multicultural malaysia essay

Title: Multicultural Policies in Malaysia: Challenges, Successes, and the Future

Since Malaysian independence in 1957, the Malaysian government has sought to manage its diverse ethnic groups. The Malaysian government has historically given preferential treatment to Malay people through the New Economic Policy , creating imbalances in Malaysian society. This paper considers this policy, explores its repercussions, and provides policy suggestions for resolving entrenched discriminatory practices with more equitable reforms.

Introduction

Malaysia is a multi-ethnic society of 32.4 million people, comprised of 69.4 percent Bumiputera (ethnic Malay and other indigenous groups, notably from Sabah and Sarawak), 23.2 percent Chinese, 6.7 percent Indian (these two ethnic groups collectively known as non- Bumiputera or non-Malay) and 0.7 percent “Other.” Malaysia’s multicultural policies have historically given preferential treatment to Malay people through the New Economic Policy , creating imbalances in Malaysian society. This paper considers this policy, explores its repercussions, and provides policy suggestions for resolving entrenched discriminatory practices with more equitable reforms.

These policies trace back to the colonial “divide and rule” policies, through which the British organized society based on “ essentialized ethnic categories .” The British divided labor by ethnicity with the Malay in the unwaged peasant sector and the non-Malay in the waged capitalist sector. The groups were also geographically split, with a rural-urban divide. As such, the communities were highly segregated, engendering both unequal economic status and separate cultures . After gaining independence, though the government sought to rectify such injustices through the New Economic Policy (NEP), it has only inflamed divisions between Malay and non-Malay. As such, the new regime under Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim seeks to reverse the legacy of the NEP. To do so effectively, Ibrahim must implement revisions incrementally to avoid political backlash, judge progress qualitatively, and include more non-Malay in the government.

The History of Ethnic Divisions in Malaysia

During their colonial rule , the Portuguese in 1511 and the Dutch in 1641 did not interfere with the local culture or structure of Malaysian society. Their aim was mainly the monopoly of trade. In 1726, however, the British, spurred by the need to consolidate raw materials for industrial capitalism at home, enabled unrestricted and large-scale immigration of Chinese laborers for work in the tin mines and later Indians for rubber estate cultivation. The Chinese, who predominated in the major commercial centers, were allowed to operate local trade in the villages and participate in a network of small shops and dealerships. The British, however, maintained the Malays within their traditional lifestyle. Hence, the British created two distinct and parallel methods of production: large-scale production and commercial activities of the British and Chinese versus the traditional methods of peasant agriculture and fishing practiced by the rural Malays. In the process, British colonialism subjected most Malays to limited economic and educational achievement, contributing to the later ethnicization of poverty.

By 1957, the British granted independence to Malaysia but first set up a power-sharing arrangement among the Malay, Chinese, and Indians. The Malay would possess political supremacy, while the non-Malay, specifically the Chinese, would remain economically dominant. The Malay recognized non-Malay rights to citizenship but maintained the power to determine non-Malay quotas in civil service, public scholarship, tertiary education, and trade and business licenses.

Post-Independence Challenges

After independence, Malaysia continued to struggle with structural inequalities between the Malay and non-Malay, leading to the eruption of inter-ethnic violence in 1969. This violence spurred the creation of the New Economic Policy (NEP), a series of affirmative action programs that favored the Malay in politics, civil service, business, higher education, language, religion, and culture. The ruling Alliance Party, composed of three parties representing the Chinese, Malay, and Indians, argued that affirmative action was needed to correct structural inequalities and lessen the sense of “ relative deprivation ” among the Malay, as the Chinese retained economic preeminence in Malaysian society. The dual goals of the NEP were to eradicate poverty and eliminate the conflation of the Malay race with economic disadvantage.

While the NEP sought to reduce poverty and restructure society, its implementation was problematic. Through political patronage facilitated by weak political institutions, Malay elites manipulated NEP policies for their political and economic gain, intensifying intra-ethnic inequities and deepening ethnic divisions. Improving Malay social and economic standing came at the expense of need-based poverty reduction. For example, since the 1970s, Bumiputera contractors have been favored by businesses, as political actors often award contracts and hence have obstructed fair competition . Despite favoring Malay people, the NEP never adequately developed their competencies . As a result, the Malay political elite were reluctant to phase out the NEP.”

