as food banks in the United States, and which distribute food to various types of front-line food programs [ 21 ]. It should be noted that the terms “food bank” and “food pantry” may carry different meanings in an international context, for example, the term “food pantry” in the United Kingdom refers to a “membership scheme” which allows members to obtain a limited number of food items, typically redistributed surplus stock from supermarkets, for a nominal weekly fee [ 22 ]. Food banks in Canada offer food assistance free of charge, but the frequency of visits is usually limited, typically to once per month, with the goal of providing a few days’ worth of groceries during each visit. In this paper, we use the term “food bank” to refer specifically to local agencies that provide unprepared food items at no cost directly to individuals, with one exception being the Ottawa Food Bank (OFB) organization, which operates a central warehouse facility that serves member agencies in the Ottawa area.

Each food bank that participated in this study serves a specific geographic area of Ottawa. To receive assistance, people do not need referrals from other agencies; however, the food banks may require people to provide documents during their first visit to verify their identity, address, and income. Proof of address may need to be presented at subsequent visits to confirm residence within the area that a food bank serves.

Despite the escalation of food bank use in recent decades, food banks have limited capacity to alleviate the needs of those who seek assistance [ 23 ]. Furthermore, although conventional food bank models may be linked with short-term improvement in household food security and health [ 24 ], these agencies have a limited capacity to offer food of adequate quality and variety due to their reliance on donations [ 23 ]. Furthermore, people report experiencing stigma, embarrassment, frustration and shame when accessing a food bank, because they often receive food that is left over/unsold, high in sugar and fat, and past the best-before date [ 25 , 26 ].

Change is taking place in the ways that food banks provide food assistance [ 27 ]. Contemporary approaches to improving services include increasing the quality and choice of food provisions, establishing safe and welcoming spaces, and providing greater integration with health care and health promotion [ 20 ]. Recent studies have examined the potential benefits of Choice models [ 28 , 29 , 30 ], in which people visiting food banks can select food items from displays, as in a grocery store, instead of receiving pre-packed hampers. Research is also emerging on food banks which offer an array of services such as nutrition education, life-skills training, and health and social support services, in addition to food assistance [ 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 ]; however, the existing research documents a significant heterogeneity in the types of supplementary services offered.

Although the number of food banks in Canada has been proliferating for more than four decades, there is a dearth of studies describing and evaluating both traditional strategies as well as the newer, more novel approaches [ 27 , 29 , 36 , 37 ]. To help fill this gap, we collaborated with the Ottawa Food Bank (OFB) to plan and carry out this study, which was conducted in collaboration with eleven community food banks within the OFB network.

There is also a gap in the literature regarding the health of people who access food banks, which are a specific sub-population of food insecure people in general. Studies have found that less than one quarter of people in food insecure households in Canada rely on food banks, and that the people who do access food banks are not a representative subset of the food insecure population, having substantially lower incomes and higher rates of receiving social assistance benefits than food insecure people who do not access food banks [ 38 , 39 ]. We found five quantitative studies that examined the health of people who relied on food banks in Europe and North America [ 24 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 ]; however, none of these studies were of a longitudinal nature with participants who accessed food banks on a long-term basis. All the other literature we reviewed on household food insecurity and health relied on data from cross-sectional population surveys.

The main aim of this study is to model changes in food insecurity over time and identify their associations with different types of food bank approaches offered in Ottawa. We also report on food bank use and examine change in physical and mental health over the 18-month period.

Study design

This observational prospective study was conducted from November 2017 until December 2019 and involved repeated surveys of the same cohort of participants over four time points. A baseline survey and three follow-up surveys were conducted at intervals of approximately 6 months, such that there was a total span of approximately 18 months between the baseline survey and the final survey for each participant. (The complete surveys are included in a companion article by Enns [ 44 ]).

This study was originally planned to last 2 years, with a fourth follow-up survey at the 24-month time-point; however, due to significant attrition and many surveys from participants being returned incomplete, we chose to end the study after the 18-month follow up, which still provided an adequate sample size to yield statistically meaningful results (details are provided in the Sample Size and Attrition section below). The decision to omit the 24-month time point was also based on receiving feedback from some participants who expressed annoyance over being contacted repeatedly for the follow-up surveys. We determined that an 18-month follow-up would still contribute novel longitudinal evidence as this time period is longer than any previous longitudinal studies of food bank access and trajectories of food insecurity.

Participants and setting

The participants in this study were people who accessed community food banks in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. Eleven of twenty-six community food banks within the Ottawa Food Bank (OFB) network were included in this study. The eleven food banks were identified and recruited in collaboration with the OFB, which is the central collection and distribution hub of the network. Partners at the OFB distributed an email to community food bank coordinators within their network that included study information and an invitation to directly contact a member of the University of Ottawa research team (by phone or email) if they were interested in taking part and facilitating data collection at their food bank. The research team member who received correspondence from interested food bank coordinators then invited coordinators to in-person meetings to provide further study information, answer questions, and gather information on food bank operations. Each food bank that participated in this study serves a specific geographic area of Ottawa and provides food to 400 or more people per month.

The participants were recruited in the food bank waiting areas. People were approached and given information about the study, and if they were interested in participating, they were asked to read a consent form. People who were 18 years of age or older and comfortable conversing in English or French were eligible to participate. Those people who provided signed consent were then given several options for completing the initial baseline survey: (i) filling out a paper version, (ii) completing an electronic version on a tablet, (iii) completing the survey in private with a research assistant who would read the questions out, or (iv) completing an online version at home, using the Internet URL provided in a handout.

The six-, twelve- and eighteen-month follow-up surveys were completed over the phone, or by email with a link to access an online version, or by regular mail using a printed paper version which could be returned in a supplied, postage-paid envelope.

As an incentive to join the study, participants in the baseline survey were invited to enter a draw for one of eight $50 grocery store gift cards at the time of consenting to take part in the study. Participants who indicated that they would like to enter the draw were also asked for their preferred contact method and information and were assigned a random ID number. At the end of the baseline data collection periods, IDs were entered into a random number generator to select the eight winners, who received the gift cards by mail. Everyone who participated in the six-month follow-up survey received a $5 grocery store gift card by mail, and everyone who participated in the twelve- and eighteen-month follow-ups received a $10 grocery store gift card by mail for each survey. The amount was increased from $5 to $10 to encourage retention due to the significant attrition which was observed at the six-month follow-up.

Survey questionnaire design

The survey questionnaire sought to measure the participants’ demographics, duration and frequency of food bank access, level of food insecurity, and self-reported physical health and mental health.

Food security was measured using the Household Food Security Survey Module (HFSSM), an 18-item measure used in national population health surveys in Canada and includes questions on household food security situations over a 12-month period. The HFSSM is based on the Core Food Security Module developed by the United States Department of Agriculture to be a benchmark measure of household food security, which has been used and validated widely in North America [ 45 ].

Perceived mental and physical health were measured using the 12-item version of the Short-Form Health Survey Version 2 (SF-12) [ 46 ]. The SF-12 is a widely used measure of self-reported health. It has demonstrated good reliability and validity among diverse populations [ 47 ]. The SF-12v2 has also been shown to be a valid outcome indicator among marginalized or vulnerable populations [ 47 , 48 ]. The Physical and Mental Health Composite Scores (PCS and MCS) are continuous variables measured on a scale from 0 to 100, where 0 indicates poor perceived health, and 100 indicates excellent perceived health.

Statistical analysis

We assessed descriptive statistics to demonstrate demographic characteristics of the study sample. We report the means and standard deviations of participants’ age  and perceived physical and mental health scores at the four waves of data collection. We also summarized the proportions of people with different gender identities, education; monthly income; marital status; whether participants were born in Canada or abroad; their ethnicity; marital status and whether or not they live with dependents.

To measure change in physical and mental health across the four waves of data collection, we performed pairwise paired t-tests between the scores of the physical and mental health of the within-subject factor (i.e., across waves of data collection). P -values were adjusted using the Bonferroni multiple testing correction method [ 49 ].

To examine food bank use in each of the four waves of data collection, we asked about and reported frequency of use of food banks in the 3 months preceding each survey.

Modelling food insecurity

We conducted longitudinal mixed effects regression models [ 50 ] to understand how food security changed during the four waves of data collection and to understand their associations with different types of food bank approaches offered in Ottawa. Participants were nested within the four time points of data collection.

Main outcome measure

We used both categorical and continuous scales as each of them serve a particular purpose in our analysis.

As explained in detail by Carlson et al. [ 51 ] and Bickel et al. [ 45 ], the Food Security Scale is a continuous linear scale, developed to measure the degree of severity of food insecurity/hunger experienced by a household in terms of a single numerical value on a ten-point scale (i.e., from 1 to 10, where 1 indicates food secure and 10 indicates severely food insecure). We used this scale in the regression models to show the precise change in food security levels, and associations with novel and traditional food bank approaches.

We also decided to show food security as a categorical variable for descriptive purposes, providing a small set of categories, each one representing a meaningful range of severity of food insecurity. Thus, scores were categorized as: 0 = food secure, 1 = marginal food insecurity, 2 = moderate food insecurity, or 3 = severe food insecurity. Categories were created using established criteria for scoring the HFSSM [ 51 ]; the cuts offs were developed by Bickel et al. [ 45 ].

Main variables of interest

The main variables of interest (the independent variables / IVs) were the food banking models used in the eleven participating food banks:

Food bank type : integrated within a Community Resource Centre (CRC IV): a dichotomous variable: 0 = not CRC, 1 = is a CRC.

Choice distribution model (Choice IV): a dichotomous variable: 0 = Hamper model, 1 = Choice model.

Additional onsite programming (Programs IV): a dichotomous variable: 0 = no, 1 = yes.

We conducted a Chi-squared test between the CRC and Choice models as well as the CRC and Program models to examine their independence.

Six of the eleven food banks offered additional onsite programming, which included food-related programs such as community kitchens, as well as support for finding employment or affordable housing, or applying for social assistance.

Three of the food banks were situated within Community Resource Centres (CRCs) which provide wraparound services, so that emergency food assistance, community programs, and health and social services were all offered in one place. In comparison, the additional onsite programming model is limited to helping people to find and access such services elsewhere, as the food bank itself is not integrated within a CRC.

Four of the food banks offered food assistance via a choice or ‘grocery shopping’ model, whereas the other seven provided food supplies in the form of a food hamper, with some offering choice of certain items by way of a food options list. In the choice model as referred to in this paper, people are invited to walk around a food display area, typically with a volunteer, and choose food items that they and their family need and want. Choice model food banks may place limits on the number of food items collected per person and per food category.

Food bank characteristics were not mutually exclusive and food banks could possess more than one approach. However, based on the results of our contingency analysis (shown further below) and the aim of this study, each food banking approach was analysed separately.

Individual covariates included in the analyses were: age at baseline, gender, monthly household income, having dependents in the household or not, ethnicity, whether born in Canada or not, married/living with a partner or not, perceived physical health and perceived mental health.

Sample size and attrition

We used the Generalized Linear Mixed Model Power and Sample Size (GLIMMPSE) software ( https://glimmpse.samplesizeshop.org ) to estimate the sufficient sample size needed to model food security score, using a multi-level mixed effect model with repeated measures across four waves of data collection. The sufficient sample size estimated to detect a target power of 0.8 with a Type I error rate of 0.05 was 229 participants. Our sample size used in the analysis was 369 participants with 1040 observations across the 4 waves of data collection, which was sufficient to detect a meaningful effect.

Seven hundred and thirty participants were recruited in total at baseline. Participants who did not respond to at least two of the four data collection waves were excluded from the analysis, resulting in a sample of 401 participants at baseline.

Our colleague Enns [ 44 ] performed a statistical comparison of all the recruited participants and those who completed the six-month follow-up and did not find any significant differences in their demographic characteristics; i.e., the participants who were excluded at baseline or who did not complete the six-month survey were not significantly different from the follow-up participants, in terms of education, gender, ethnicity, being born in Canada, marital status or having dependents.

In the current study, an attrition analysis was conducted for each of the three follow-ups, to understand whether people who did not participate in some waves of data collection dropped out at random or whether significant differences in sample characteristics existed between people who answered the survey and those who were missing in each wave. No significant differences were found between baseline sample characteristics of the group that answered the survey and those who dropped out in each wave of data collection in terms of age p -value (attrition W2 = 0.1073, attrition W3 = 0.2582, attrition W4 = 0.4173), perceived physical health p -value (attrition W2 = 0.5273, attrition W3 = 0.5188, attrition W4 = 0.8808), mental health p -value (attrition W2 = 0.2912, attrition W3 = 0.3114, attrition W4 = 0.8417), and food security level p -value (attrition W2 = 0.7674, attrition W3 = 0.5373, attrition W4 = 0.8808). These results suggest that participants dropped out at random.

In the four waves of data collection for the eighteen-month study, there were: 401 participants who responded with complete data in wave 1; 320 in wave 2; 311 in wave 3; and 271 in wave 4. Some participants skipped a wave, and then returned to answer in a following wave. In total, 189 participants answered all four waves of data collection, 125 participants answered three waves of surveys, and 85 participants answered the two waves of surveys. Across all waves, there were a total of 1303 valid responses, and 301 missing ones.

We imputed missing data only for time-constant variables that were reported by participants in one wave of data collection, but missing in others; for example, if in one wave of data collection a participant did not report their age, gender, education, ethnicity, whether they were born in Canada or not, data was imputed from their answers from another wave. However, for all variables that can change over time – for example food security, income, marital status, perceived mental and physical health – missing data was not imputed.

In longitudinal data analysis using mixed effects regression models, two points in time can be used in the analysis without the need to impute missing data, if the missing data is “missing completely at random”; hence, the analysis provides valid inferences, with no need to impute, delete, or weight [ 50 ].

Data preparation, cleaning and analyses were conducted in Stata 13.1 and R Studio 4.0.1.

Descriptive statistics

Sample characteristics in each wave of data collection.

At baseline, 401 participants answered a set of demographic questions. As shown in Table  1 , the majority of the sample at baseline were: born in Canada (68.8%), white (53.4%), women (50.9%), not married nor living with a partner (64.3%), with no dependents (52.1%), and had some (i.e., not completed) college education or less (61.8%). Around 79.8% of participants’ household income in the month preceding the baseline survey was less than $2400 (i.e., less than $28,800 per year). Missing data for each variable is indicated in Table 1 . Across all waves of data collection, the largest share of participants in each demographic category was found to be: women; people born in Canada; not married nor living with a partner; with no dependents; and who had less than a college degree.

Food security

As show in Fig.  1 below, when comparing the overall change in food security from the first wave of data collection to the last wave, the proportion of people who were food secure increased, and the proportion of people that were severely food insecure decreased. Over the eighteen-month time span, there was an increase of seven percentage points (from 11 to 18%) in the proportion of participants in the food secure category, an increase of five percentage points (from 34 to 39%) in the moderately food insecure category, whereas there was an overall decrease of 14 percentage points (from 39 to 25%) in the severely food insecure category.

Proportion of Participants in Each Wave by Food Security Level

Frequency of food Bank use in the previous 3 months

Overall, the percentage of people who visited food banks three or more times in the preceding 3 months decreased over time. In the first wave of data collection, 52.1% of people who used the food banks used them three or more times in the previous 3 months, compared to 50.5% in wave 2, 42.4% in wave 3, and 40.6% in wave 4.

In the first wave of data collection, the majority of participants (52.1%) used food banks three or more times in the preceding 3 months, followed by those who visited the food banks once (23.2%) or twice (20.4%). The largest proportion of participants visited the food banks three or more times in all waves of data collection, compared to the proportions of participants that made either one or two visits in the preceding 3 months.

Perceived physical and mental health

The mean perceived physical health scores ranged from 45.2 (SD 9.76) in wave 1 to 43.5 (SD 11.2) in wave 4, while the mean perceived mental health scores ranged from 40.2 (SD 11.3) in wave 1 to 41.6 (SD 11.9) in wave 4 (Table 1 ).

No significant difference between the mean perceived physical and mental health by waves of data collection were detected, with the exception of a slight increase of 1.4 in the mean perceived mental health score between wave 1 and wave 4 ( p  < 0.001).

Descriptive statistics by levels of food security

Table  2 summarizes the demographic characteristics of participants over the four waves of data collection for each food security category. As shown in the table, participants who accessed the food banks were between the ages of 18 and 80 years old. There was an age gradient in food security: the mean age at baseline of people who were severely food insecure (42.2 years, SD 12.0) was 5 years lower than those who were food secure (47.2 years, SD 14.9). Across all four waves of data collection, there were 688 responses from women and 511 from men. Across food insecurity categories, the largest difference between men (35.4%) and women (57.6%) was in the moderately food insecure category.

Overall, out of 1111 responses on household income, 931 responses (83.8%) indicated an income of CAN$1799 or less per month. As well, an income gradient was found between people in different food security categories: among participants who were severely food insecure, only 5.1% had a monthly household income of CAN$2400 or more, compared to 10.9% of participants who were food secure.

There was a significant relationship between food security level and average perceived physical and mental health: those with higher levels of food security had higher levels of perceived health (Table 2 ). The mean physical health scores ranged from 47.2 for those who were food secure, to 42.5 for those who were severely food insecure. Similarly, the mean mental health scores ranged from 48.8 to 35.8 for the same categories.

Contingency analysis

The Chi-squared test between CRC and Choice model was not significant ( p -value = 0.7), which indicates that the variables are correlated. The same finding ( p -value = 0.63) was found between the CRC and additional programming models, indicating that these variables are also correlated. As a result, we did not put the three variables in one model to predict food security scores, but instead tested each variable separately.

Longitudinal regression models

We modeled the trajectory of the food security index, a continuous variable from one to ten where one is the most food secure, and ten is the most insecure. The results are summarized in Table  3 .

The mixed effect regression model (a growth curve model/trajectory model) revealed that with every year increase in age at baseline, the food security score decreased by 0.03 units (i.e., food insecurity decreased with age). Being a woman was related to a decrease of 0.38 units in the food insecurity score compared to being a man. Being not born in Canada was related to 0.57 units decrease in the food insecurity score. Increased income was related to a decrease in food insecurity: having a monthly income of $1800 or more was related to 0.42 units of decreased food insecurity. Every 10 points increase in the physical health index was related to 0.4 units in decreased food insecurity; similarly, every 10 points increase in mental health index, was related to 0.5 units in decreased food insecurity.

After the first wave of data collection, food insecurity decreased over time by 0.78 units in wave 2, 0.98 units in wave 3, and 1.09 units in wave 4 (all compared to baseline), as shown in Table 3 .

For participants who went to a food bank connected with a CRC, the food insecurity score was lower by 0.59 units compared to those who went to a regular food bank. For participants who went to a choice-model food bank, the food insecurity score was 0.53 units less than for those who went to hamper-model food banks. Additional onsite programming was not associated with any decrease or increase in food security. Having not accessed a food bank in the preceding 3 months was related to a higher likelihood of being food insecure, with the greatest increase observed for those who were marginally food insecure.

Having a higher age at baseline, being not born in Canada, married or living with a partner, with higher income, and higher perceived physical and mental health scores were associated with less food insecurity. For all other variables, the impact of the variable on the different food insecurity categories was not statistically significant. In the CRC model, the Intraclass correlation (rho) shows that 53% of the variance was explained by between-participants variance, as opposed to 56% in the Choice model, and 51% in the Program model.

In this study, 271 out of 401 participants (67.6%) responded during the final eighteen-month follow-up. Part of the observed attrition could be explained by findings from a large-scale longitudinal study conducted in Vancouver, Canada [ 52 ]. These researchers found that the majority of people who access food banks could be characterized as “short-term, transitional users who visited food banks a handful of times and disengaged after a few weeks or months of use,” and that the 9% who accessed food banks over a long-term accounted for 65% of all food bank visits. Thus, a significant number of the participants in our study at baseline may have only needed food assistance over a short term. We were often unable to contact participants for follow-ups because the contact information they provided was no longer valid (e.g., telephone was out of service and mailing address had changed), so it is impossible to say what changed in their life circumstances and whether they still had a need for food assistance.

As described above in the Methods section, those who participated in the 6-month follow-up were given a $5 grocery store gift card, and for the subsequent follow-ups the amount was increased to $10 to encourage retention due to the 20% attrition seen at 6 months. The increased incentive appears to have been successful since the incremental attrition rates at the 12- and 18-month time points were lower at 2% and 10%, respectively.

In terms of income, which is necessary for purchasing food, the results fit with what we would expect to find, as participants with the lowest income were more heavily represented in the severely food insecure category. Conversely, participants with CAD$1800 or more in monthly income were more heavily represented in the food secure category.

Food insecurity was higher for participants who were not married and not living with a partner. This may be because people who are married or live with a partner share major expenses like rent, and therefore may have more money for food if they both have incomes. As well, if one partner loses some or all of their income, the other partner’s income may ‘cushion’ the economic impact. Lastly, single parents working in the service industry find it problematic to work varied hours for relatively low wages, and also schedule paid childcare, so they may not be able to earn sufficient income to maintain their food security [ 53 ].

In terms of gender, the majority of participants in our study were women (683 total responses in all four waves by women compared to 502 responses by men). The greatest disparity was in the moderately food insecure category, in which there were 38.5% fewer responses from men than from women. Our regression analysis found that food insecurity among women in our study was 0.38 points lower on the 10-point food insecurity scale (where a lower score means less food insecurity).

The higher proportion of women participants in our study may have been due to an unintended gender bias in the recruitment process, or the results above (lower number of men, but with higher food insecurity than women) may also reflect sociocultural attitudes that men should behave stoically and not ask for help except in dire circumstances. A 2012 study in Montréal, Canada involved in-depth interviews with 22 men experiencing poverty, followed by six discussion groups to validate the results, which suggested that “asking for help can be diametrically opposed to traditional masculine roles” and that, when facing a serious problem, men will ask for help only as a last resort [ 54 ].

There were notable differences between the demographics of the participants in this study and those of the general population of Ottawa, based on the 2016 Census figures from Statistics Canada. In terms of education, the census showed that 63.7% of people in Ottawa had a postsecondary certificate, diploma, or degree [ 55 ], compared to 29.4% of the participants in the baseline survey. Our result closely matches that of a 2005 study in Toronto, Canada, which found that 27.4% of people accessing food banks in Toronto had completed college or university [ 56 ]; however, our result is very different from a US study using national data which found that less than 8% of people that received assistance from food pantries between 2002 and 2014 had a college degree (US meaning, similar to university) [ 57 ]. The Toronto study found a drastic increase – from 12% in 1995 to 53% in 2005 – in the percentage of immigrants with some college or university education among immigrants who received assistance from food banks, so the higher numbers of educated people accessing food banks in Canada, versus the United States, may reflect Canadian immigration policy.

We found that participants born in Canada reported significantly higher food insecurity than those who were not born in Canada. This may also be due to Canadian immigration policies, which require people coming to Canada as immigrants to be skilled or well educated or to possess a prescribed amount of liquid assets [ 58 ].

In terms of income, only 3% of the participants at baseline reported a monthly household income of $2400 ($28,800 per year) or more, compared to 86% of all residents in the city of Ottawa having an annual household income of $30,000 or more in 2016 [ 55 ]. Although 17% of the participants in our study did not provide income information, the results still indicate a huge income gap between people who visit food banks and other people in Ottawa.

In terms of ethnicity, 9% of the participants in our study were Indigenous (First nations, Metis, or Inuit), which is almost double the 4.6% of people in all of Ottawa who are Indigenous [ 55 ]. This result echoes the urgent need to address the inequity in food security faced by off-reserve Indigenous people in Canada [ 59 ].

Consistent with previous research that found poorer health was correlated with food insecurity [ 3 , 4 , 5 , 7 ], we found the mean perceived physical and mental health scores to be below the general population mean of 50 points [ 46 ] for all of our participants. Moreover, perceived physical and mental health scores both showed gradients across food insecurity levels, such that health scores decreased as the severity of food insecurity increased. Participants in the food secure category scored closest to 50 points, with means of 47.2 for perceived physical health and 48.8 for perceived mental health, suggesting that their health was close to that of the general population.

While previous research has also found evidence of gradients in mental and physical health according to the severity of food insecurity [ 60 , 61 , 62 , 63 , 64 , 65 ], those studies depended on national health surveys (i.e., the Canadian Community Health Survey, and the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey in the U.S.) to obtain data on household food insecurity and did not focus specifically on people who access food banks. Other studies have found that less than one quarter of food insecure households in Canada relied on food banks, and that the people who do access food banks were not a representative subset of the food insecure population, having substantially lower incomes and higher rates of receiving social assistance benefits than food insecure people who had not accessed food banks [ 38 , 39 ]. As such, the examination of perceived physical and mental health in the current study relates to a unique subset of the food insecure population. Our finding that the largest proportions of participants across all waves were in the CAD$600–1199 bracket may reflect that many of the participants in our study received modest social assistance benefits as their source of income.

Physical health scores ranged from 47.2 for food secure participants to 42.5 for those who were severely food insecure. Mental health scores were even lower for moderately and severely food insecure participants at 39.6 and 35.8, respectively. Since the standard deviation (SD) of the SF-12 health scores is 10 points, obtaining mean results that are more than one SD below the average of 50 points is concerning. In comparison, another study [ 66 ] with a similar sample size of food insecure adults ( n  = 325) drawn from a population survey in the Lower Mississippi Delta in the United States, obtained mean physical and mental health scores of 45.7 and 46.5, respectively, using the SF-12 scales. The mean physical health score falls within the 47.2–42.5 range obtained in the current study; however, the mean mental health scores that we obtained were much lower (35.8–39.6, versus 46.5 in the US study), so this difference suggests poorer overall mental health for people who rely on food banks, compared to food insecure people in the general population. This is in consonance with previously cited research [ 38 , 39 ], which reported that people who access food banks are not a representative subset of all people who report being food insecure. It is also important to note that the physical health scores did not differ significantly between the four waves of data collection, and that the mental health scores showed a statistically significant, albeit slight improvement.

In this study, we didn’t analyse the associations between different food banking models and physical and mental health; however, due to the increasing prevalence of food banks using novel approaches to providing food assistance, we believe that future research to examine possible associations with health is certainly warranted.

The longitudinal reduction in food insecurity that we observed with food banks integrated in a Community Resource Centre is consistent with the findings of our colleague Enns [ 44 ] at the 6-month time point. The initial reduction in the mean food insecurity score was the most pronounced: 0.79 points out of 10 after 6 months, compared to a decrease of 0.99 points at 12 months and 1.09 points at 18 months (all compared to baseline). Although the consecutive decreases in the food insecurity scores seem to indicate further improvements at 12 and 18 months, the differences were not statistically significant, so larger studies would be needed to confirm if, in fact, there is a continued reduction in food security over time for those who access CRC-type food banks. In any case, the overall reduction in food insecurity that we observed for people who access CRC-type food banks is encouraging because they are also able to access the health and social services offered by CRCs when they visit the Centre for food assistance.

We also found a small but significant difference in food security according to the food distribution model of the food bank. Across all four waves of data collection, the proportions of participants were lower in the moderately and severely food insecure categories if they accessed food banks using the Choice model, compared to participants who visited food banks offering food hampers. Our regression analysis also showed that when food banks used the Choice model, longitudinal food insecurity was 0.53 less (on the 10-point scale) compared to food banks that used the hamper approach. This adds to the findings of the six-month follow-up by Enns [ 44 ], who reported a significant increase in fruit and vegetable consumption by people who accessed food banks that employed a Choice model of food distribution. The Choice model may be especially beneficial for those who must avoid certain foods for medical reasons (e.g., lactose intolerance, low sugar diets for diabetics, gluten allergy) or for cultural/religious reasons (e.g., avoiding processed foods that contain animal-based ingredients such as gelatin and broth, which are not considered kosher or halal). Studies have also shown that people prefer to choose food items that they need (based on personal or cultural preferences or dietary requirements) and not have to throw away food they dislike or cannot use if they receive a pre-packed box [ 67 , 68 ]. The benefit of the choice approach may therefore be threefold: lower observed levels of food insecurity when the Choice model is offered, lower levels of waste, and conferring more dignity on the consumer. However, one drawback of the Choice model perceived by people who accessed choice food pantries was longer line-ups [ 67 ].

Finally, we believe it is important to consider that the food security level measured in this study is the self-reported level of participants while accessing food banks (whereas most of the reviewed literature provides food insecurity data primarily from people who do not rely on food banks). We found that 63.5% of participants who described themselves as food secure reported that they had visited a food bank two or more times in the previous 3 months (Table 2 ); since food banks provide only a few days’ worth of food, it appears that low levels of food insecurity may be temporarily eased by food banks. On the other hand, a more disconcerting observation is that 47.2% of participants in the severely food insecure category reported this level even after visiting a food bank three or more times in the previous 3 months. Similarly, 50.4% of participants in the moderately food insecure category reported that level after also visiting food banks three or more times in the previous 3 months. From these results we can see that food banks may temporarily alleviate food insecurity for some people, whereas many others remain moderately or severely food insecure.

Because household food insecurity is, by definition, due to financial constraints, our findings lend support to the need for public policy changes, such as increases in social support payments or implementing a guaranteed basic income, which several other studies have proposed [ 69 , 70 , 71 , 72 ]. In Canada and other high-income countries, food insecure people with insufficient incomes currently have to rely on a bureaucratic, costly, and stigmatizing ‘patchwork’ of social assistance programs administered by different levels of government; because of the shortcomings of existing social safety nets, many researchers have advocated specifically for a simplified guaranteed basic income as a more effective solution [ 73 , 74 , 75 , 76 ].

Limitations

There are several possible limitations to the findings of this study. First, since the analysis was restricted to one Canadian city with a high median household income – $86,451 per year in Ottawa in 2016, versus $70,336 across all of Canada [ 55 ] – it may not be representative of other physiographic regions in Canada or other countries.

Furthermore, participation was restricted to a convenience sample of English and French speaking adults; thus, some members of the population may be inadequately represented in the sample. Researchers approached participants to take part in the survey; as a result, there may have been bias due to self-selection of volunteers. Recall, acquiescence response and social desirability biases are all known to influence survey respondents [ 77 , 78 ]. Moreover, the data was collected several times over pre-established observation points in this longitudinal study; hence, we cannot account for circumstances occurring in between those time periods. Finally, although the present study analysed a diverse group of food banking models, it lacked a comparable sample, specifically one that was food insecure but did not access food banks. Without a control group, we cannot be sure that the results were not due to other factors (i.e., unobserved or unmeasured covariates).

This study addresses a gap in the evaluation of contemporary food assistance programs by providing current data on the associations between food insecurity and food banking approaches. This study also adds important evidence on the compromised physical and mental health of food insecure people who rely on food banks for assistance. The key strength of this study is that it helps to fill these gaps by providing longitudinal data, collected over 18 months, on patterns of food insecurity over time, and modelling the impact of different food bank approaches on food insecurity scores.

We found significant reductions in food insecurity for people who accessed food banks that offered a Choice model of food distribution and food banks that were integrated within Community Resource Centres. Although our results show a small improvement in food security overall, it is important to note that generally, most participants still reported moderate or severe food insecurity at the end of the 18-month study, indicating a clear need for an effective long-term solution such as a guaranteed income to provide financial stability for people facing food insecurity in Canada. One positive finding was that the mean perceived mental health score was slightly higher at the 18-month point compared to baseline, possibly due to the small improvement in food security. Since our results found poor self-reported health among the subset of food insecure people who access food banks, additional larger and longitudinal studies that explore and address the unique health concerns of this population are vitally needed.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Change history

19 may 2021.

A Correction to this paper has been published: https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-021-10981-9

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Acknowledgements

We thank the Maple Leaf Food Security Centre for their generous funding of this project. This project was conducted with the collaboration of the Ottawa Food Bank and with the staff and volunteers of the participating food banks. The authors would like to thank the participants and collaborative food bank partners who dedicated their time to support this study. RW was affiliated with University of Ottawa at the time the analysis was conducted. She is currently affiliated with the Public Health Agency of Canada. The content and views expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Government of Canada”.

This work was supported by a Maple Leaf Centre for Action on Food Security Learning Hub grant.

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Conceptualization (AE, EK); Data curation (RW, AE, AR); Formal analysis (RW); Funding acquisition (AE, EK); Investigation (EK, AE, AR); Methodology (AE, EK, RW); Project administration (EK, AR, AE); Resources (AR, AE); Software (RW); Supervision (EK); Validation (all authors); Visualization (AR, RW); Roles/Writing - original draft (AR, RW); Writing - review & editing (all authors). The authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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The original version of this article was revised as it contained a numerical error in the Results section, subheading Descriptive statistics/ Frequency of food Bank use in the previous 3 months in the last sentence of the first paragraph..

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Rizvi, A., Wasfi, R., Enns, A. et al. The impact of novel and traditional food bank approaches on food insecurity: a longitudinal study in Ottawa, Canada. BMC Public Health 21 , 771 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-021-10841-6

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-021-10841-6

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Nutrition-Focused Food Banking in the US: A Qualitative Study of Healthy Food Distribution Initiatives

Marianna s. wetherill.

1 Assistant Professor, Hudson College of Public Health, University of Oklahoma Tulsa Schusterman Center, Tulsa, OK, USA

Kayla C. White

2 Research Assistant, Hudson College of Public Health, University of Oklahoma Tulsa Schusterman Center, Tulsa, OK, USA

Hilary K. Seligman

3 Associate Professor, University of California San Francisco and UCSF’s Center for Vulnerable Populations at Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital, San Francisco, CA, USA

4 Senior Medical Advisor, Feeding America

Author Contributions: H.K.S. designed the FRESH-Foods study; H.K.S. and M.S.W. conducted the research; M.S.W. and K.C.W. analyzed data; K.C.W. prepared tables and M.S.W. developed the main figure; M.S.W. and K.C.W. conducted the literature review and wrote the paper; H.K.S. contributed revisions to the manuscript; M.S.W. has primary responsibility for the final content. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Nutrition-focused food banking is broadly defined as organizational and programmatic efforts to address nutrition-related health disparities among charitable food clients. Additional information is needed to systematically describe how US food banks, as key influencers of the charitable food system, are working to advance nutrition-focused food banking initiatives in their communities.

To describe food bank leadership-identified organizational strategies, “best practices”, and innovative programs for advancing nutrition-focused food banking in the US.