Anwar Ibrahim and SCRIPT

The sharp rise of ethnocentric initiatives from Malaysian political leaders in the last decade , coupled with the economic and political instability engendered by COVID-19, led to the 2020 government. The 2018 election of PH marked the end of authoritarian rule, which had lasted for six decades. However, free elections were short-lived, as race-based rhetoric and political maneuvering by the Muslim-Malay nationalists caused the PH government to collapse after only two years of its five-year term. Nationalists tapped into Malay resentments over ethnic displacement, stoked antireform resistance, and called for the protection of Islam.

In November of 2022, the Malaysian King appointed the widely popular Anwar Ibrahim as Prime Minister with a coalition government of ethnically diverse parties. Contending with a fractured nation, in July 2023, Ibrahim enacted a new policy framework, Malaysia Madani , to build a sustainable, caring and compassionate, respectful, innovative, and prosperous Malaysia based on mutual trust (SCRIPT) between the government and its people. Figure 1 illustrates the SCRIPT framework.

Figure 1: The SCRIPT Policy Framework

SCRIPT intends to eliminate the NEP’s ethnicity and race-based social restructuring and focus instead on need-based programs. For instance, SCRIPT seeks to make the bidding process among contractors more transparent and avoid unfair preferences for Malay contractors. SCRIPT appears to address the ethnic tensions fueled by the NEP’s political manipulation, but its implementation remains a challenge. For example, within this policy framework, it is unclear whether or how pro- Bumiputera policies, such as the quota in public university enrolment, public sector employment, and public procurement, will be adapted. Even in the latest Madani economy, the essence of the NEP is still strong . As such, achieving equitable representations and ensuring SCRIPT’s success remain a challenge for Ibrahim.

Implementing SCRIPT

Since the beginning of his premiership, Ibrahim’s efforts have been complicated by  internal stumbling blocks  within his own party and roadblocks from the opposition . Though the influence of the NEP’s deeply-entrenched policies cannot be resolved immediately, SCRIPT can strengthen inter-ethnic relations if implemented in the following ways:

First, SCRIPT must cautiously adopt equitable representation, participation, and human capital development without employing quotas for various ethnicities. In both the public and private sectors, SCRIPT should implement practices that boost need-based representation . In higher education, for instance, rather than setting quotas on student intake based on ethnicity, as the NEP did, tertiary institutions could specifically incorporate need-based selection opportunities for economically disadvantaged individuals. While this is slowly taking place, Ibrahim understands that he cannot abolish the quota system immediately. Suddenly lifting the quota system and replacing it with a need-based system would be political suicide , as the Malays made up the largest single ethnic group in the country at 57.9 percent.

Second, SCRIPT should address the issue of unequal representation of ethnic groups in civil service, which has long been dominated by a Malay professional and administrative class. Currently, mostly Malay control the public sector, and non-Malay control the private sector. The public sector typically offers better work than the private sector in terms of work hours, leave, termination, and lay-off benefits. SCRIPT, however, has not addressed this issue. Policy dialogues in SCRIPT should start by clarifying the underlying principles and practical scope for promoting diversity in civil service–acknowledging that all ethnic groups should be represented. SCRIPT can also highlight and praise past efforts as well as current practices to increase diversity.

Currency, many non-Malay prefer private-sector employment to the public sector due to its better pay. The civil service should emphasize that it offers more autonomy and a more supportive work environment to draw in non-Malay talent. Ibrahim’s government, as the first of a multi-ethnic coalition, could steer policy discourses and seek new grounds for fostering diversity. Doing so will take time, but SCRIPT can start by including policies on this issue of representation and diversity early on.

Finally, the new administration should not solely use quantitative measures to assess the outcomes of affirmative action reform. Previously, the success of NEP policies has been measured quantitatively. For example, the NEP set 30 percent Bumiputera equity ownership as a central target (from the 2.4 percent measured in 1970). Such quantitative measurements, however, failed to assess more subjective capabilities such as participation, competitiveness, and self-reliance of the Bumiputera . SCRIPT policies have not yet addressed this limitation. Capability development through quality education, vocational training, experiential learning, mentoring, and coaching would likely reduce polarization between ethnic groups. Thus, SCRIPT policies should focus on achieving strong qualitative outcomes.

The NEP was created to empower the economically disadvantaged Malay ethnic group but has since been abused by Malay leadership. In introducing the Madani concept, from which SCRIPT policies originate, Ibrahim and his coalition government aim to radically rework the structure of Malaysian society by repealing NEP policies. This will be an uphill battle, as doing so remains politically contentious.