Semi-structured qualitative interviews to elicit information about the nutrition-focused food banking practices and processes being employed by US food banks. Participants/setting . Participants comprised a purposive sample of food bank executives (n=30) representing a diverse selection of food banks across the US. Interviews were conducted between April 2015-January 2017 at national food bank conferences.

Transcripts were reviewed independently by two researchers to identify themes using code-based qualitative content analysis.

Executive leader descriptions of specific strategies to support nutrition-focused food banking primarily centered around four major themes: building a healthier food inventory at the food bank; enhancing partner agency healthy food access, storage, and distribution capacity; nutrition education outreach; and expanding community partnerships and intervention settings for healthy food distribution, including healthcare and schools.

Conclusions

Study findings indicate that food banks are implementing a variety of multi-level approaches to improve healthy food access among users of the charitable food system. Further evaluation is needed to assess the reach, scalability, and sustainability of these various approaches, and their effectiveness in reducing determinants of nutrition-related health disparities.

INTRODUCTION

The first US food bank opened in Phoenix, AZ, in 1967 to address the need for coordinated collection and redistribution of shelf-stable, charitable emergency food aid. 1 This model has since been replicated to include over 200 food banks in all 50 states, Washington D.C., and Puerto Rico. 2 These food banks function to source and warehouse bulk food items from manufacturers, retailers, and government commodity food programs for redistribution to over 60,000 partner agencies. 2 These partner agencies operate as ‘front line’ programs that directly give clients food, and include food pantries, soup kitchens, homeless shelters, and schools. 2 , 3 Collectively, this charitable food system serves 1 in 7 (46.5 million) Americans annually. 2

While initially conceptualized as a community resource for families in need of emergency food assistance, 1 , 4 the US charitable food system increasingly serves low-income households on a routine basis, with an estimated 54% of clients accessing food assistance six or more months of the year. 5 More than half (57.8%) of the households served by US food banks include a member with hypertension and one-third (33.2%) include a member with diabetes. 2 The high prevalence of chronic disease observed in these settings is consistent with epidemiologic research showing that food insecurity, a household-level economic and social condition of limited or uncertain access to adequate food, 6 is associated with nutrition-related chronic diseases and conditions, including obesity, hypertension, and diabetes. 7 , 8 Partially these findings are likely to be related to poor dietary intake. In addition, these conditions, because they put pressure on the household food budget and/or reduce employment capacity, may further lead to increased risk for food insecurity. 9 Thus, providing client households with foods that promote good health is considered one avenue for “shortening the line” of hunger by addressing a root cause of food insecurity. 9 Collectively, these data sparked a 2015 national call encouraging US food banks to respond to the nutritional needs of vulnerable populations through nutrition-focused food banking initiatives, including efforts to improve the nutritional quality of foods distributed to clients of charitable food programs. 4

A national survey of food bank clients conducted in 2013 suggests that many charitable food clients prefer nutritious foods, and that fresh fruits and vegetables (F&V) are the most requested item not received by clients. 2 Because the historical model for a US food bank has been to coordinate the sourcing, warehousing and redistribution of shelf-stable foods, 4 food inventory has traditionally included a rich supply of processed foods that are lower in nutrient density. The limited infrastructure for fresh food warehousing and distribution, 4 combined with stakeholder desires for fresh and more nutritious foods, have prompted quality improvement and related research initiatives. Past studies have focused on how food banking culture, capacity, and practices affect the nutritional quality of food inventory, 10 as well as identifying key barriers to the distribution of perishable foods such as fruits and vegetables. 10 – 12 However, limited information is available on how food banks have overcome these identified barriers to nutrition-focused food banking. Existing information includes predominantly case studies of food banks distributing fresh produce to partner agency sites during their hours of operation, 13 nutrition profiling systems to measure the nutrition quality of food bank inventory, 13 , 14 and food bank-sponsored client nutrition education. 15 Additional information is needed to more broadly describe how US food banks, as key influencers of the charitable food system, are working to advance nutrition-focused food banking initiatives in their communities, specifically through organizational and other programmatic efforts.

The “Foodbanking Research to Enhance the Spread of Healthy Foods” (FRESH-Foods) Study was a multi-aim study, conducted by the study authors, to qualitatively explore nutrition-focused programmatic practices and priorities of US food banks, including opportunities and challenges regarding food bank distribution of fresh F&V and other healthy foods. Here, we describe this study’s findings on food bank leadership-identified organizational strategies, “best practices”, and innovative programs for advancing nutrition-focused food banking in the US.

The unit of analysis for this qualitative study was food bank organizations across the US. The authors selected executive leaders of Feeding America-affiliated food banks, the US’s largest network of independently-operated food bank organizations, 2 as key informants for this study. These executive leaders included chief executive officers and executive directors of food banks, who are responsible for overseeing all aspects of food bank operations, including administrative, programmatic, donor engagement, community outreach, and strategic planning. For these reasons, they are used as key informants in food banking research. 13 The overall sampling framework for the FRESH-Foods study was similar to the design used in a previous qualitative food bank study, 13 and has been fully described elsewhere. 11 , 16 Briefly, the purposive sampling criteria was designed to solicit a diversity of opinions from food banks across the network. Sampling began with all 199 Feeding America-affiliated food banks using commonly available organizational and community-level criteria in order to ensure a balanced representation of perspectives across the network. These criteria included: 1) fresh produce distribution at the level of the food bank (measured as a percentage of total food pounds distributed), 2) available resources at the level of the community (measured as an aggregate of four components of food and fund availability for charitable donation in a given community), and 3) availability of fresh fruits and vegetables at the level of the state (measured in acreage devoted to fruit and vegetable production per person). Food bank data for the sampling criteria were provided to the research team by Feeding America. Seven food banks were missing data for at least one sampling criteria, resulting in a final sampling pool of 192 food banks. The 192 food banks were each categorically divided into one of three tertiles for each of these three criteria, and then different combinations of criteria (e.g. high produce distribution, high financial resources, and moderate availability) were assembled into strata. The researchers randomly selected three food banks from each of the nine-resulting stratum for an interview, for a preliminary sample of 27 food banks. Three additional food banks from larger states were later added to the sample to better ensure a diversity of perspectives since food bank operating in larger states may experience significant differences in local availability of state-grown produce, which was one of the study’s sampling criteria. The final sample size included 30 food banks within the Feeding America network, which exceeded the minimum recommended sample size for qualitative research that aims to describe major themes and perspectives on a singular issue. 17

The researchers selected interviews as qualitative method of inquiry because the study aimed to elicit information regarding executive’s personal experiences, perceptions, and practices related to nutrition-focused food banking. The full 28-item semi-structured interview guide used in the FRESH-Foods study included questions about systems-level nutrition-focused food banking practices, primarily related to fresh F&V sourcing, handling and operations, outbound delivery to agencies, and final distribution to partner agency clients. As a standard qualitative methods practice, 18 the interview guide was pre-tested and refined through a pilot interview with a single executive prior to the collection of data used in this study. The analyses presented here focus on those 7 questions that were developed to gain insight into how executives are working to advance nutrition-focused food banking, including internal organizational strategies and executive-identified “best practices” or innovative programs ( Table 1 ). While some questions directed executives to speak specifically about nutrition-focused initiatives, other questions more broadly asked about strategic planning and food bank visioning. These broad, non-leading questions provided executives with the opportunity to contextualize nutrition-focused initiatives within organization-wide efforts to meet community needs.

Questions used during food bank executive interviews (n 30) to identify internal strategies and community programatic initiatives to advance nutrition-focused food banking, The Foodbanking Research to Enhance the Spread of Healthy Foods (FRESH-Foods) Study, 2015-2017

The study coordinator invited food bank executives by email to participate in an interview at an upcoming national food banking conference. In-person interviews were performed by either M.S.W. or H.K.S. between April 2015 and October 2016 (n 27). Participants who were unable to participate via in-person interviews (n 3) completed phone interviews between October 2016 and January 2017, since phone interviews can be an acceptable alternative to in-person interviews. 19 Interviews lasted approximately one hour (36-82 minutes) and were taped using an encrypted audio recorder for verbatim transcription. Participants provided written informed consent (in-person interviews) or verbal consent (telephone interviews) and received a $100 gift card after the interview. The University of California San Francisco Committee on Human Research and the University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center Institutional Review Board approved this study.

The full research team initially developed a codebook containing a priori themes based on the previous literature, personal researcher experiences in the food banking sector, and the question path itself. The codebook was also reviewed by a registered dietitian at Feeding America to ensure all anticipated codes related to nutrition programming were included. Two members of the research team (M.S.W. and K.C.W.) conducted thematic analysis to explore and describe major themes by independently coding each transcript using Atlas.ti (Germany) software. 20 During the first round of coding, emergent themes, including the innovative program codes derived from responses to the “best practices” question, were identified inductively. 21 These emerging codes were then discussed between the two coders and standardized for addition to the codebook for use in the second, and final, round of coding. 21 All of the specific strategies described in the interviews could be categorized into one of four major initiative categories, indicating that saturation was met for these four major themes. 22 Final frequencies for specific strategies were calculated based on the number of interviewees who mentioned a particular program or “best practice,” in accordance with guidelines for qualitative research with larger data sets. 23 While these frequencies helped guide identification of the most frequently cited programs among this study’s sample, they were not intended for making generalizations or inferences beyond what is observed in this sample. Inter-coder reliability for final codes used in these analyses was assessed using the Coding Analysis Toolkit, 24 which is available for users of Atlas-ti to calculate percent agreement between coders. All codes reached an acceptable percent agreement of ≥85% 25 and a Cohen’s Kappa value of 0.9; discrepancies were resolved through mutual consensus. Results from the final analyses were shared with food banking experts at Feeding America, who were from outside the research team, to confirm the credibility of the findings.

Participants (n 30) represented food banks from across the US, including Northeastern (n 3), Southern (n 11), Midwestern (n 10), and Western states (n 6). 26 Food banking experience averaged over 13 years (M 13.4 years, SD 8.2 years), but ranged widely (11 months to 28 years).

The major themes from the interviews fell into four broad categories of nutrition-focused food banking initiatives: building a healthier food inventory at the food bank; enhancing partner agency healthy food access, storage, and distribution capacity; nutrition education outreach; and expanding community partnerships and intervention settings for healthy food distribution, including healthcare and schools ( Figure 1 ). The number of executives citing each type of practice are included in Figure 1 to illustrate those practices that were more commonly reported and those that were more novel (i.e., unique approaches) within the sample. Illustrative quotes for each nutrition-focused food banking practice are summarized in Table 2 .

Major initiatives and specific strategies for nutrition-focused food banking as identified by executive leaders of US food banks (n 30), The Foodbanking Research to Enhance the Spread of Healthy Foods (FRESH-Foods) Study, 2015-2017

Strategies for nutrition-focused food banking as identified through qualitative interviews with food bank executive leaders (n 30), including illustrative quotes, The Foodbanking Research to Enhance the Spread of Healthy Foods (FRESH-Foods) Study, 2015-2017

Building healthier food inventory

The majority of food bank executives described nutrition or health-related grant writing and donor requests specifically for fresh F&V (n 25). Executives described these efforts as being very successful, which often allowed food banks to increase the volume and diversity of fresh produce inventory. Grant makers for these initiatives commonly included insurance companies, health organizations, and other health-sector funding sources. Nearly half of executives reported implementation of nutrition-focused metrics (n 14), such as fresh produce distribution goals, that were often used by food bank leaders and staff. These metrics included various approaches to measuring or rating the nutritional quality of food inventory, including the CHOP rating system, 14 Foods to Encourage, 27 or other measures of nutritious poundage. One executive of a food bank with high F&V distribution described the innovative development of an interdepartmental perishable foods committee to help achieve F&V distribution goals, which was comprised of representatives from procurement, handling, and agency relations. Fewer executives reported using formal nutrition policies, although this practice was still commonly reported. These policies varied, but broadly fell into two approaches including refusing unhealthful donations, such as soda and sweet bakery items from retailers or manufacturers (n 5), or using inventory purchasing dollars only for healthful foods (n 7). Executives described these policy decisions to be philosophically important for the advancement of nutrition-focused food banking, and generally described these policies as having either a neutral or positive impact on the quantity of total food inventory.

Enhancing partner agency healthy food access, storage, and distribution capacity

In addition to internal efforts to build a healthier food bank inventory, many executives acknowledged partner agency barriers to being able to procure and distribute perishable healthy foods. To overcome these barriers, executives commonly described efforts to build physical and human capacity at partner agency sites. Many executives reported food bank-sponsorship of cold storage for partner agencies so they could provide clients with fresh produce and other perishable items, such as dairy (n 11). Over one-quarter of executives described food bank-sponsored agency training programs (n 8), which indirectly address partner agency capacity by aiming to improve knowledge and skills among partner agency leaders and volunteers. Topics included grant writing, education on what constitutes “nutritious” food products, food safety practices, and how to conduct Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) outreach.

To improve partner agency access to perishable foods, including fresh F&V, food banks employed several strategies. The most frequently cited strategy involved notifying partner agencies that fresh F&V is available for immediate pickup (n 9), often through a mass e-mail to higher-capacity partner agencies. Some executives described efforts to directly link partner agencies with perishable food donors, such as retailers (n 7). This strategy offered the added benefit of maximizing the shelf-life of perishable food products by shortening the distribution time. Few executives described the strategy of making F&V visible and readily available for agencies to immediately add on to their order at time of food pick-up (n 3). “Produce drops” were often described by executives as a best practice for enhancing partner agency and community member access to fresh F&V. These “produce drops” are designed to help eliminate transportation, staffing, and cold storage barriers among partner agencies, and are typically implemented in one of three ways. The first approach involves food bank staff directly distributing fresh product to clients at the same time dry foods are distributed by the agency (n 6). These coordinated distributions often use the food bank’s mobile market vehicle or involve setting up a “farmer’s market” in the parking lot of a partner agency. The second “produce drop” approach involves “just-in-time” delivery of fresh produce (n 5) to a partner agency immediately before services begin, with the main difference being that the foods are distributed by partner agency volunteers rather than food bank staff. The third “produce drop” strategy involves food bank transport of produce to a central drop-off location for access by partner agencies operating in distant counties (n 4). Some food banks further invested in this strategy by sponsoring large, off-site refrigerated storage units so that partner agencies could access fresh product at their convenience.

Finally, some executives reported tiering partner agencies as a strategy for maximizing distribution of healthier products (n 6). Executives described a process where partner agencies are first divided into groups, typically based on agency service capacity (e.g. high tiers being ready and requesting more produce, middle tiers requesting more produce but needing capacity expansion such as more refrigerated storage and low tiers being unable to handle more produce). This tiering system is then used to grant food ordering priority to those partner agencies who are able to distribute more produce to more people. Providing partner agencies with nutrition information of foods at the time of order was not commonly reported. In fact, only one executive reported integrating the CHOP rating 14 of foods into their food bank’s online food ordering system.

Community-based nutrition education

Executives frequently described the importance of providing clients with education on basic nutrition education and opportunities to taste and to learn how to prepare healthy foods. Registered dietitian nutritionists, dietetic interns, or nutrition education paraprofessionals primarily performed these activities, and were either food bank employees or volunteers, or leveraged from state or local healthcare community programs. Nutrition education programs (n 19) most often focused on teaching the health benefits of fresh produce or the impact of a healthful diet on chronic diseases, such as diabetes and obesity. The majority of these programs included a cooking component (n 16) to build client confidence and skills for preparing nutritious foods and increase acceptance of unfamiliar foods.

Expanding community partnerships and intervention settings for healthy food distribution

The final type of nutrition-focused food banking initiative involved expanding food bank partnerships with schools and healthcare settings. Executives commonly identified schools as prime intervention settings for healthy food distribution initiatives. Nearly one-third of executives reported direct food distribution to students and families at school sites (n 9), most often through the mobile market model, where foods are delivered by the food bank to schools. Distributions were primarily implemented on Fridays or at the end of the school day, and frequently targeted low-income schools. Executives described these distributions as an effective strategy for distributing fresh produce, which is typically not distributed through the school “backpack” programs (in which students take home non-perishable food in a pre-packed backpack to support their weekend food requirements). Fewer executives described their role in administering summer breakfast and lunch feeding programs (n 3). Several executives also described efforts to improve the nutritional quality of foods provided to students during the school day, either through political advocacy efforts (n 2) or by directly supplying school meal programs with fresh F&V (n 3). One executive described how the food bank leveraged their handling facility to bag donations from local growers for free redistribution and delivery to local schools for use in their breakfast and lunch programs. This program’s expansion plans include further leveraging of the food bank handling facility to wash, chop, and prepare F&V for the school system. This executive reflected on the role of food banks in addressing a community’s determinants of hunger:

‘Well, if you’re going to eliminate hunger it takes more than just the food banks giving out food… It takes drilling down to the root cause of hunger and the places where the vulnerable populations are going and providing them with manna--the food. The school systems were a natural connection, they have children, they have all the children that are there with the families whether they are of means or not. For us it doesn’t matter, children should have access to food whether their families can afford it or not.’

One-third of executives identified healthcare partnerships as an emerging opportunity for innovative programs. These programs were described as a natural extension of a food bank’s established role in community nutrition education. Healthcare partnerships included produce “prescription” programs or food bank-sponsored mobile markets at healthcare sites (n 10). Produce “prescription” programs generally involved referrals by a doctor or healthcare navigator for healthful food, with the prescription generally fulfilled by the food bank, either at the mobile market or at a food bank-affiliated food pantry. Some of these programs integrated food security screenings into medical visits (n 3).

For areas without an identified community partner, some food banks reported distribution of foods directly to people in public areas. These fresh F&V mobile markets (n 20) used food bank-owned refrigerated vehicles or trailers to deliver and distribute nutritious, perishable foods, with frequent geographic prioritization of food deserts. Several executives described these mobile markets as a community venue for simultaneously delivering health outreach services or health fairs (n 3).

This study explored how food bank leaders across the US are working to advance nutrition-focused initiatives within their organizations and through community partnerships. Although many specific strategies were identified, our findings suggest that food bank leaders have prioritized four major types of nutrition-focused food banking initiatives: building a healthier food inventory, supporting partner agency capacity for fresh food distribution, providing community-based nutrition education, and expanding community partnerships. Collectively, these initiatives intersect with the major elements of the charitable food system, including food sourcing, handling and operations, outbound delivery to partner agencies, and food distribution to household beneficiaries of the charitable food system. This study adds to existing literature by providing health program developers, policy makers, and anti-hunger advocates with qualitative insight into how US food banks are working to effect nutrition-focused charitable food systems change.

This study’s findings provide a deeper understanding of the various strategies that food bank executives are implementing to build a more nutritious food inventory in their warehouses, as well as possible barriers that still remain. Health-focused grant writing efforts were reported by a large majority of executives, indicating that many food banks are actively working to enhance their organizational capacity in this area. Nutrition-focused metrics were also commonly described, which can provide food banks with objective measures to benchmark their progress. Interestingly, the use of formal nutrition policies, including both refusals of unhealthy food donations or healthy food purchasing guidelines, were less common. These policy-related findings are consistent with past qualitative research conducted in 2010 that also found infrequent use of formal nutrition policies, 14 which indicates a persistent hesitancy among some food banks to explicitly institutionalize nutrition into their organizational bylaws. Additional studies are needed to identify how different nutrition policy approaches influence the nutritional quality and overall availability of food inventory, which may help to inform policy decisions by food bank leaders who have not yet chosen to implement nutrition policies. It is also probable, given current momentum, that some of the food bank leaders interviewed have implemented formal nutrition policies since the time of these interviews.

The majority of food bank executives also described efforts to build partner agency capacity for healthy food distribution and other nutrition-focused initiatives, and reported using a wide range of tactics to achieve this goal. A few of the more popular approaches identified here have also been described in past research, 10 , 13 , 14 including those efforts that address physical capacity barriers, such as the provision of cold storage to partner agencies and produce drops. This study’s analyses also revealed additional strategies aimed at making fresh foods more conveniently accessible to partner agencies. Nearly one-third of executives described efforts to grow human capacity through food bank-sponsored training programs, which may be particularly useful for shaping partner agency practices on how healthy foods are stocked and promoted to clients. Collectively, these efforts may support an improved food environment and a more holistic provider-client interface at charitable food sites that can complement longer-standing initiatives identified here and elsewhere, 28 , 29 including food bank-sponsored nutrition and cooking education programs.

Finally, study findings illustrate how food banks can partner with other systems to further promote healthier food access in communities. Identified in past research as a common outreach practice, 10 , 13 mobile markets were also widely-reported among this study’s sample as way to directly provide students and their families, patients, and community members at large with food assistance. This strategy illustrates a major community role change for many food banks, since the US charitable food system was not initially conceptualized for food banks to provide food directly to clients. Additionally, food bank-led collaborations with school, healthcare, and other community systems may provide communities with new comprehensive community health frameworks for connecting at-risk populations with nutrition and other health resources. For example, the Healthy Cities intervention study, 30 which was being conducted at the beginning of this research, found that food banks can function as lead facilitators of multi-component, school-based community health initiatives. However, evaluators found that the health screening component of these initiatives were more difficult for food banks to implement than nutrition education and food distribution. Interestingly, very few executives in this study described the use of health screenings or fairs. Since health screening plays an important public health role in disease prevention and detection, food bank health outreach initiatives may benefit from strategic partnerships with nursing or medical schools, healthcare systems, health departments, health payors or community health workers to conduct health screenings at food distribution sites.

This study has several limitations. First, the FRESH-Foods study was designed to describe opportunities and challenges regarding food bank distribution of fresh F&V and healthier foods, including operational, leadership, and programmatic factors. Themes related to ancillary activities that did not involve direct food distribution, such as nutrition education and other health programming (e.g., health fairs/screenings), were analyzed as emerging themes and not directly solicited through the original interview guide. This analysis focused on perceptions by food bank executives about how various initiatives and strategies are working to improve healthy food access, but this research is not able to objectively confirm the degree to which these efforts are impacting access or consumption of healthy foods.

Finally, the U.S. food banking system is in a stage of constant innovation and transformation, 4 including gains in fruit and vegetable distribution across the network since this study began 16 which may be due to efforts by the Feeding America national organization since 2011 4 to actively promote nutrition initiatives and fresh produce distribution by its food bank members. 31 Although these analyses achieved saturation in the major initiatives being employed, the specific types of strategies identified were too numerous to achieve saturation with the study design. Many of the major initiatives or specific strategies identified in this study may have further experienced changes between the time of the interviews, which spanned two years, and publication of the study’s findings.

IMPLICATIONS FOR RESEARCH AND PRACTICE

The strategies described in this manuscript potentially could be strengthened through engagement with dietetics professionals at many levels, particularly those that aim to expand community partnerships and intervention settings. In this study, registered dietitian nutritionists were primarily described as providers of client nutrition education. However, these professionals have the additional training and expertise to advise on the development of evidence-based community nutrition programs for primary, secondary, and tertiary disease prevention. Interprofessional collaboration with social workers can further complement these efforts by connecting clients with resources to support other determinants of health, such as public insurance benefits and prescription drug assistance. Since both types professionals are typically employed by healthcare and school systems, dietitians and social workers may be key implementation contacts for food banks that are working to initiate cross-sector collaborations. Additionally, those professionals who are working outside of the charitable food system need to be familiar with local food bank initiatives. This awareness is critical for connecting eligible clients with community food resources, and potentially for the identification of new community outreach settings.

Future quantitative research on nutrition-focused food banking should aim to identify evidence-based approaches, including types of initiatives, specific strategies, and community partnerships, that are most effective for producing intended outcomes, such as healthy food distribution at the food bank- or partner agency-level as well as improved client food security, dietary intake, and health outcomes. Client satisfaction should be evaluated to identify the positive and negative implications of new healthy food initiatives, such as programmatic impact on the client-perceived quality of healthy foods and whether these foods sufficiently address household needs.

Additionally, rigorous evaluation of multi-sector collaborations may require unprecedented information sharing between social, healthcare, and educational sectors. For example, research that aims to evaluate the health impact of produce prescription programs will most likely require some type of data-sharing agreement between charitable food providers and health care systems. Similarly, studying the impact of school-based initiatives on student academic outcomes, which are long-term predictors of health in adulthood, would most likely require information sharing between food banks and schools. Comprehensive research designs on the health, educational, and economic benefits of these nutrition-focused food banking initiatives can help inform policymaking decisions across multiple sectors.

This study describes an ongoing transformation within the charitable foods system toward nutrition-focused food banking. This transformation is evidenced by, and will likely be further achieved through, a combination of strategies at the local and national levels that support the expanding the role of food banks to include direct food distribution and strategic cross-sector community partnerships. Future research needs to systematically evaluate the reach, impact, and scalability of the various initiatives identified in this study to determine the most effective strategies for promoting nutrition and health equity among persons accessing charitable food assistance.

Research Snapshot

Research question, key findings.

Qualitative analyses identified many types of strategies that food banks are employing to support nutrition-focused food banking. These strategies primarily centered around four major themes: building a healthier food inventory at the food bank; enhancing partner agency healthy food access, storage, and distribution capacity; nutrition education outreach; and expanding community partnerships and intervention settings for healthy food distribution, including healthcare and schools.

Acknowledgements:

The authors thank Christine Rivera, RD, of Feeding America, for her thoughtful contributions during the development of the codebook used for the qualitative analysis and for reviewing early drafts of this manuscript and providing critical comments. The authors additionally thank Krista Kezbers, PhD, for her expert consultation in qualitative data analysis.

Funding/financial disclosures: Research reported in this publication was supported by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention under Award Number 3U48DP004998-01S1 and the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases of the National Institutes of Health under Award Number P30DK092924. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the NIH or CDC.

Publisher's Disclaimer: This is a PDF file of an unedited manuscript that has been accepted for publication. As a service to our customers we are providing this early version of the manuscript. The manuscript will undergo copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proof before it is published in its final citable form. Please note that during the production process errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain.

Conflict of interest disclosures: HKS was appointed senior medical advisor at Feeding America during the data collection phase of this project. Thereafter, she no longer participated in collection or analysis of data. There are no other conflicts of interest to report.

(The authors have received permission from those named in the acknowledgement.)

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In addition to global research and recommendations, GFN conducts Network research to understand, inform, and improve food bank operations. This helps scale and accelerate food bank development and also informs GFN’s technical assistance to food banks and outreach to partners.

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• This annual survey provides a comprehensive look at the accomplishments of member food banks, including people served, food and grocery product distributed, and the scope and reach of partner organizations. The results inform all of the work we do, including grantmaking, technical assistance, fundraising, and building public awareness.
• Pulse surveys are conducted regularly to track the changing needs that member food banks are observing in their communities.
• These annual surveys collect anonymous feedback from food bank executive directors on the quality and efficacy of GFN’s services. The surveys guide GFN’s strategic priorities as they relate to member food banks.

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The Global Food Donation Policy Atlas is the first collaborative research project to examine the state of worldwide food donation laws and policies and provide country-specific policy recommendations for strengthening food recovery efforts. This research is coupled with technical assistance for GFN members that helps food banks advocate for stronger donation policies in their home country. The Atlas is a partnership between Harvard Law School’s Food Law and Policy Clinic and The Global FoodBanking Network.  

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Food pantry access worth billions nationally, study finds

By james dean, cornell chronicle.

A research collaboration between Cornell and the U.S. Department of Agriculture offers the first estimates of the economic value contributed by food pantries, and finds it is substantial – worth up to $1,000 annually to participating families and as much as $28 billion nationwide.

The totals underscore food bank systems’ important role in addressing food insecurity, a role that has grown during the pandemic and recent bouts of inflation, said David R. Just , the Susan Eckert Lynch Professor in Science and Business in the Charles H. Dyson School of Applied Economics and Management, part of the Cornell SC Johnson College of Business and the College of Agriculture and Life Sciences.

“Food pantries make a huge difference to the households they serve, for many representing a substantial portion of their income,” Just said. “This is important information for policymakers considering support for the national or local food banking system, like tax breaks for food donation, direct program support from USDA or other efforts.”

Just is the co-author of " What is Free Food Worth? A Nonmarket Valuation Approach to Estimating the Welfare Effects of Food Pantry Services ,” published Nov. 9 in the American Journal of Agricultural Economics. The lead author is Anne Byrne, Ph.D. ’21, a research agricultural economist at the USDA’s Economic Research Service . The team has collaborated on multiple investigations of private food assistance.

“Private food assistance, especially food banking, has grown in recent decades,” Byrne said. “These organizations have a unique position within the food system and a specific role in food access because they offer quick relief in the form of free groceries to a wide variety of people, typically with minimal administrative hurdles.”

Food banks and pantries served 51 million people in 2021, according to the nonprofit Feeding America . Despite their importance, the researchers said, their economic value to the individuals and households that they serve hasn’t been estimated using rigorous economic methods.

Determining that value is challenging, the researchers said, since food pantries provide food and services at no cost. In addition, the market value of food may not accurately capture its value to people who can’t afford to access markets.

Byrne and Just thought they could get at the question using travel costs, a novel application of a methodology long used to value assets like national parks – where the cost of visiting isn’t primarily an entry fee – based on costs incurred to make the trip. They calculated the cost of travel to and from food pantries as a measure of households’ “willingness to pay” for the food, considering the distance, duration and frequency of their trips.

“We know they would be willing to give up at least this amount for the food they obtain, which enables us to identify demand in terms of price – travel costs – and quantity – visits,” Just said.

The scholars analyzed 13 years of data (2005-17) from a northern Colorado food bank that in 2017 served 10% of Larimer County residents at locations in Fort Collins and Loveland.

The data set included millions of pantry visits representing about 45,000 households – a population with lower incomes and more racial and ethnic minorities than the county overall, according to census data. To calculate travel costs, the researchers used Google maps for walking and driving distances and times, AAA data for vehicle costs, and reported incomes or the Colorado minimum wage to determine the opportunity cost of the time trips required.

The result was an estimated value to families of $40 to $60 per trip to a food pantry, and of $600 to $1,000 per year based on typical annual visit frequencies, with values increasing or decreasing with travel costs.

Extrapolated nationally – based on 389 million visits reported by Feeding America’s 2014 Hunger in America Study – the first-of-their-kind estimates confirm that “food bank services collectively represent a sizeable share of the food landscape,” the researchers wrote. Their estimated value of $19 to $28 billion is more than double the sales by farmers markets in 2020, and a significant fraction of federal food stamp (SNAP) benefits that year worth $74.2 billion, according to the research.

“Without such an estimate it is difficult to know whether food pantries are a worthwhile investment from a public policy perspective,” Just said. “Given the great number of families touched by these services and the significant investment and volunteer hours given, it is important to document and measure the value they are contributing to our economy.”

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The Role of Food Banks in Addressing Food Insecurity: A Systematic Review

Affiliations.

• 1 Asylum Seeker Resource Centre, 214-218 Nicholson St, Footscray, VIC, 3011, Australia.
• 2 Faculty of Health, School of Health and Social Development, Deakin University, Burwood Campus, 221 Burwood Highway, Melbourne, VIC, 3125, Australia. [email protected].
• 3 Faculty of Health, School of Health and Social Development, Deakin University, Burwood Campus, 221 Burwood Highway, Melbourne, VIC, 3125, Australia.
• PMID: 26728281
• DOI: 10.1007/s10900-015-0147-5

Food banks play a major role in the food aid sector by distributing donated and purchased groceries directly to food insecure families. The public health implications of food insecurity are significant, particularly as food insecurity has a higher prevalence among certain population groups. This review consolidates current knowledge about the function and efficacy of food banks to address food insecurity. A systematic review was conducted. Thirty-five publications were reviewed, of which 14 examined food security status, 13 analysed nutritional quality of food provided, and 24 considered clients' needs in relation to food bank use. This review found that while food banks have an important role to play in providing immediate solutions to severe food deprivation, they are limited in their capacity to improve overall food security outcomes due to the limited provision of nutrient-dense foods in insufficient amounts, especially from dairy, vegetables and fruits. Food banks have the potential to improve food security outcomes when operational resources are adequate, provisions of perishable food groups are available, and client needs are identified and addressed.

Keywords: Client needs; Food bank; Food insecurity; Review; Vulnerable.

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Articles on Food banks

Displaying 1 - 20 of 81 articles.

When people are under economic stress, their pets suffer too – we found parts of Detroit that are animal welfare deserts

Laura A. Reese , Michigan State University

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Vinita Srivastava , The Conversation ; Ateqah Khaki , The Conversation , and Jennifer Moroz , The Conversation

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Telesilla Kotsi , The Ohio State University and Alfonso J. Pedraza Martinez , University of Notre Dame

Climate change could lead to food-related civil unrest in UK within 50 years, say experts

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Canada’s welfare system is failing mothers with infants

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How community markets for all could be a sustainable alternative to food banks

Rounaq Nayak , Bournemouth University

Does Ottawa’s grocery rebate signal a shift to a broader guaranteed basic income?

Phoebe Stephens , Dalhousie University ; Catherine Sweet , Dalhousie University , and Hannah L. Harrison , Dalhousie University

Food aid supply chains rely on a surplus – here’s what happens during a shortage

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Extra SNAP benefits are ending as US lawmakers resume battle over program that helps low-income Americans buy food

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Inflation bites: How rising food costs affect nutrition and health

Sarah Woodruff , University of Windsor ; Paige Coyne , University of Windsor , and Sheldon Fetter , University of Windsor

How many Australians are going hungry? We don’t know for sure, and that’s a big part of the problem

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Food insecurity during COVID-19 : 2SLGBTQ+ people talk about challenges and support

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• > Journals
• > Proceedings of the Nutrition Society
• > Volume 82 Issue 3
• > Food banks: Understanding their role in the food insecure...

Article contents

Food insecurity in the uk, food banks in the uk, conceptual framework: understanding food bank use in the context of food insecurity in the uk, role of food banks into the future, financial support, conflict of interest, food banks: understanding their role in the food insecure population in the uk.