Though they have not been rigorously discussed in the government, SCRIPT policies have been embraced by grassroots organizations. A recent survey shows that Anwar Ibrahim is endorsed by all ethnic groups as the most suited to be Prime Minister. SCRIPT and Anwar Ibrahim appear to be gaining popularity with dissenting voices waning.

Ibrahim’s success will likely depend upon whether the political elite respects the interests of the Malaysian people. In its current form, SCRIPT reflects the political will of some elites, like Anwar Ibrahim, to move away from the destructive legacies of his predecessors. However, it remains to be seen whether this approach will garner widespread political support and yield lasting rewards.

Noraini M. Noor is a professor at the Department of Psychology, Ibn Haldun University, Turkey, prior to which she was with the International Islamic University Malaysia. A social/health psychologist by training, her areas of research include women’s work and family roles, work‐family conflict, work stress, race relations, religion, and peacebuilding. Currently, she is researching the Islamic tradition’s perspective on the nature of Man and how this differs from what is commonly understood in modern psychology.

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Fostering multicultural understanding in malaysia ― asma abdullah.

OCTOBER 24 ― In recent months, there has been a constant reference to the “3 Rs” of race, religion, and royalty in Malaysia, highlighting the increasingly polarized ethnic relations in the country. While these topics provide the cultural dimensions in our daily conversations, they also need to be addressed with care and sensitivity in our multicultural society. The question that arises is whether Malaysians, after more than 65 years of independence, possess the knowledge and skills to handle racial sensitivities without emotional outbursts.

Adding to the complexity of the situation, one of our former leaders once stated that the Federal Constitution never explicitly proclaimed Malaysia as a multiracial country, emphasising the 'Malay-ness' of Malaysia. This has added confusion to the discussion.

So, how should we describe Malaysia to others? Are we a multicultural society, or is one dominant race the defining characteristic of our nation? Is there a description that can be acceptable to all ethnic groups in the country, or are we still uncertain about our Malaysian identity?

If we wish to describe Malaysia as a multicultural society, we must navigate the intricacies of talking about race, religion, and royalty in a manner that respects and includes all ethnic groups. Do all the diverse ethnic communities in the country share a common understanding of what it means to live and coexist in a multicultural society, or is this a phrase we have yet to define in terms of form and substance?

In light of Prime Minister Anwar's vision of building a civilised, skilled, and inclusive multicultural society where all ethnic groups will have a place in the Malaysian sun, what role should the rakyat play to support him? With the rising influence of individuals and interest groups in the name of identity politics, racism, bigotry, discrimination, and religious extremism, the journey ahead may indeed be an uphill battle. There will be competing interests, conflicting identities, confusing ideologies, and ongoing scepticism on the way.

This challenge has been aggravated by recent incidents related to dress codes, liquor sales, gambling, risqué films in local cinemas, foreigners in bikinis in hotel swimming pools, massage parlours, women's hair salons, and rock concerts. These incidents have indicated a lack of understanding of what it takes to present a persona of respect and understanding of the other.

To foster multicultural understanding, it is crucial to recognise and address these issues. Drawing from studies conducted in multicultural societies, we can identify several key characteristics that Malaysians should develop:

Self-Knowledge of Culture: Have a deep understanding of our own culture, its values, and beliefs, and be able to describe them to others.

Understanding Other Cultures: Recognise the values, beliefs, underlying assumptions, and typical behaviours of Malaysians from different ethnic groups beyond book learning.

Cross-Cultural Knowledge: Understand the histories, heroes, traditions, customs, and social institutions of other ethnic groups when making decisions.

Respect for Diversity: Show consideration for the cultures of others and be willing to influence one's own value system.

Empathy and Perspective: Approach issues from the perspective of more than one ethnic group to develop a deeper understanding.

Acknowledging Contributions: Acknowledge the historical contributions of all ethnic groups to the development of the country.

To be truly inclusive in the context of a multicultural society, we must possess a repertoire of appropriate skills and be sensitive to the nuances, manners, observations, and restrictions when we communicate with fellow Malaysians.

The potential danger we face is when we are comfortable interacting only at the intracultural level ― within our own ethnic group. What we must avoid is imposing our values and beliefs on others without understanding their sensitivities. Our challenge is to ensure that when we make decisions and interact with fellow Malaysians, we are aware of the values and sensitivities of others.

In moving forward, each of us must find ways to promote the value of inclusivity in the spirit of muhibbah dan bertolak ansur , based on knowledge and understanding of the cultural values and hidden assumptions of the various cultures in the country. A true Malaysian should embody compassion ihsan and respect hormat and not be perceived as ignorant and arrogant, especially when dealing with diversity. After all, diversity is a source of creativity and innovation daya cipta.

As mentioned in Surah Al Hujurat (49:13), “O mankind, we have created you all from a male (Adam, the foremost father) and a female (Eve, the foremost mother) and formed you into nations and tribes so that you may recognise one another. The noblest among you with God is most conscious and fearful of Him. God is All-Knowing and All-informed.” This verse carries a profound implication for our multicultural society: the purpose of diversity is to “know each other,” to learn from one another, and not to despise one another for our differences.

Truly embracing multiculturalism requires respecting the values and sensitivities associated with all ethnic groups in Malaysia. We need to strive for accuracy in our judgments based on our understanding of the complexities and sensitivities of the situation. If this principle had been observed, the recent incidents mentioned earlier would have been better managed in the true spirit of muhibbah (goodwill through coexistence).

In conclusion, fostering multicultural understanding in Malaysia is not merely a noble aspiration but a pressing necessity for the country's future. This endeavour requires an unwavering commitment to respecting, embracing, and celebrating the rich diversity that defines Malaysia. By developing intercultural skills, empathy, and a shared commitment to unity, Malaysians can lead the way in building a society that thrives on the strength of its multicultural fabric. This journey may be challenging, but the rewards are a harmonious, inclusive, and prosperous Malaysia where every citizen can find their place in the Malaysian sun.

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.

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How to foster multicultural understanding in Malaysia

Fostering multicultural understanding requires an unwavering commitment to embracing and celebrating the rich diversity that defines Malaysia

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By Asma Abdullah

In recent months, there has been a constant reference to the “three Rs” of race, religion and royalty in Malaysia, highlighting the increasingly polarised ethnic relations in the country.

While these topics provide the cultural dimensions in our daily conversations, they need to be approached with care and sensitivity in our multicultural society.

The question is do people in Malaysia, after six decades of independence, have the knowledge and skills to handle racial sensitivities calmly, without emotional outbursts?

Adding to the complexity of the situation, a former leader said the Federal Constitution never explicitly proclaimed Malaysia as a multi-racial country, emphasising the ‘Malay-ness’ of Malaysia. This has added confusion to the discussion.

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So, how should we describe Malaysia to others? Are we a multicultural society? Or does one dominant race provide the defining characteristic of our nation? Is there a description acceptable to all ethnic groups in the country? Or are we still uncertain about our Malaysian identity?

If we wish to describe Malaysia as a multicultural society, we must navigate the intricacies of talking about race, religion and royalty in a way that respects and includes all ethnic groups. Do all the diverse ethnic communities in the country share a common understanding of what it means to live and coexist in a multicultural society? Or is this a phrase we have yet to define in terms of form and substance?

In light of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s vision of building a civilised, skilled, and inclusive multicultural society where all ethnic groups have a place in the Malaysian sun, what role should the people play to support him?

With the rising influence of individuals and interest groups in the name of identity politics, racism, bigotry, discrimination and religious extremism, the journey ahead may indeed be an uphill battle. Competing interests, conflicting identities, confusing ideologies and ongoing scepticism will muddy the way forward.

This challenge has been heightened by recent incidents related to dress codes, liquor sales, gambling, risque films in local cinemas, foreigners in bikinis in hotel swimming pools, massage parlours, women’s hair salons and rock concerts. These incidents suggest a lack of understanding of what it takes to show respect and understanding of ‘the other’.

To foster multicultural understanding, it is crucial to recognise and tackle these issues. Drawing from studies conducted in multicultural societies, we can identify several key characteristics that Malaysians should develop.

Self-knowledge of culture : Have a deep understanding of our own culture, its values and beliefs, and be able to describe them to others.

Understanding other cultures : Recognise the values, beliefs, underlying assumptions and typical behaviours of people from different ethnic groups, beyond what we learn from books.

Cross-cultural knowledge : Understand the histories, heroes, traditions, customs and social institutions of other ethnic groups when making decisions.