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  31 March 2023

The present paper reviews the growing body of literature on food insecurity and food bank use in the UK. It provides an overview of food insecurity in this context, followed by a description of the emergence of food banks, highlighting how any role that food banks play in the food insecure population is limited. Data on food insecurity and food bank use suggest many people experiencing food insecurity do not receive help from food banks. To better understand the factors influencing the relationship between food insecurity and food bank use, a conceptual framework is outlined, suggesting the relationship is far from straightforward and contingent on many factors. The nature and availability of food banks and other local support services and individual-level factors influence the likelihood of food banks being used in the context of food insecurity. Then, the extent to which food banks can impact food insecurity is also dependent on the quantity and quality of food distributed, as well as other support services offered from food banks. Closing reflections highlight rising living costs and food banks reporting that they do not have capacity to cope with increasing demand, underscoring the need for policy interventions. Reliance on food banks to respond to food insecurity may ultimately impede formulation of effective policy interventions to reduce food insecurity, giving the illusion of widespread available support, whilst food insecurity persists among those receiving help from food banks and those who experience food insecurity but do not use food banks.

Food banks (or food pantries in the USA) are established charity organisations across many Western countries, proliferating in the USA and Canada in the 1980s ( Reference Tarasuk and Davis 1 , Reference Poppendieck 2 ) , in some Nordic countries in the early 1990s ( Reference Lambie-Mumford and Silvasti 3 ) and in other European nations such as Germany and the Netherlands through the 2000s ( Reference Lambie-Mumford and Silvasti 3 ) . In the UK, they have only become widespread since 2010 ( Reference Loopstra, Goodwin and Goldberg 4 – Reference Riches 6 ) . They most commonly operate as voluntary projects where people can receive free bags of groceries in the face of insufficient finances for food. They are now established features of informal welfare systems, and funding from food corporations and governments show how normalised they have become ( Reference Riches 6 ) . Research in Western countries has examined the relationship between food insecurity and food bank use from a population perspective ( Reference Loopstra and Tarasuk 7 – Reference Heflin and Olson 10 ) and considered the nutritional quality of foods food banks offer ( Reference Oldroyd, Eskandari and Pratt 11 , Reference Simmet, Depa and Tinnemann 12 ) , experiences of people using food banks ( Reference Oldroyd, Eskandari and Pratt 11 ) and ethics of charities being relied on to support people experiencing food insecurity ( Reference Lambie-Mumford and Silvasti 3 ) . In the UK, research focused on food insecurity and food bank use was relatively rare before the rapid spread of food banks and growing usage from 2010 but since then, has burgeoned. The present paper reviews this body of evidence, asking, what is known about food insecurity in the UK, and what is the role of food banks among people experiencing food insecurity?

Use of food insecurity concept and measurement prior to regular monitoring

Household food insecurity is a widely used concept in high-income countries to describe ‘uncertainty about future food availability and access, insufficiency in the amount and kind of food required for a healthy lifestyle, or the need to use socially unacceptable ways to acquire food’ ( Reference Anderson 13 ) . A number of survey instruments have been developed to measure and monitor household or individual-level experiences of food insecurity in high-income countries ( Reference Carrillo-Alvarez, Salinas-Roca and Costa-Tutusaus 14 ) , with one of the most commonly used being the United States Department of Agriculture's Household Food Security Survey Measurement Module (HFSSM) or Adult FSSM, which excludes questions referring to children in households. Measurement of food insecurity in large population-based surveys has led to a large body of research on how it associates with non-communicable diseases ( Reference Liu and Eicher-Miller 15 ) and measures of mental health ( Reference Maynard, Andrade and Packull-McCormick 16 , Reference Burke, Martini and Çayır 17 ) , among other social and well-being outcomes. Of particular concern to the nutrition and dietetics community is how food insecurity is associated with poor dietary quality and nutrient intakes ( Reference Hanson and Connor 18 ) .

In the UK, the term household food insecurity had not widely been used among researchers, policymakers or the third sector until recently. In 2003, however, Dowler highlighted how the term ‘food poverty’ was gaining traction in the UK and pointed out that it was conceptually similar to the concept of household food insecurity used in US literature ( Reference Dowler 19 ) . Dowler defined food poverty as ‘the inability to acquire or consume an adequate quality or quantity of food in socially acceptable ways, or the uncertainty that one will be able to do so’, which is the definition that comes from early qualitative and conceptual research of food insecurity in the USA by Radimer and colleagues (at the time, used to describe ‘hunger’ but referring to food insecurity) ( Reference Radimer, Olson and Campbell 20 , Reference Radimer and Radimer 21 ) . Research into food insecurity experiences in the UK was relatively scant at that time and predominantly qualitative ( Reference Dowler 19 , Reference Lambie-Mumford, Loopstra, Lambie-Mumford and Silvasti 22 ) , though quantitative studies examining the patterning of diets and nutrition by socio-economic status were common ( Reference Smith and Brunner 23 ) . Additionally, questions asking about households' abilities to eat certain foods (e.g. fruit and vegetables, meals with a protein source) and participate in social norms around eating (e.g. number of meals a day, ability to have friends over for a meal) were a part of material deprivation measures in the UK and gathered across the European Union ( Reference Dowler 19 ) . One of the first quantitative pieces of research that used a validated survey instrument to capture food insecurity (the United States Department of Agriculture's HFSSM) was a survey of people using general practitioner practices in London conducted in 2002 ( Reference Tingay, Tan and Tan 24 ) . This study suggested high levels of food insecurity among general practitioner patients, though levels ranged from 3 to 32 % across general practitioner practices. Two place-based surveys targeting mothers of children recruited into birth cohorts also included food insecurity measurement in the 2000s: the Southampton Women's Survey ( Reference Pilgrim, Barker and Jackson 25 ) and a sub-study from the Born in Bradford birth cohort study ( Reference Power, Uphoff and Stewart-Knox 26 ) . In the Southampton women's study, 4⋅6 % of women were classed as moderately or severely food insecure ( Reference Pilgrim, Barker and Jackson 25 ) . In the sub-sample of women from the Born in Bradford cohort, 14 % of women were moderately or severely food insecure. Of course, given the targeted nature of these studies, it is not possible to generalise these findings to the general population, but they give an idea of the scale of the problem in these samples at that time.

Over 2003–2005, a survey targeting households in the top 15 % of deprivation levels in the UK was commissioned by the Food Standards Agency (referred to as the Low Income Diet and Nutrition Survey) and included the United States Department of Agriculture's Adult FSSM ( Reference Nelson, Erens and Bates 27 ) . Among the adults in this high-risk population, 14 % were classified as moderately or severely food insecure. However, this one-off survey was not repeated, and to our knowledge, no government body commissioned a survey to capture food insecurity in the UK population again until 2016. Of note is that the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs was responsible for reporting on food insecurity, but this largely consisted of reporting on the food supply, food prices and household food expenditure, and did not include any data on individual or household measures of insufficient or insecure access to food ( 28 ) .

Regular monitoring of food insecurity in the UK

Whilst these studies suggested food insecurity was a problem for some groups prior to 2010, it was the rapid rise in numbers using food banks reported in the media from 2012 ( Reference Wells and Caraher 29 ) and the qualitative research highlighting experiences of food insecurity among food bank users ( Reference Perry, Williams and Sefton 30 ) that led to many third-sector organisations and academics calling for the need for measurement of food insecurity in the population to understand its scale and who was most at risk ( Reference Taylor and Loopstra 31 – Reference Lambie-Mumford and Hunger 33 ) .

In 2016, the Food Standards Agency included the United States Department of Agriculture's Adult FSSM, with a 12-month recall period, in Wave 4 of their Food and You Survey ( Reference Bates, Roberts and Lepps 34 ) . Whilst not representing the whole of the UK, as Scotland has its own Food Standards Agency, this was the first attempt by a UK government agency to measure food insecurity in a nationally representative survey. These data were the first to show how widespread the problem of food insecurity was in the general UK population, with 13 % of adults experiencing marginal food insecurity and a further 8 % experiencing moderate or severe levels. From 2016, the Food Standards Agency has continued to include food insecurity in their Food and You Survey ( 35 ) and its successor, Food and You 2 ( 36 ) . In addition, from 2019 to 2020, the Department for Work and Pensions is also has included the Adult FSSM in their Family Resources Survey, using a 30-d recall period ( 37 ) . Based on these data, prior to the coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, 8 % of adults were experiencing moderate or severe food insecurity each month, with a further 6 % experiencing marginal levels. In some areas, for example, the North East and North West, levels were much higher with 11 and 10 % of households experiencing moderate or severe levels food insecurity, respectively ( 37 ) .

In addition to revealing the scale of food insecurity, these data have enabled identification of socio-demographic groups that experience significantly higher levels of food insecurity than their counterparts (e.g. see Table 9.6 available from ( 37 ); see also ( Reference Armstrong, King and Clifford 38 ). These include adults with disabilities, adults who are unemployed, adults in receipt of Universal Credit, households with children and adults from some Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic groups. Multivariate analyses of Food and You data from 2016 have shown that unemployment, low incomes and disability are significant predictors of severe levels of food insecurity ( Reference Loopstra, Reeves and Tarasuk 39 ) .

Growth in number of food banks and distribution of food parcels

Whilst it is clear from the data outlined earlier that insecure and insufficient access to food were experiences among low-income households in the 1990s and 2000s, food banks only became widespread from 2010. Their proliferation is linked to the recession of 2008 and subsequent austerity measures implemented, which reduced spending for local services, reformed the benefit system and reduced funding for financial crisis support in local authorities in England ( Reference Loopstra, Reeves and Taylor-Robinson 5 , Reference Lambie-Mumford and Green 40 – Reference Beck and Gwilym 43 ) . The Trussell Trust is a national network of food banks, which established its first food bank in 2000 and became a social franchise in 2004, allowing community groups, mostly Christian churches at that time, to become members and start their own food banks ( Reference Lambie-Mumford 44 ) . But it was only after 2010 that the Trussell Trust model spread rapidly across the UK ( Reference Sosenko, Littlewood and Bramley 45 ) . Outside of the Trussell Trust, independent food banks have also been operating, but a survey of independent food banks operating in 2018–2019 found that in the representative sample of 114 food banks, just under 10 % were distributing food parcels before 2004, and that the majority, 75 % of the sample, started in 2010 or later ( Reference Loopstra, Goodwin and Goldberg 4 ) . Today, it is estimated that food banks operate in most local authorities ( Reference Sosenko, Littlewood and Bramley 45 ) , with about 430 Trussell Trust members distributing food parcels from about 1300 client-facing food bank distribution centres ( 46 ) , and at least 1170 independent food banks operating outside of the Trussell Trust network, though this does not include schools, hospitals or Salvation Army centres that provide food parcels ( 47 ) . The latter data were collated by the Independent Food Aid Network (IFAN), which was established in spring 2016 to provide mutual support and share resources among food aid providers operating outside of the Trussell Trust, among other aims ( Reference Independent Food Aid Network 48 ) . About 550 non-Trussell Trust food aid providers, predominantly food banks, are part of IFAN.

Of course, the provision of food in response to concerns about hunger in the UK population was not new ( Reference Dowler and Lambie-Mumford 42 ) . Other forms of food aid have a long-standing history in this country context, with soup kitchens and later soup runs being among the most visible ( Reference Lambie-Mumford, Loopstra, Lambie-Mumford and Silvasti 22 ) . However, the establishment and proliferation of national-scale organisations to facilitate or coordinate food assistance in the form of food banks is new since 2010, systematically supporting a basic provision of food for people to take away, prepare and eat off site, in addition to financial transfers through the social security system, largely in recognition of the inadequacy of the level of financial support and also because of issues with the system or operations of the system which caused benefit payments to be delayed or stopped ( Reference Lambie-Mumford, Loopstra, Lambie-Mumford and Silvasti 22 ) . Of note is that initially the Trussell Trust saw themselves as primarily responding to people in financial ‘emergencies’ and a stopgap until financial issues could be solved (i.e. when benefit payments came through, etc.) ( Reference Lambie-Mumford 44 ) . To some extent, their data reflected these situations, with problems with benefits and benefit delays being among the most frequent reasons for referral to food banks. However, in light of benefit freezes and rising living costs, there has been a steady increase in the number of referrals being attributed to ‘low income’, which suggests that food banks are supporting people with chronically low incomes, rather than providing stopgap support ( Reference Sosenko, Littlewood and Bramley 45 ) . This shift may reflect that benefit levels have eroded over 2014–2019 ( Reference Corlett 49 ) .

In the absence of monitoring of food insecurity data prior to 2016, quantitative data on food bank usage have been used to describe the scale of hunger. Even with survey data, many local authorities rely on food bank statistics because they are available at the local level ( Reference Shaw, Loopstra and Defeyter 50 ) . Data on food bank use have primarily come from The Trussell Trust, which requires food banks in its network to keep record of the number of households and the corresponding household members who receive food parcels. Data tracking is facilitated by the use of the Trussell Trust's referral model, where redeemed referral vouchers enable data collection on the number of household members receiving help and reason for referral. The Trussell Trust has been regularly reporting their end-of-year statistics and mid-year statistics since 2011, with trends showing a steady increase in the number of times adults and children have received food parcels ( Reference Sosenko, Littlewood and Bramley 45 , 51 ) . In their most recent report of end of year statistics, people were helped by food parcels 2⋅17 million times over 2021–2022, compared to 1⋅20 million in 2016–2017 ( 51 ) , and fewer than 500 000 in 2012–2013 ( Reference Sosenko, Littlewood and Bramley 45 ) . Data on individuals are not reported, though data on the frequency of use among recipients have been reported to be about 2⋅6 times per year ( Reference Sosenko, Littlewood and Bramley 45 ) . Thus, these data cannot be interpreted as prevalence of Trussell Trust food bank use, but rather are an indicator of the volume of food bank usage, with both an increase in the number of people receiving food parcels or an increase in the number of times an individual or household receives food parcels increasing the volume of food parcels distributed.

IFAN has periodically collated data on food bank use from their membership, reflecting the volume of food parcel distribution among a subset of independent food banks that are not part of the Trussell Trust network. Their latest data from December 2020, from a sample of IFAN members, suggested food bank food parcel distribution in 2020 was more than double what it was in 2019 ( 52 ) . Based on an almost complete audit of independent food banks operating in Scotland in 2019, IFAN data also showed that independent food banks provided a near equivalent of food parcels as Trussell Trust food banks, though ratios may vary across the country and by how independent food banks operate ( 53 ) .

Whilst there were debates about whether the rise in food bank use reflected a growing amount of food bank assistance available or a genuine rise in need in the population ( Reference Loopstra, Reeves and Taylor-Robinson 5 , Reference Sosenko, Bramley and Bhattacharjee 41 ) , there has been evidence that vulnerability to food insecurity has risen in the UK. An analysis comparing levels in 2004 observed among low-income households from the aforementioned Low Income Diet and Nutrition Survey ( Reference Nelson, Erens and Bates 27 ) to low-income households from the 2016 Food and You Survey ( 35 ) found that when matched on participant characteristics, there was strong evidence of a rise in food insecurity among low-income households, from 28 to 46 % ( Reference Loopstra, Reeves and Tarasuk 39 ) . Importantly, however, the data from the 2016 survey also allowed the scale of food insecurity in the population to be compared to the volume of food parcel distribution from the Trussell Trust network for the first time. Based on the prevalence of food insecurity among adults, it was estimated that 10⋅2 million adults were experiencing marginal, moderate or severe food insecurity in 2016, with 1⋅3 million experiencing severe food insecurity ( Reference Loopstra, Reeves and Tarasuk 39 ) . The estimated number of individual adults using Trussell Trust food banks at that time was only 324 000, suggesting fewer than one in four adults with severe experiences of food insecurity were using Trussell Trust food banks ( Reference Loopstra, Reeves and Tarasuk 39 ) .

Further evidence of a wide discrepancy between the numbers of people experiencing food insecurity in the UK and the numbers using food banks come from the 2021 Food and You 2 Survey, which included a measure of food bank use alongside food insecurity measurement ( Reference Armstrong, King and Clifford 54 ) . In 2021, 13 % of adults were classified as marginally food insecure in this survey and an additional 15 % were classified as moderately or severely food insecure. In response to a question asking respondents whether they ‘received a free food parcel from a food bank or other emergency provider in past 12 months’, only 4 % of adults reported this ( Reference Armstrong, King and Clifford 54 ) . These figures highlight that levels of moderate and severe food insecurity are 3⋅75 times higher than food bank use.

These data illustrate that food banks do not appear to reach the majority of households experiencing food insecurity in the population. A discordance between experiences of food insecurity and food bank use has been observed in other data sources as well ( Reference MacLeod, Curl and Kearns 55 , Reference Prayogo, Chater and Chapman 56 ) . This is important for understanding the role of food banks among people experiencing food insecurity in the UK: any role is limited to those they reach. However, even when food banks serve people experiencing food insecurity, the impact they have may be limited.

In the next section, we present a framework for understanding the factors influencing the reach of food banks among people experiencing food insecurity and the potential for food banks to have an impact on the food insecurity or nutritional needs of this population.

In Fig. 1 , we present a novel framework for understanding the discrepancy between food insecurity and food bank use in the UK context, drawing from the academic literature on food insecurity and food bank use from the UK. As already covered, we show known risk factors for food insecurity observed in the UK survey data: low household income, unemployment, receipt of income-replacement benefits, disability, having children in the household, being of working age in comparison to pension age and characteristics often associated with disadvantage, such as single parenthood and belonging to UK-minoritised ethnic groups. The discrepancy between the scale of food insecurity and the scale of food bank use is depicted by the differently sized red triangles.

Fig. 1. Conceptual framework for relationship between food insecurity and food bank use within the UK context.