Respect for diversity : Show consideration for the cultures of others and be willing to influence one’s own value system.

Empathy and perspective : Approach issues from the perspective of more than one ethnic group to develop a deeper understanding.

Acknowledging contributions : Acknowledge the historical contributions of all ethnic groups to the development of the country.

To be truly inclusive in a multicultural society, we must have a range of appropriate skills and be sensitive to nuances, manners, observations and restrictions when we communicate with others in Malaysia.

The potential danger we face is when we are comfortable interacting only at the intracultural level – within our own ethnic group.

What we must avoid is imposing our values and beliefs on others without understanding their sensitivities.

Our challenge is to ensure that when we make decisions and interact with others in Malaysia, we are aware of their values and sensitivities.

We must each find ways to promote inclusivity in the spirit of muhibah (goodwill through coexistence) dan bertolak-ansur (tolerance and acceptance), based on knowledge and understanding of the cultural values and hidden assumptions of the various cultures in the country.

A true Malaysian should embody compassion (ihsan) and respect (hormat) and not be perceived as ignorant and arrogant, especially when dealing with diversity. After all, diversity is a source of creativity and innovation (daya cipta).

As mentioned in Surah Al Hujurat (49:13), “O mankind, we have created you all from a male (Adam, the foremost father) and a female (Eve, the foremost mother) and formed you into nations and tribes so that you may recognise one another. The noblest among you with God is most conscious and fearful of Him. God is All-Knowing and All-informed.”

This verse carries profound implications for our multicultural society. The purpose of diversity is to know each other, to learn from one another – and not to despise one another because of our differences.

Truly embracing multiculturalism requires respecting the values and sensitivities associated with all the ethnic groups in Malaysia.

We need to strive for accuracy in our judgements based on our understanding of the complexities and sensitivities of the situation.

If this principle had been observed, the recent incidents mentioned earlier would have been better managed in the true spirit of muhibah.

Finally, fostering multicultural understanding in Malaysia is not merely a noble aspiration but a pressing need. It requires an unwavering commitment to respecting, embracing and celebrating the rich diversity that defines Malaysia.

By developing intercultural skills, empathy and a shared commitment to unity, the people can lead the way in building a society that thrives on the strength of its multicultural fabric.

This journey may be challenging, but the rewards are a harmonious, inclusive and prosperous Malaysia where every person can find their place in the Malaysian sun.

Asma Abdullah is an interculturalist based in Kuala Lumpur

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Unity in Diversity Through Equality: The Malaysian Dream

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Written by  Joel Jeshurun, a member of Akar Umbi Kita, a programme for emerging advocates against racial discrimination by Architects of Diversity, Imagined Malaysia, IDEAS and the European Union. This article is published in conjunction with the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination

“I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the colour of their skin, but by the content of their character.” This quote is from the infamous speech, “I have a dream”, by Martin Luther King Jr. that inspired many to promote civil rights equality in the United States. A timeless quote that applies even until today, here and now.

The truth is, being from a different race or minority group in Malaysia, you are required to work harder and outshine the others to even stand a chance in accomplishing your dreams. You strive to be the best because you know that is the only way you can climb the social ladder.

One way or another, we all have our own stories of being discriminated against and encounters with racism. Mine is no different.

I had waited my whole secondary school life for a chance to participate in a debating competition but this chance was taken away due to a racial quota that was put in place. I truly felt the weight of despair and hopelessness at that moment. Racial discrimination is not something that could be put into mere words but felt. 

Although what I was going through at the time had something to do with my passion and in taking part in something I loved, it was disappointing to know that I had lost my last chance to be in a debate competition during my secondary school life only because of my race.

I believe Malaysia will eventually lose its potential talents due to racial discrimination as we are capable than so much more than just mediocrity. It is nothing new to the ears when many say they would rather choose to migrate and leave the country for better opportunities due to the way of politics and policies that are formulated because they are discriminatory to Malaysians. As time passes by, many have come to realise that Malaysia is going backwards, while the few elites at the top are governing us according to their whims and fancies.

I cannot say I feel a sense of belonging in my nation or a genuine sense of being Malaysian when racism is still prevalent. The reality that racial discrimination has somewhat become a norm is not to be neglected. The first step we can take to tackle this is to acknowledge that not all of us are treated the same nor are we all privileged.

It seems as if the concept of equality may not be grasped by many because of the complacency within our society due to one race getting more benefits over the other. We are so connected to our own racial identities to a point where we may forget that we are all Malaysians first and the rest need not matter at times.

In schools alone, a survey done by Sekolah Semua and Architects of Diversity, a youth movement, had revealed that ethnic Indians had suffered the most discrimination and 92 percent of the respondents say that no action or investigation was taken after the incident was reported to authorities while the majority of them did not even report the incident as it was perceived to not make any difference.

Similarly, as I recall not much was considered when I first told my experience of being side-lined from the debate team to the head of student affairs. Speaking from a former student’s perspective, it is needless to say that racism goes beyond just racial quotas. Inequalities lead to discrimination, and the ones affected the most are the victim themselves.

Inequality refers to the phenomenon of unequal or unjust distribution of resources and opportunities among members of a given society. Equality in opportunities will move Malaysia forward to greater heights and many of us know it, but how can this be achieved when the system is built to be racially discriminatory and the policies do not cater to the needs  nor is it based on meritocracy?

Discrimination occurring even in subtle ways, through conversations and interactions in our daily lives can perpetuate a lot of harm and disunity within the fabric of our society, whereas institutionalised racial discrimination does even more damage to the country than what we might think.

With Malaysia having a place in the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), they must do better in addressing inequalities through values of  inclusivity, acceptance, and understanding of one another, bringing about change that is concrete and long lasting just from treating everyone as Malaysians first.

Protecting and preserving our diverse culture is essential but so is taking measures to bring about social equality. Equality is a human right, and it should be seen that way by all Malaysians. Understanding one’s culture and customs helps promote unity in diversity. This effort can be made concrete through the value of equality.

Our economy thrives on how well we are able to co-exist with one another in peace and how we distribute wealth amongst each other. Lack of action against all forms of discrimination could indirectly impact our economic growth.

We have seen the same plan being used in the name of reducing economic disparities through affirmative action for decades, yet we see no light at the end of the tunnel but rather abuse and discrimination when the rich and elite cronies have seem to benefit from the Bumiputera equity ownership, as was mentioned by Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim during the debate of the 12 th Malaysia Plan. Professor Dr. Edmund Terrence, political economist from University Malaya in 2018 said that the circulation of Bumiputera equity figures stopped after 2008. This lack of transparency in data is detrimental when we do not know how effective the old policies such as the New Economic Policy or equity ownership have been in alleviating the Bumiputera out of poverty and into a level playing field. By the looks of it, it seems to have failed to uplift most of the poor Bumiputera out of their plight and improve their standard of living.

The sole purpose of the affirmative action policy known as the New Economic Policy was to alleviate every citizen regardless of race out of poverty and eliminate identification of race with economic function. Special measures were taken to uphold and help the Bumiputera, and that is not discriminatory as it is seen as a means of bringing a level playing field in society.

However, the goal of reaching this level playing field has not been entirely successful even after decades, and it has come at the expense of discriminating other communities such as the Orang Asli, Chinese and Indians because of the elite few who choose to fill their pockets and fulfil their personal agenda.

It is pivotal that racial discrimination in Malaysia is taken to international standards as a human rights issue and not something that can be swept under the rug.

Racial discrimination is something that we as Malaysians may be all too familiar with or feel sensitive about. It is an issue that haunts us one way or another through our encounters in our daily lives, be it through dealing with stereotypes, verbal abuse, hate speech, racial slurs, xenophobia, being frowned upon within society or the feeling of being an outsider in your very own country. Not forgetting, as well,  the racially charged rhetoric used among politicians as a means to divide and conquer.

This situation can change for the better, starting from taking the initiative to revive the efforts of tabling a specific legislation regulating racial discrimination, in accordance with international frameworks.

One of those international frameworks is the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) which was pledged to be ratified during the reign of the Pakatan Harapan government. Yet, it received backlash and annoyance from the public. Some political parties called it the “Western Propaganda”. There were even public rallies and misconceptions of it being against Islam or misaligned with the Federal Constitution.

This international law, in actual fact, allows preferential treatment as long as there is justification for it to exist, as seen in its provisions stated in Article 1(4) which permits special measures which are proportionate to addressing substantive discrimination and target certain groups disadvantaged in society. As such, it definitely aligns with the spirit of our Federal Constitution.