The central arrow shows how it is food insecurity that drives food bank use; however, central to this conceptual framework, we propose that the strength of this relationship, i.e. the likelihood of someone who is food insecure receiving help from a food bank, is impacted by two main groups of factors shown above and below this arrow: (1) individual-level factors relating to the circumstances and feelings about food bank use among people experiencing food insecurity, shown in green; and (2) the landscape and operational features of the local community food and support sector, shown in yellow. In addition, we show potential outcomes of food bank use that we need to better understand in order to understand the relationship between food insecurity and food bank use, namely, whether there are immediate impacts on quality of diet and hunger relief, and longer-term impacts, both positive and negative, that could arise from using food banks. We also indicate that outcomes may differ depending on the nature of the help provided by food banks. Below, we outline the evidence we drew from to develop this conceptual model and where evidence gaps remain.

Individual-level factors influencing the relationship between food insecurity and food bank use

Qualitative studies based on data from food bank users in different places in the UK have described people's feeling about using food banks, highlighting their reluctance to use food charity and resistance to doing so until their circumstances were desperate ( Reference Garthwaite 57 , Reference Purdam, Garratt and Esmail 58 ) . These studies highlight that feelings of shame have an important role to play, with people describing having to use the food bank as a source of embarrassment and feelings of failure ( Reference Garthwaite 57 – Reference Garthwaite 59 ) . This is supported by quantitative evidence showing the high prevalence of severe food insecurity found among food bank users in the UK, suggesting that people have been unlikely to use food banks until they have experienced going without food and have no other alternative ( Reference Sosenko, Littlewood and Bramley 45 , Reference Bramley, Treanor and Sosenko 60 , Reference Loopstra and Lalor 61 ) .

Access to other forms of informal food and/or financial support from family or friends and religious or cultural communities may also influence who people turn to for help when faced with insufficient access to food. Qualitative research has suggested that people will draw from support networks available to them before turning to charity ( Reference Purdam, Garratt and Esmail 58 ) . Surveys of people using Trussell Trust food banks have found that a high proportion of food bank users report having exhausted the option to ask family or friends for help or not having family or friends to ask for help or who are in position to help ( Reference Sosenko, Littlewood and Bramley 45 , Reference Bramley, Treanor and Sosenko 60 ) . Qualitative research among Pakistani women in Bradford found that in contrast to women from White British backgrounds, they were more likely to describe their social and familial networks of support and less likely to report using food banks ( Reference Power, Small and Doherty 62 ) .

The ability to physically access food banks and bring parcels of food home has also been identified as a barrier to food bank use for some. Though people with disabilities are over-represented in food banks, ( Reference Sosenko, Littlewood and Bramley 45 , Reference Bramley, Treanor and Sosenko 60 , Reference Loopstra and Lalor 61 ) some qualitative work has documented how people with physical disabilities in particular find it difficult to carry food parcels home ( Reference Garthwaite, Collins and Bambra 63 ) . This might particularly be an issue for people with disabilities who do not live close to food bank centres, with research showing an association between food bank use and disability rates across local areas in the UK, but that this relationship is attenuated when there are fewer food banks operating in an area ( Reference Loopstra, Lambie-Mumford and Fledderjohann 64 ) . Qualitative research by Purdam et al . outlined the personal ‘costs’ to people using food banks, which included long journeys to food banks ( Reference Purdam, Garratt and Esmail 58 ) .

Landscape and operational features of local community food and support sector influencing the relationship between food insecurity and food bank use

As shown in Fig. 1 , the landscape and operational features that may influence the relationship between food insecurity and food bank use include operational features, and the inputs and ideologies that shape these, and the forms of community food and support services available in a local area.

First, the availability of food banks is key to consider. As food banks are voluntary organisations, it is not guaranteed that there will be a food bank available in every neighbourhood or local area. Some research into where Trussell Trust food banks (the local umbrella organisations, not individual neighbourhood distribution centres) were located in 2016 suggested poor correlation with indicators of risk for food insecurity (e.g. low income, presence of children in household, lone parent household, receipt of benefits) ( Reference Smith, Thompson and Harland 65 ) . A qualitative study examining the rise of the Trussell Trust network over 2004 to 2011 described their social franchise model and Christian religious beliefs as important drivers of growth, where churches were encouraged to start food banks as part of their social action work, suggesting that this action was not necessarily tied to assessment of need for this provision in local areas ( Reference Lambie-Mumford 44 ) . An association between the odds of a new Trussell Trust food bank opening and local service spending reductions was observed over 2009–2013, suggesting that food banks might have been opening to fill a gap in local service provision over that period ( Reference Loopstra, Reeves and Taylor-Robinson 5 ) ; however, to our knowledge and likely reflecting that a decision to start food banks originates from individuals or local community organisations or faith groups, there hasn't been a coordinated strategy to ensure food banks are available in all communities across the UK (though mapping availability of access to food banks in local areas has been an area of focus for some local food poverty alliances ( 66 ) ).

Even when food banks are located in local areas, catchment areas can be large, and food banks may not be located within accessible distance to people's homes, especially in rural areas. May et al . ( Reference May, Williams and Cloke 67 ) examined the number of independent and Trussell Trust food bank distribution centres in England and Wales and found that the number of locations people could pick up food from food banks, in mainly largely rural areas, ranged from four locations in Buckinghamshire county to twenty-eight in Durham county, with the density ranging from 1724 people per food bank distribution centre to 62 025 per food bank distribution centre. From qualitative interviews conducted by the same authors, they highlighted that people in rural areas can struggle with the lack of public transportation and high personal transport costs to reach food bank distribution centres and the agencies referring to them.

Similarly, research by Loopstra et al . ( Reference Loopstra, Lambie-Mumford and Fledderjohann 64 ) examined the density of the 1145 Trussell Trust distribution centres operating across England, Wales and Scotland, finding an average of 3⋅43 centres per 100 km 2 but that this ranged from a minimum of 0⋅02 sites to a maximum of 27⋅5 sites. In areas served by more centres, there were higher rates of food parcel distribution, suggesting that availability of centres does influence the likelihood of food banks being used. Other research using data from Trussell Trust food banks has also shown a positive relationship between the number of Trussell Trust distribution sites and the numbers of food parcels distributed in postcode districts or local authorities ( Reference Sosenko, Bramley and Bhattacharjee 41 , Reference Loopstra, Fledderjohann and Reeves 68 , Reference Reeves and Loopstra 69 ) . Importantly, the density of food banks has also appeared to modify relationships between risk factors for food insecurity and food bank usage. For example, a positive relationship between disability rates and Trussell Trust food parcel distribution was observed, but this relationship was much weaker in places where there were fewer food banks available ( Reference Loopstra, Lambie-Mumford and Fledderjohann 64 ) . Similarly, the number of people experiencing benefits sanctions and numbers of people receiving Universal Credit have both been associated with Trussell Trust food bank use, but these relationships are weaker in places where food banks are less available ( Reference Loopstra, Fledderjohann and Reeves 68 , Reference Reeves and Loopstra 69 ) . These findings suggest that for a given level of risk of food insecurity in the population, the extent to which this will be reflected in food bank use depends on the availability of food banks in the area.

Another observed feature of food banks is their limited operating hours. Data from the Trussell Trust network on when their member food banks were open in 2015 showed that fewer than 20 % of food bank distribution sites were open across local authorities in any given hour of the week and that hours of opening were concentrated between 10.00 and 16.00 hours. Among the 257 local authorities with Trussell Trust food banks operating in 2015, only fifty-four (21 %) had food banks that were open on weekends and only 13 % ( n 34) had food banks that were open during evenings. There was evidence that there were higher rates of usage where food banks were open for more hours and where they operated on weekends. As with density of food bank sites, there was evidence that more restrictive opening hours weakened relationships between risk factors for food insecurity and rates of food bank usage ( Reference Loopstra, Lambie-Mumford and Fledderjohann 64 ) .

A number of other features of how food banks operate could also influence the likelihood of someone receiving help from a food bank, though the quantitative impact on the numbers served has not as yet been documented. The ability of food banks to provide delivery of food parcels may enhance access for people with disabilities or who live in rural areas ( Reference May, Williams and Cloke 67 ) . During the COVID-19 pandemic, case study research in local authorities across the UK found that a switch to delivery of food parcels was a common adjustment to food bank services during lockdowns ( Reference Lambie-Mumford, Gordon and Loopstra 70 ) . Whilst this was largely viewed as a positive change to enable food parcel access for people unwilling or unable to go out during this period, stakeholders engaged in this research also highlighted that for populations without fixed addresses or unable to make contact to request a delivery, the switch from dropping in when food banks were open to delivery may have been a barrier to receiving food bank food parcels over this period ( Reference Lambie-Mumford, Gordon and Loopstra 70 ) .

Other features of how food banks operate may also influence the extent to which people experiencing food insecurity are able to use food banks. One barrier to use may be the need for a referral from other service organisations. The Trussell Trust model requires that people first receive a referral from a third-party agency, such as Citizen's Advice, a general practitioner office or local council, before they are able to receive a food parcel from a food bank. Among independent food banks, a similar model is also often used: the aforementioned survey of independent food banks found that about 60 % had a referral system in place ( Reference Loopstra, Goodwin and Goldberg 4 ) . Among those who did not require a third-party referral, other measures were often in place to check identification and/or assess need, such as checking IDs, requiring a registration form to be filled or a needs assessment questionnaire or interview. The need for a referral from a third-party agency in Trussell Trust food banks in particular may mean that food banks are more likely to serve people who interact with referring agencies than people who do not. Whilst qualitative and quantitative research suggests food bank managers and volunteers may at times relax referral requirements ( Reference Williams, Cloke and May 71 , Reference Power, Doherty and Small 72 ) , even the perception of the need for a referral may put people off seeking assistance. Further, the criteria that referral agents apply when deciding who to give a food bank referral to may differ across referral agents. To our knowledge, differences in referral practices have not been charted in the UK, even though these are key gatekeepers to food bank access.

The spaces, and inadequacy of space, that food banks have to operate in may also be a barrier to use. Many food banks are affiliated with particular faith groups and operate within faith-based settings such as churches or mosques ( Reference Power, Doherty and Small 72 ) . Among independent food banks, just under half operated in faith-affiliated buildings ( Reference Loopstra, Goodwin and Goldberg 4 ) ; the Trussell Trust also started as a Christian-faith based organisation, with many food banks operating from churches ( Reference Lambie-Mumford 44 ) . For people of no faith or different faiths, this might be a barrier to using these food banks. Because food banks often also rely on shared premises, they might not be conducive to privacy. In the survey of independent food banks, over 20 % reported not having space that allowed privacy for their clients ( Reference Loopstra, Goodwin and Goldberg 4 ) . Qualitative research among people using food banks highlighted a story from one participant who shared how the fact that the food bank had a glass-fronted waiting room was a barrier to going in, as he did not want to be seen using the food bank ( Reference Moraes, McEachern and Gibbons 73 ) .

With exception to the examples already provided, there has been little examination of the extent to which the operational characteristics of food banks in a local area influence who among people experiencing food insecurity reach food banks. However, the profile of people using food banks shows that people out-of-work and in receipt of benefits are over-represented ( Reference Sosenko, Littlewood and Bramley 45 , Reference Bramley, Treanor and Sosenko 60 ) . Whilst these are risk factors of severe food insecurity, and therefore drivers of food bank use in their own right, people without work may also be more able to access food banks in the hours when they are open, and people in receipt of benefits may be more likely to be connected to agencies that can provide referrals. For example, among independent food banks, about 70 % indicated that Jobcentre Plus offices were referral agents ( Reference Loopstra, Goodwin and Goldberg 4 ) , which predominantly interact with people who are unemployed or underemployed and in receipt of benefits in the UK.

In the present conceptual framework ( Fig. 1 ), we also indicate higher level determinants of the ways that food banks operate. These include the financial and in-kind resources that shape their operational capacity and an organisation's ideologies. The availability of staff or volunteers, the amount of funding and food donations received, the availability of transport vehicles and the availability of facilities for storing food are all likely influence on how frequently food banks are open, where they operate and limits and restrictions they place on accessing food. In a survey of independent food banks operating in England over 2018–2019, 47 % of food banks had no paid staff, and where staff were employed, the majority were part-time ( Reference Loopstra, Goodwin and Goldberg 4 ) . Each week, 75 % of food banks relied on five or more volunteers, with 21 % relying on twenty or more volunteers. This reliance may limit the capacity of food banks to run on a day to day and week by week basis, but it is also a key vulnerability in the system to shocks. For example, when cases of COVID-19 began spreading in the UK in March 2020, resulting in warnings for clinically vulnerable groups to stay at home and not leave home for any reason, many food bank volunteers were not able to continue working in food banks, as the volunteer profile was typically older people, who were at higher risk of illness from COVID-19 ( Reference Power, Doherty and Pybus 74 ) . Many food banks had to rapidly find new volunteers to meet increasing demand at that time ( Reference Lambie-Mumford, Gordon and Loopstra 70 ) .

Different ideologies in terms of ‘deservingness’, fear of people becoming dependent on food bank support and/or whether an organisation views their service as only for people in acute financial emergencies or as a regular form of support to supplement chronic low incomes, may also shape how food banks operate, for example by limiting access to how many times people can receive a referral to a food bank or by setting eligibility criteria ( Reference Williams, Cloke and May 71 , Reference Lambie-Mumford 75 ) .

It is also important to note here that all food banks will have their own ways of working ‘on the ground’. This variation is often overlooked, with food banks often being considered as homogeneous entities in the UK. In reality, their operational differences may mean very different patterns of use in different places (and different outcomes, as discussed later).

Alongside the provision of food parcels from food banks, there is a much wider landscape of third-sector and statutory organisations that form the local community food and support sector; these organisations also aim to increase access to food for low-income people in local areas. As already highlighted, some projects have a long-standing history in the UK, such as the provision of meals through ‘soup kitchens’ ( Reference Lambie-Mumford, Loopstra, Lambie-Mumford and Silvasti 22 ) . In recent years, new models of food projects have been rolled out, such as social supermarkets (also known as food pantries or food clubs ( Reference Saxena and Tornaghi 76 , Reference Maynard and Tweedie 77 ) ). These are often membership based and provide access to groceries and other essentials for a low membership fee. One study conducted in Bradford, which involved mapping ‘community food assets’ in 2015, documented a range of activities undertaken by sixty-seven community food organisations, all aimed at increasing access to food ( Reference Power, Doherty and Small 72 ) . These variously included food growing projects, social supermarkets, community centres providing low-cost meals and food box schemes. Case studies of local responses to concerns about food insecurity over the COVID-19 pandemic also documented a wide range of food provisioning activities in local areas ( Reference Lambie-Mumford, Gordon and Loopstra 70 ) .

A key question is how other types of food projects impact who seeks help from food banks when facing food insecurity. Some projects are not targeted to help people facing an acute need for food, such as food growing projects. However, many food projects suggest they are an alternative to food banks, emphasising participatory elements such as operating a membership and providing social benefits alongside the provision of food ( Reference Lambie-Mumford, Gordon and Loopstra 70 , Reference Moraes, McEachern and Gibbons 73 ) . However, to our knowledge, potential differences and overlaps between people receiving help from food banks and using other forms of food provision has not been charted in the UK. Nonetheless, the wider landscape of agencies engaged in activities targeted towards enhancing food access for low-income people might be a factor influencing food bank use.

Alongside the availability of community food programmes, local authorities may also play a role in responding to acute financial hardship and in turn, food insecurity, in their populations. In Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, local authorities administer emergency financial schemes, grants provided to people in acute financial need ( Reference Nichols and Donovan 78 ) . In the past, a similar scheme operated according to a similar model in England, but after 2013, local welfare assistance was devolved to local governments. As a result, a myriad of local welfare assistance schemes now exist across England; although in about one in four local authorities, there is none ( Reference Nichols and Donovan 78 ) . Some councils provide cash grants or offer vouchers for food, but others use their funds to support local third-sector organisations, such as food banks, and in turn, provide referrals to food banks as their response to people facing insufficient financial access to food. Because local authorities are under no obligation to monitor their schemes or keep data on who receives support or what types of support is provided, there is little evidence of the impact of various types of schemes on food insecurity, and in turn, food bank use. However, we would hypothesise that in places where a local authority provides a ‘cash-first’ approach, referring to an approach advocated by IFAN for local authorities to provide cash grants to people in financial crisis and advice on financial support available in place of, or alongside, referrals to a food bank ( 79 ) , people who are facing food insecurity may be less likely to use a food bank; in comparison, where local authorities offer food bank referrals in response to someone presenting in acute financial difficulty rather than a cash first approach, food bank use may be more likely. Indeed, a recent pilot of a cash grant programme in Leeds, UK, which provided people in financial need with cash grants found that the majority did not use a food bank whilst they were receiving grant instalments ( 80 ) .

As already highlighted, access to food banks may also be impacted by the nature and number of local support agencies in a local area who act as gatekeepers to food banks where referrals to food banks are required. During the COVID-19 crisis for example, case study research found that some food banks experienced a decline in referrals because their referral partners were no longer seeing clients and were not then able to provide referrals ( Reference Lambie-Mumford, Gordon and Loopstra 70 ) .

Potential outcomes of food bank use

Compared to studies in other country contexts, published academic research on the nutritional quality and quantity of food provided from food banks in the UK context is minimal ( Reference Oldroyd, Eskandari and Pratt 11 ) , as are data on the impacts on diets among people receiving help from food banks. One study has examined the contents of food parcels for a single adult across two Trussell Trust food banks and nine independent food banks operating in Oxfordshire, finding that when compared to nutrition and energy requirements for a 3-d period, food parcels provided more than what is needed for macronutrients and most micronutrients, with the exception of vitamins A and D ( Reference Fallaize, Newlove and White 81 ) . Very similar results were found in an analysis of food parcels from Trussell Trust food banks operating in London, which used a similar approach ( Reference Hughes and Prayogo 82 ) . The study from Oxfordshire suggested that food banks in the study provided very different amounts in their food parcels, with some providing enough food to past 9 d. This finding aligns with a survey of independent food banks, which found that about 45 % of food banks aimed to provide food for 4 d or more ( Reference Loopstra, Goodwin and Goldberg 4 ) .

Importantly, however, food banks are limited in their ability to follow nutritional guidelines and meet the cultural and health needs of the people who they serve ( Reference Loopstra, Goodwin and Goldberg 4 , Reference Thompson, Smith and Cummins 83 ) . There is also a lack of evidence tracking how foods from food banks are used and consumed by the households receiving them. Though studies may find food parcels lacking in some nutrients and abundant in less healthy foods, the impacts of these observations on diets depend on how foods are distributed to different household members and the time frame over which they are consumed. Importantly, any influence food banks have on the diets of people using them is going to be bound by how often people can access their support. In the past, the Trussell Trust had a guideline in place that suggested people shouldn't receive more than three food parcels without an intervention from the food bank to then identify why another referral was necessary ( Reference Lambie-Mumford 44 ) . Administrative data from the Trussell Trust used to identify unique households using their food banks over 2019–2020 found that on average, households received a food parcel from a Trussell Trust food bank 2⋅2 times in a year, with 57 % only receiving a food parcel once and only 10 % receiving a food parcel four or more times ( Reference Bramley, Treanor and Sosenko 60 ) . Among independent food banks operating in 2018–2019, a survey revealed that whilst about 44 % placed no limits on how often people could receive a food parcel, about 30 % restricted use to six or fewer parcels per year ( Reference Loopstra, Goodwin and Goldberg 4 ) . With food banks being accessed so infrequently by the majority of people using them, the impacts of food bank provision on diets in the population is likely to be minimal.

Beyond meeting nutritional needs, there are also important questions about whether food banks can provide foods appropriate for a variety of cultural and health needs. A qualitative study of people using food banks in Stockton-on-Tees highlighted that people with digestive problems particularly struggled with the foods they received from food banks, which were not tailored to their dietary needs ( Reference Garthwaite, Collins and Bambra 63 ) . Although study findings show that people using food banks often express gratitude for the food they receive, at the same time as being grateful, participants also express costs to their mental health of receiving food charity, physical discomfort when having to carry a quantity of foods home over a long distance and costs to their health due to consuming foods that are ill-matched to their preferences and needs ( Reference Garthwaite, Collins and Bambra 63 ) .

Quantitative data on the dietary impacts of receiving food bank food parcels and measures of severe food insecurity following food bank use are lacking in the UK context. Thus, in the present conceptual model ( Fig. 1 ), we highlight that immediate impacts on diets and relief from hunger are unknown. We also suggest a potential feedback loop: improvements in dietary quality and relief from hunger resulting from food bank use may influence the likelihood that an individual would return to a food bank when experiencing food insecurity in the future. However, the lack of these positive outcomes may also influence the likelihood of people continuing to use food banks in that if people do not experience enough or any benefit, they may not view the use of food banks as worth their while.

Beyond short-term impacts (i.e. immediately following receipt of help from a food bank), there is little to suggest that food bank use has a long-term impact on food insecurity, as most people using food banks are severely and chronically food insecure ( Reference Loopstra and Lalor 61 ) . However, the nature of wrap-around support offered by many food banks may have the potential to reduce food insecurity among those receiving assistance from them. Food banks are often engaged in providing a range of services, including signposting, advocacy on behalf of clients, benefits advice, debt advice, housing advice and community cafes ( Reference Loopstra, Goodwin and Goldberg 4 ) . However, the impact of this additional support on long-term food insecurity outcomes has not yet been evaluated.

In October 2022, a press release from IFAN reported on new survey collected from their members, which indicated that among the 188 independent food banks surveyed, 24 % reported reducing the size of the food parcels they distributed because they did not have sufficient supplies of food to meet the demand they were experiencing in recent months due to rising demand attributed to rising costs of living ( 84 ) . A clear message that food banks were struggling to cope was contained in the press release, with reports that food banks were deeply concerned they would not be able to meet escalating demand through the winter. A similar message has been recently released in a press release from the Trussell Trust ( 85 ) .

These stark messages from food bank providers raise questions about the role of food banks into the future. The Trussell Trust and IFAN and their members regularly campaign for interventions that will increase incomes in line with the cost of living and call for the end of the need for food banks. The need for these types of interventions is also underscored by the fact that food banks reach only a fraction of people who experience food insecurity in the population. Population-based policies are needed. As shown, food banks are inherently constrained in their capacity to respond to the level of need in the population, but also lie outside societal norms for how people should be able to acquire food in the UK context. Here, we return to the definition for food insecurity ( Reference Anderson 86 ) , which includes ‘uncertain ability to acquire acceptable foods in socially acceptable ways’ as part of the experience of food insecurity. As reflected in qualitative research on food banks, food banks are clearly not a socially acceptable way of acquiring food. Academics have long voiced concerns that the existence of food banks in high-income countries serves to give the impression of meeting the needs of the population and allows governments to turn away from their responsibilities to ensure that their populations can afford and access sufficient food ( Reference Tarasuk and Davis 1 , Reference Poppendieck 2 , Reference Riches and Ismael 87 , Reference Riches 88 ) . Thus, as we look to the future of food banks in the UK, it is hoped that their role in food insecure populations will be to advocate for the upstream polices that will make them obsolete, rather than give the impression that they are an available and sufficient form of support for people facing food insecurity. In light of the evidence presented here that food banks neither reach a majority of people experiencing food insecurity, nor have capacity to increase provision or reach to ensure food needs are met, and that among those using them, food insecurity remains, there is clearly a need for different interventions to this critical public health problem.

Both authors were supported by the Economic and Social Research Council grant ES/V009869/1.

Both authors contributed to the conceptual development of the present paper. R. L. wrote the first draft and both authors made significant contributions to writing of the subsequent drafts.

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• Volume 82, Issue 3
• Rachel Loopstra (a1) and Hannah Lambie-Mumford (a2)
• DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0029665123002720

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July 12, 2024

Advancing Best Practices in Hunger Relief

Food Banks Embrace Innovation Labs

Taking a page from the startup world, a growing number of food banks are carving out entrepreneurial teams and tasking them with exploring new, experimental ways to eradicate hunger.

Described variously as innovation labs, research institutes or strategy groups, the independent units recognize that traditional methods of addressing hunger have not helped the nation turn the corner on food insecurity. Their mandate is to brainstorm and bring forth evidence-based ways to solve the structural causes of hunger.

“It’s root-cause work on steroids,” said Meg Kimmel, Executive Vice President and Chief Strategy Officer at Maryland Food Bank. 

Maryland Food Bank announced its Strategy Group in October, putting it in the company of a growing number of other food banks, including Vermont Food Bank, which is launching a Food Security Innovation Lab, and Connecticut Foodshare, which runs the Institute for Hunger Research & Solutions. Similarly, Northern Illinois Food Bank is staffing a new Innovation Team and Feeding America Western Michigan is building a new group for Strategic Initiatives and Partnerships.

While their specific approaches may differ, units like these share a deep regard for gathering data, piloting, testing, identifying best practices, and even failing, all in the name of making progress in the fight against hunger.

At Maryland Food Bank, the seeds for the Strategy Group began germinating before the pandemic, though some of its current work is because of it. Priorities for the group include expanding the food bank’s workforce development program, allowing people to order food through an app, and developing a cost-effective program for home delivery, which the food bank first began offering during the pandemic.

“When the pandemic hit, we all learned that we are a lot more innovative than we ever imagined,” Kimmel said. “It feels great to think that we are in the very early days of building the next generation of food bank activities and models.”

The hiring of Daniel Sturm a year ago as Vice President of Learning, Measurement and Evaluation helped to set things in motion. One of his early tasks was to review labor and job statistics to identify high-growth sectors with job opportunities that could sustain families. 

“We were able to wipe the whiteboard clean and ask, ‘If your goal is to get people into family-sustaining jobs, what would that look like,’” Sturm said. Because the work is not explicitly related to food, he added, without the strategy group, “We wouldn’t have had anywhere to hold the work.”

Kimmel noted that creating a strategy group allows the team to experiment without “taking the whole food bank through trying and failing fabulously and quickly.” 

Sturm’s study of labor and job statistics led the food bank to advance its workforce development program by identifying high-growth jobs, including in health care, green jobs, and commercial driving. The team then surveyed the organizations already in those spaces to determine who could partner with it to train community members. The food bank is now finalizing partners and recruiting its first cohort of trainees. 

The effort expands the food bank’s workforce development programming beyond culinary training, which had been in existence for years, but was difficult to scale. “Our food work can only get as big as our kitchen,” Kimmel said. “If we create a model in partnership, then we can scale.”

The food bank’s four-person strategy group, funded by general operating funds, includes two data experts and a government liaison who focuses on research and advocacy – ensuring that the group’s work is grounded in data and amplified strategically through policy work. 

Vermont Food Bank’s Food Security Innovation Lab is a $3 million, two-year venture to be staffed by two professionals with the goal of launching four pilots and scaling two of them. The result may be new programs for the food bank, or spinoff projects that become housed at a different community organization.

“We are not being prescriptive about what the pilots are, and we are not presuming to know the solutions that the lab is going to land on,” said Cassie Lindsay, Director of Strategic Giving, adding that there is no shortage of places to begin. “We have a lot of great ideas. They bubble up and percolate but sometimes don’t have a place to land on our team.”

The solutions may not even center on food, though the measure of success will be a more food-secure Vermont, said John Sayles, CEO. The lab may continue on after the initial two years, but he does not expect it to be a permanent part of the organization. Rather, it’s a way to help reshape it.

“In the past, ending hunger meant making sure food was accessible and affordable,” Sayles said. “We realized as an organization that it really is equity and solving for ending racial oppression and changing structures and systems in our society that’s going to be a long-term solution to hunger.”

The lab’s lead will report directly to Sayles, who says he “will run interference for this team to make sure they have the freedom to think differently.”

Funding for the lab draws largely from a recent gift from billionaire philanthropist MacKenzie Scott  and represents a bit of a crossroads for the food bank. “It felt like we could take this moment and just become endlessly more efficient at distributing food,” Lindsay said. The alternative was to treat the gift as “our best and maybe only chance of doing the important work of changing the overall system.”

Northern Illinois Food Bank is seeking to change the overall system by broadening access to food. It is putting together a four-person Innovation Team that will draw heavily on human centered design principles to make the food bank’s My Pantry Express online ordering system more appealing to people who would benefit from it, but are not currently using it.

Greg Stopka, hired only weeks ago as the food bank’s Senior Director of Innovation, previously worked as an innovation manager in city government, where he used the same principles of design, which emphasize customer knowledge and experience. “A big part of the Innovation Team will be engaging the neighbors we are trying to help,” Stopka said.

Feeding America West Michigan also wants to reach more people in need, and plans to do so through its still-forming Strategic Initiatives and Partnerships group. At a time when traditional food pantries are fading, the food bank is looking toward new distribution models, as well as non-conventional partners, such as healthcare organizations, to broaden its reach. “We need to look at how to get food to people in need in ways we may have never thought of before,” said Kenneth R. Estelle, President and CEO.

Connecticut Foodshare has built sustainability into its plan for the Institute for Hunger Research and Solutions. Launched in 2019 and headed by Katie Martin, PhD, the Institute researches different approaches to solving hunger, while also providing training and consulting on best practices. 

Its initiatives include a system that helps pantries rank the nutritional quality of the food they distribute and a framework for promoting dignity, choice and community connection via pantries. Both programs have been rolled out to food pantries across Connecticut and in other states. 

Housing the Institute at the food bank allows for its research to more quickly translate into action,  said Jason Jakubowski, CEO of Connecticut Foodshare. The Institute is a “clearinghouse for all of the efforts for how to eradicate hunger for the future,” he said.

Jakubowski also sees the Institute as an important springboard for initiating conversations with elected officials. “Whatever way there is to solve hunger is going to have to involve the government,” he said. “The idea that we have become a go-to for government sources, I see that as laying the groundwork for brainstorming on solutions.”

John Whitman, PhD, Instructor in Business and Nonprofit Management and a lecturer at Harvard Extension School, agreed that government intervention is necessary to ending hunger. While innovation labs may be useful for identifying new approaches, truly addressing root causes would require food banks to “shift from the organizational to the institutional, and mobilize resources for the movement it would take to change social policy,” he said.

Jakubowski said he is encouraged that more food banks are expanding their work in root causes through focused initiatives. “It is a broader acknowledgement of the fact that we are shifting paradigms in this industry,” he said. “We are moving away from the model of amassing and distributing edible products.” – Ambreen Ali

Ambreen Ali is a freelance writer and editor based in New Jersey. She was formerly an editor at SmartBrief and a congressional reporter at CQ Roll Call in Washington, D.C.

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NIFA-Funded Research Helps Reduce Food Loss

Farmers face unpredictable weather and dwindling yields.  

USDA’S National Institute of Food and Agriculture’s (NIFA) Data Science for Food and Agricultural Systems (DSFAS) program brings together agriculture and artificial intelligence. Through innovative projects, DSFAS helps farmers optimize water use, predict crop success and adapt to climate changes. 

Below, learn more about NIFA-funded projects that aim to reduce food loss with funding from DSAFS. The deadline for DSAFS grant applications is November 14 . 

University of Missouri Scientists Investigate How Well Windbreaks Reduce Crop Loss

Between 2015 and 2020, wind damage cost the U.S. government about $1.2 billion in crop insurance payments, with around half of these claims coming from the Midwest. Windbreaks, which are rows of trees or shrubs planted to block wind, can help reduce damage and provide other environmental benefits. However, most research on windbreaks has been limited to individual farms, and there is little evidence on their effectiveness at a larger regional scale. 

A University of Missouri project aims to evaluate how well windbreaks reduce wind-related crop loss across entire regions. Scientists will use data from remote sensing, crop insurance and weather reports to develop county-level models. These models will assess the effectiveness of windbreaks using advanced econometric and machine learning techniques. The study will focus on Nebraska, Kansas, South Dakota and North Dakota, which have the highest concentration of windbreaks in the country. Researchers will specifically look at corn, wheat, soybeans and sunflowers, as these crops are most affected by wind damage. 

The project has three main objectives: 

• Quantify Windbreaks and Tree Cover: Using high-resolution maps, scientists will measure windbreaks and tree cover on agricultural land.
• Develop Predictive Models : Researchers will create models to predict the effectiveness of windbreaks in reducing crop loss.
• Analyze Climate Risks: Scientists will use spatial and machine learning techniques to study other climate risks and their impact on crop loss.

By achieving these goals, the researchers hope to provide a better understanding of how windbreaks can reduce crop loss on a regional scale. This research aligns with the grant program priority of developing decision-support tools that leverage Big Data Analytics, ultimately helping to improve agricultural practices and reduce economic losses from wind damage. 

University of Florida Aim to Improve Freshness of Fruits and Vegetables 

Fresh fruits and vegetables are essential for a healthy diet, but their quality often declines before they reach our tables due to natural biochemical changes. Freshness, a key aspect of produce, is hard to measure and often judged just by appearance. This lack of precise measures means it's tough to control quality, leading to significant food waste. 

University of Florida researchers aim to change that by using advanced technologies like machine learning and multiomics, which uses multiple technologies, to better understand what happens to produce after it is harvested. They will develop a tool called FreshID, which will use simple imaging to evaluate the quality of fruits and vegetables. This tool will focus on key attributes like maturity, storage potential and firmness. 

They will identify specific genes, proteins and compounds that indicate freshness. Using these indicators, they will create an algorithm to accurately estimate how fresh or spoiled the produce is. This will help detect poor-quality produce early and reduce food waste throughout the food production pipeline. 

Additionally, the FreshID toolbox can aid in breeding programs to develop traits that delay spoilage. The project will advance both basic and applied plant science, improving food security and human health by ensuring we all have access to high-quality, nutritious and fresh produce. 

University of Arkansas Researchers Address Heat Stress in Chickens

As the world population races towards 9.8 billion by 2050, the demand for high-quality protein is skyrocketing. Broiler chickens, a major source of meat, play a critical role in meeting this demand efficiently, supporting billions of people’s livelihoods and food security. While genetic selection has improved chicken growth and meat yield, it has also led to serious health issues for the birds. 

On top of this, climate change presents new challenges. One major problem is heat stress, which occurs when temperatures soar above 95°F in the summer. Despite using ventilation and cooling systems, heat stress causes chickens to suffer, reducing their appetite, weakening their immune systems, slowing their growth and sometimes leading to death. This results in an annual economic loss of more than $128 million in the United States alone. 