The spirit and intent of Article 153 of the Federal Constitution calls to safeguard the special position of the Malays and natives of Sabah and Sarawak. It also includes the legitimate interest of other communities as well. It was wholeheartedly meant to level the playing field among Malaysian society and not be discriminative or accord Malay supremacy.

The intent of Article 153 is clear, that no one should be left behind. When the objectives of preferential treatment such as scholarships, employment in the public service, educational quotas and special facilities to the Malays have served its purpose, a continuation of it would be deemed unreasonable. There would be no need for quotas in debating competitions, in accessing higher education or employment. In the end, it is all about political will and the urgency for institutional reforms.

It is time that Malaysia goes through a real change of political landscape and for that we need to have a disruptive force, a force to be reckoned with and we are all capable of being that force if we decide to dream. What the forefathers had envisioned was a Malaysia which we call home and where we all hold proud our Malaysian identity. To achieve that, all races must be able to live cohesively and in social equality.

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• Central Intelligence Agency - The World Factbook - Malaysia
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Malaysia has a rich cultural life, much of which revolves around the traditional festivities of its diverse population. The major Muslim holidays are Hari Raya Puasa (“Holiday of Fasting”), or Aidilfitri ( ʿĪd al-Fiṭr ), to celebrate the end of the fasting month of Ramadan , and Hari Raya Haji (“Holiday of the Pilgrimage”), or Aidiladha ( ʿĪd al-Aḍḥā ), to celebrate the culmination of the season of pilgrimage to Mecca . Buddhists honour the life of the Buddha on Hari Wesak (“Wesak Day”), and Chinese Malaysians celebrate Chinese New Year . Deepavali ( Diwali ), a Hindu festival of lights spanning several days, is observed by many Indian Malaysians, while Christmas is the principal holiday of the Christian community . On most of these holidays, it is customary to host an “open house,” where guests are treated to Malaysian delicacies and hospitality. A holiday that spans all ethnic groups and religions is Hari Kebangsaan (National Day), a celebration of Malaysia’s independence on August 31.

The states have their own holidays. Sarawak , for instance, celebrates Gawai Dayak (“Dayak Festival”). Rooted in the harvest rituals and festivities ( gawai ) of the Iban and Bidayuh peoples, this holiday broadly honours the state’s non-Malay indigenous heritage.

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Beyond the official holidays and other religious festivities, important life events such as birth, circumcision (for young Muslim men), and marriage are usually celebrated by a feast, known in Malay as kenduri . The wedding ceremony is generally the most important and elaborate of such events among both Malay and non-Malay peoples. In rural areas the kenduri is normally held at the house of the host family, while in urban areas the feast often takes place in a large hall or hotel.

Malaysian cuisines reflect the mixture of ethnic groups in the country’s population. The three most prominent cuisines are Chinese, Indian, and Malay. Popular Chinese foods include sweet-and-sour Cantonese dishes and a milder favourite, Hainanese chicken rice. Indian cuisine ranges from the hot vegetarian dishes of southern Indian cooking to the more subtly spiced Muslim Indian food to the yogurt-marinated meats of tandoori cookery from northern India . All these foods, while recognizably Chinese or Indian, have developed a distinctly Malaysian character.

Traditional Malay cuisine consists of white rice served with various curries and fried dishes. Sate , small skewers of chicken or beef dipped in a spicy peanut sauce, nasi goreng (“fried rice”), and nasi lemak (“fatty rice”), which is coconut rice served with fried anchovies, peanuts, and a curry dish, are among the most common Malay foods. Noodles, cooked and served in various styles, are also local favourites.

Non-Muslim indigenous peoples of Peninsular and East Malaysia typically eat a staple food such as rice, tapioca, or sago served with locally grown or gathered vegetables (e.g., ferns and tapioca leaves) and fish, wild boar, venison, or other game. The food is generally not spicy or only mildly so.

The history and cultural life of Malaysia are exhibited primarily in various museums in Kuala Lumpur and several state capitals throughout the country. Built in a Malay architectural style in 1963, the National Museum in Kuala Lumpur houses a diverse archaeological and ethnographic collection that documents Malaysia’s social, cultural, artistic, and economic history . The Perak Museum in Taiping is the oldest museum in Peninsular Malaysia and contains collections of the natural history and material culture of the region. The Penang Museum and Art Gallery highlights Penang Island’s immigrant and colonial history. In East Malaysia, the Sabah Museum in Kota Kinabalu and the Sarawak Museum in Kuching , both established in the late 19th century, chronicle the unique prehistory and history of these states and their peoples.