University of Arkansas researchers will tackle heat stress by using advanced techniques to study chicken blood cells. Researchers will develop machine learning algorithms to identify signs of heat stress quickly and accurately. This research not only aims to improve chicken welfare and production but also has the potential to address a wide range of health and welfare issues in poultry and livestock, ensuring a more resilient and sustainable food supply for the future. 

Penn State Researchers Focus on Bee Health

Bees are vital to our world, ensuring our farms, cities and natural areas thrive by pollinating plants. Yet, both wild and managed bee populations are declining, sparking a need for strategies to support these crucial insects. Bees live in nests and need specific resources nearby, but they also travel widely, making it tough to predict how different landscapes affect them.  

Penn State’s  Coordinated Innovate Network addresses this by combining data from national databases and expert insights. Scientists will create detailed maps and tools to understand and support bee populations, making these resources available to everyone.   

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Healthy Plants, Healthy Food, Healthy People

Earth Grant student Madison Goforth.

Earth grant student, Madison Goforth, volunteers at the Community Food Bank of Southern Arizona, taking care of animals and small-scale vegetable gardens to provide sustainable and low-cost food.

Microbiology senior Madison Goforth arrives at 7am on a chilly fall morning to work with her mentors, Victor and Brandon, and a crew of regular volunteers at Nuestra Tierra garden, managed by the  Community Food Bank of Southern Arizona  (CFBSA). Madison starts her morning by feeding the chickens and checking their water, then moves to the greenhouse, where she applies a mixture of fish emulsion, kelp, and organic pesticide Bt, to a variety of winter veggie seedlings. These kale, lettuce, chard, and cauliflower seedlings may end up in the onsite demonstration garden, at one of the school gardens that CFBSA supports, or go home with one of the hundreds of people who come there for home garden materials and workshops.

While preparing a garden bed for planting, Madison chats with another volunteer, a young professional counselor who comes to the weekly garden volunteer mornings for their “own therapy session.” Madison shares how she recently learned about commercial beef production and CAFOs in her Food Studies course, and it made her want to eat less meat. She and the other members of her household- her single mother and her high school brother- all have busy lives with work and school, and we talk as we garden about the time and money challenges of eating more fresh food as a family.

From left: Community Food Bank staff, Victor Ceballos and Brandon Merchant, and Earth Grant student Madison Goforth.

The Community Food Bank of Southern Arizona’s mission is to, “change lives in the communities we serve by feeding the hungry today and building a healthy, hunger-free tomorrow.” While much of their work involves distributing donated and purchased food to people in need at over 300 sites in Southern Arizona, they also work towards strategies for long term food security, such as local agriculture, food production education, and civic engagement training. Madison’s internship includes working with teachers and students at Desert View High School to manage an onsite aquaponics system and veggie garden, and co-designing the SOMBRA program.

While small-scale vegetable gardens offer one important strategy for sustainable, low-cost food production, desert-adapted native plants can provide food and medicine with even lower resource inputs. With Madison’s help, and in partnership with  Native Seeds/SEARCH , the  Desert Legume Program , and City of Tucson, the Community Food Bank is expanding their greenhouse space to grow out hundreds of mesquite trees through the Sonoran Mesquite Barrio Restorative Alliance (SOMBRA). These young mesquites will be planted in partnership with interested residents of Tucson’s hottest and most under-resourced neighborhoods. This model will be a living example of how mesquite, a high-yielding, desert adapted and reliable perennial crop, can be a key component in creating micro urban agricultural systems that can regenerate degraded lands, create shade and sequester atmospheric carbon, while feeding people in the face of climate instability and water stress.

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Volunteers pick blueberries from a research farm for local food banks

MARY LOUISE KELLY, HOST:

In rural North Carolina, a research farm grows new blueberry varieties for gardeners and farmers alike. And the berries - well, they have to be harvested. Reporter Kelly Kenoyer from member station WHQR went along on a recent picking.

UNIDENTIFIED VOLUNTEER #1: So excited, I didn't bring my bucket.

UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: I left it out there.

KELLY KENOYER, BYLINE: About 30 people gather near a blueberry field to listen to researcher Bill Cline. He offers the best technique for gathering the fruit.

BILL CLINE: Attach the bucket so that you have both hands free to pick. Just cup your hands, roll them off with your thumbs and down into the bucket.

KENOYER: This research farm is part of North Carolina State University, and the fruit isn't sold. It's donated, and these volunteers are here to help.

CLINE: And you might get to take a blueberry or two home at the end of the deal, so really appreciate your being out here.

KENOYER: In the field, I start picking next to Ellen Bonzak, a master gardener from Pender County.

Are you excited about getting to eat them while you pick them?

ELLEN BONZAK: I was going to wait so people wouldn't see me, you know?

KENOYER: (Laughter).

BONZAK: Shoving them down my neck here.

KENOYER: I think we all know what this is about.

KENOYER: Bonzak is one of a group of master gardeners picking today. To them, the research farm is a unique opportunity to learn. As the buckets fill with blueberries, Cline brings out more boxes for transport to the food bank.

(SOUNDBITE OF BLUEBERRIES ROLLING)

KENOYER: They make a great sound going in the box.

CLINE: They really do.

UNIDENTIFIED VOLUNTEER #2: Oh, yeah, they do.

KENOYER: They are the largest blueberries I've ever seen. Cline says this variety is called Pinnacle. It can grow to the size of a quarter.

CLINE: It is not widely planted. It's not a real high yielder, but what it does have is exceptional flavor and size.

KENOYER: On this 50-acre farm, there are thousands of bushes of different varieties being tested at any time. Cline says it's a big effort to find a new breed with the ideal traits of climate adaptability, disease resistance, yield and flavor.

CLINE: It takes a lot of time and patience to develop.

KENOYER: Blueberries aren't typically sold under a named variety like apples are. Instead, the kind we find in stores changes every three or four weeks as each planting completes its harvest, starting from Florida and going up to Maine. Regardless of the type, there's nothing like eating berries right off the bush, warmed by the sun.

How are they?

UNIDENTIFIED VOLUNTEER #3: They're very delicious.

KENOYER: Good (laughter).

UNIDENTIFIED VOLUNTEER #3: Would you like to try one?

KENOYER: Oh, I have.

UNIDENTIFIED VOLUNTEER #3: Oh, yeah.

KENOYER: Don't worry (laughter).

For NPR News, I'm Kelly Kenoyer in Castle Hayne, N.C.

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Climate-Resilient Irrigation

The World Bank supports countries with sustainable intensification of agriculture through critical investments in irrigation infrastructure and key institutional reforms, which also help achieve Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) on efficient use of water as well as on eliminating hunger.

Water is a critical input for agricultural production and plays an important role in food security. Irrigated agriculture represents 20 percent of the total cultivated land and contributes 40 percent of the total food produced worldwide. Irrigated agriculture is, on average, at least twice as productive per unit of land as rainfed agriculture, thereby allowing for more production intensification and crop diversification.

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Due to population growth, urbanization, and climate change, competition for water resources is expected to increase, with a particular impact on agriculture. Population is expected to increase to over 10 billion by 2050, and whether urban or rural, this population will need food and fiber to meet its basic needs. Combined with the increased consumption of calories and more complex foods, which accompanies income growth in the developing world, it is estimated that agricultural production will need to expand by approximately 70% by 2050. 

However, future demand on water by all sectors will require as much as 25 to 40% of water to be re-allocated from lower to higher productivity and employment activities, particularly in water stressed regions. In most cases, such reallocation is expected to come from agriculture due to its high share of water use. Currently, agriculture accounts (on average) for 70 percent of all freshwater withdrawals globally (and an even higher share of “consumptive water use” due to the evapotranspiration of crops).

The movement of water will need to be both physical and virtual. Physical movement of water can occur through changes in initial allocations of surface and groundwater resources mainly from the agricultural to urban, environmental, and industrial users. Water can also move virtually as the production of water intensive food, goods, and services is concentrated in water abundant localities and is traded to water scarce localities. 

Inter-sectoral water re-allocations and significant shifts of water away from agriculture will also need to be accompanied by improvements in water use efficiency and improvements in water delivery systems. Improving the efficiency of water use in agriculture will also depend on matching of improvements main system (off-farm) with appropriate incentives for on-farm investments aiming to improve soil and water management. Such options will require improved water delivery systems to provide adequate on-demand service as well as use of advanced technologies (i.e. soil moisture sensors and satellite evapotranspiration measurements) to improve efficiency and productivity of water in agriculture. 

Resolving the challenges of the future requires a thorough reconsideration of how water is managed in the agricultural sector, and how it can be repositioned in the broader context of overall water resources management and water security. Moreover, irrigation and drainage schemes, whether large or small, represent prominent spatially dispersed public works in the rural spaces. Thereby, they represent a logical vehicle for mobilizing employment opportunities into communities.

Practical Challenges for Water in Agriculture

The ability to improve water management in agriculture is typically constrained by inadequate policies, major institutional under-performance, and financing limitations. Critical public and private institutions (encompassing agricultural and water ministries, basin authorities, irrigation agencies, water users’ and farmer organizations) generally lack the enabling environment and necessary capacities to effectively carry out their functions.

For example, basin authorities often hold limited ability to enforce water allocations and to convene stakeholders. Institutions charged with developing irrigation often limit themselves to capital-intensive larger scale schemes and tend to rely on public sector-based approaches rather than developing opportunities for small-scale private financing and irrigation management. Farmers and their organizations are also often responding to highly distorted incentive frameworks in terms of water pricing and agricultural support policies, which further hinder positive developments in the sector.

Moreover, most governments and water users fail to invest adequately in the maintenance of irrigation and drainage (I&D) systems. While inadequate management and operation may play a part in the poor performance of I&D systems, it is especially the failure to sufficiently maintain systems that results in their declining performance and the subsequent need for rehabilitation. This failure to provide adequate funds for maintenance of I&D systems has resulted in the “build-neglect-rehabilitate-neglect” cycle commonly observed in the sector.

Given the existing constraints above, the agricultural water management sector is currently in the process of repositioning itself towards modern and sustainable service provision. It proposes a singular water approach on building resilient water services and sustaining water resources, while also managing risks related to broader social and economic water-related impacts. This includes transforming governance and service provision as well as supporting watershed management and greening the sector and can be achieved by providing improved incentives for innovation, reforms, and accountability.

Last Updated: Oct 05, 2022

The World Bank is committed to assisting countries meet their economic growth and poverty reduction targets based on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).  SDG 2 and SDG 6 establish food security and water management efficiency and water quality objectives for countries which are dependent on how water is managed in agriculture.  Accordingly, the Bank has a major interest in helping countries advance their management of water in agriculture.

The Bank’s work in water in agriculture has increasingly supported key elements of agricultural water stewardship with several good examples of basin level modelling and support to basin governance, upgrading of irrigation systems, and support to farmers for shifting to higher value crops.  However, due to its own fracturing of the water agenda in the Bank, there has been limited attention to addressing the higher level policy drivers of water use in agriculture, linking it to the overall integrated water resources management agenda, and facilitating broader water stakeholder cooperation.  Project development objectives and indicators have focused almost exclusively on farmer income, and inconsistently highlight water service improvements, though recent program have begun to explicitly consider improvements in overall water quantity and quality impacts.

The Bank has also been constrained by the challenges of difficult implementation.  Most irrigation and drainage projects take longer than planned, and even then complete with less than fully satisfactory outcomes due to basic challenges in design and contracting.  As a result, even where institutional and other aspects are addressed by project design, there is little space during implementation for the Bank and client to focus on broader issues of incentives and behavioral change prior to project closing, but rather all efforts are committed to completion of physical works. 

In order to support clients in moving towards agricultural water stewardship, the World Bank is strengthening its overall approach to water in agriculture.  This includes reassessment of the Bank’s approach to client dialogue and supporting analytical work to ensure that we bring a whole water system perspective.   Project design and implementation are providing the space to better balance infrastructure construction with institutional development consistent with agricultural water stewardship.  In order to support this ambitious agenda, the World Bank is investing in upgrading the knowledge and skills of its staff, and strengthening partnerships, in order to bring experience and global expertise to the benefit of our clients.

Water in Agriculture Global Solutions Group

The Bank’s work on water in agriculture is supported by the Water in Agriculture Global Solutions Group (GSG), a membership based organization which provides services to its members and other stakeholders interested in enhancing how water is used in agriculture in terms of sustainability, productivity, and equity. The GSG is ‘co-owned’ by, and has strong membership representation from, the Water Global Practice and the Agriculture Global Practice, as well as other Global Practices, Cross Cutting Solutions Groups, and the International Finance Corporation.  The GSG organizes direct support to task teams in developing and ensuring the quality of analytical and lending activities throughout the project cycle.  This includes an in-depth review of what determines successful implementation of water in agriculture engagements, developing guidance materials for institutional assessments, integration of other priority themes, and linking Bank supported programs to the agricultural water stewardship.

Support for water in agriculture projects accounts for the largest share of the World Bank’s support for agricultural productivity-related activities. Technological innovations combined with changes in the policy environment are playing an increasingly important role in agricultural water management. Advances in the use of remote sensing technologies are now making it possible to cost-effectively estimate crop evapotranspiration (the sum of evaporation and plant transpiration to the atmosphere) from farmers’ fields and to improve water accounting and management at the regional and basin-wide levels. Since 2010, China has adopted this approach in the Xinjiang Turpan Water Conservation Project in the arid northwest region of the country.

The Peru Irrigation Subsector Project raised agricultural production and productivity by enhancing the sustainability and efficiency of existing public irrigation systems. As a result of the project, water conveyance efficiency increased by up to 68% in improved irrigation systems, and the program formalized about 190,000 new water rights. The project benefitted 135,000 farm families over a total irrigated area of 435,000 hectares, created 6,400 new jobs, and generally increased agricultural productivity. Yields per hectare were raised by up to 50% in on-farm improvement areas.

The  Second Rural Electrification and Renewable Energy Development Project (RERED II)  pilots the installation of solar-powered irrigation pumps and aims to increase access to clean energy in rural Bangladesh where grids are not economically viable. Farmers in the pilot area have been switching from diesel-run to solar irrigation pumps. By reducing irrigation costs, solar pumps are becoming popular, especially in areas without electricity grid coverage. Compared to their diesel counterparts, these pumps are also more reliable and easier to maintain. More than 300 pumps were installed, benefiting more than 6,000 farmers, with a target of 1,250 additional pumps by 2018. Each solar pump can supply electricity for 3 crop irrigations for 20 acres of land.

Since 2008,  the Irrigation and Water Resources Management Project (IWRMP)  has been working towards improving agriculture productivity and the management of selected irrigation schemes in Nepal, as well as enhancing institutional capacity for integrated water resources management. The primary beneficiaries are over 415,200 water users of selected farmer-managed irrigation systems (FMIS), covering over 26,859 ha, mainly in the hill regions. The project also targets the irrigation management transfer in four agency-managed irrigation systems (AMIS) and essential structural improvements covering about 23,000 ha.

In fiscal year 2020, two projects in Cameroon aim to provide sustainable irrigation and drainage services as well as improve agricultural production in irrigated areas. The  Valorization of Investments in the Valley of the Benue  and the  Valorization of Investments in the Valley of the Logone each provide an investment of $200 million. Both projects combine improvements in infrastructure with related institutional and governance reforms in the irrigation subsector, along with rehabilitation or extension of irrigated areas. 

Since 2014, female farmers in the Gambia receive assistance with systems combining solar pumping with drip irrigation through the Gambia Commercial Agriculture and Value Chain Management Project . Vegetable gardens were fully equipped with boreholes and galvanized overhead tanks, using solar-powered water pumps to withdraw water from aquifers, and also with labor- and water-saving drip irrigation systems, modernizing the way vegetable gardening is done by women and improving their livelihood.  

The  Modernizing Irrigation in Central Asia  Initiative launched in 2018 supported irrigation clients in Central Asia towards modernization, through early exposure, learning and adoption of sub-system and on-farm modernization concepts in irrigation. The initiative enabled regional dialogue, which culminated in a Regional Workshop that took place in Almaty, Kazakhstan in November 2019, drawing 94 delegates including policy makers, irrigation practitioners, scientists and researchers, representatives of water user association (WUAs), private sector actors, and international partners and donors. The initiative offered a transformation pathway through: policy development and legislation; institutional reform;  modernization of irrigation and drainage infrastructure;  strengthening of agricultural services and practices; and improved utilization of knowledge and information systems. 

More Results Briefs: 

• Modernizing Irrigation in Central Asia
• Valorization of Investments in the Logone and Benue Valleys of Cameroon ;
• Empowering Women Vegetable Producers in The Gambia

Last Updated: Jun 24, 2021

• Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA)
• African Union Commission (AUC)
• Robert B. Daugherty Water for Food Global Institute (DWFI)
• European Space Agency (ESA)
• Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO)
• International Commission on Irrigation and Drainage (ICID)
• International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI)
• IHE Delft Institute for Water Education
• International Water Management Institute (IWMI)
• Studying African Farmer-Led Irrigation (SAFI)
• United States Agency for International Development (USAID)
• Wageningen University & Research

Last Updated: Feb 11, 2020

• FAO's AQUASTAT database
• AQUASTAT Water for Irrigation Data

Recently Published Research

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Moscow Gov – Lobnya Northern Bypass – Moscow Oblast

Unlock hidden opportunities in the Construction industry

Published: May 10, 2023 Report Code: GDCON362723-MP-L5

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