In addition to the broadly ethnographic or historical museums, there also are numerous institutions dedicated to the documentation of particular Malaysian phenomena. The Islamic Arts Museum in Kuala Lumpur, for instance, traces the advent and growth of the art and culture of Islam in Malaysia from the 7th century to contemporary times. Other such topical museums include a numismatic museum, a museum of telecommunications, and an armed forces museum, all located in the capital city.

Malaysia is home to many art galleries and theatres for the performing arts as well. The National Art Gallery has permanent exhibitions of modern paintings by Malaysian artists and rotating exhibitions of art from around the world. Plays, dances, and musical productions by Malaysian and international performers are staged regularly at the grand national theatre, called the Istana Budaya (“Palace of Cultures and Arts”), in Kuala Lumpur.

Sports in Malaysia are a mixture of traditional and Western games. From the mid-19th century, British expatriates introduced football (soccer), cricket, track and field events, and rugby to the peninsula; they formed a number of clubs and organized competitions. The Malaysia Cup (formerly the H.M.S. Malaya Cup), first contested in 1921, is the country’s premier football competition.

Traditional sports also enjoy local popularity. Top -spinning ( main gasing ) competitions are seriously contested, with winning tops often spinning for well over an hour. In some areas, top spinning is not merely a random pastime but is associated with the agricultural cycle. Kite flying also is a favourite activity, as are bird-singing contests, which may feature hundreds of birds, all with unique songs. Sepak takraw (“kick ball”) is a uniquely Southeast Asian game (now played in other regions) that is similar to volleyball but is played with a woven rattan ball and without using the hands. The sport is internationally competitive, and Malaysia has fronted winning teams.

Malaysia made its debut at the Summer Olympic Games in Melbourne in 1956. At the 1992 and 1996 Summer Games the country took medals in men’s badminton . Malaysia was one of the founders of the biennial Southeast Asian Games and has hosted the event several times since its inception in 1957.

The press is the principal source of information in urban areas of Malaysia. The newspapers are all privately owned (many by political parties) and vary greatly in circulation , quality of reporting, and news coverage. Dozens of daily papers circulate in all the major languages of the country, including Malay, English, Chinese, and Tamil. In Sabah several dailies also are issued in the Kadazan language.

Although many public and private radio stations cater to urban listeners, radio is the primary information channel in remote rural areas. Both on the peninsula and in East Malaysia, the government-operated Radio Television Malaysia (RTM) broadcasts in Malay, English, and assorted Chinese languages , as well as in various indigenous languages, such as Iban in Sarawak. RTM also broadcasts internationally in Arabic, English, Chinese, and the national languages of several of Malaysia’s Southeast Asian neighbours.

Television is a popular medium across geographical and linguistic boundaries. The government had a monopoly on television broadcasting until the mid-1990s, when it opened the industry to private operators. Since that time several commercial stations have been established, and the emergence of private cable and satellite companies has allowed television broadcasting to reach the most remote rural regions of the country.

Malaysian Culture

Core concepts.

• Filial piety

Malaysia is an incredibly diverse country, containing many different ethnicities, languages and religions. People from each ethnicity have generally retained their ancestors’ cultural customs. As a result, Malaysian society accommodates a rich variety of lifestyles, beliefs and values. The following information describes general Malaysian culture, tending to reflect the Malay majority; however, there are many divergences from this cultural mainstream throughout the country. Learning as much as possible about your Malaysian counterparts' home region, ethnicity and religion beforehand can help you develop respectful relationships with them.

Indigenous Ethnicities

The majority of Malaysians (around 51%) are Malays. Almost all of them are Muslim, which explains why the ethnicity is commonly referred to as ‘Muslim Malay’. Being the most populous ethnicity , they dominate the political sphere. Their predominance is reflected in the official religion (Islam) and language of the country. For example, most communities speak a version of Malay (officially known as Bahasa Malaysia) to some degree. While most Malays live in urban areas, they are traditionally associated with the rural hinterlands.

Malays often have a fatalistic worldview, leading them to attribute successes, opportunities and misfortunes to the will of God. Furthermore, care and attention to human interactions may be prioritised over deadlines or monetary success. Malay culture perceives courtesy and respect as principal moral values that should take precedence over others. Prosperity is derived from nobility, not necessarily the accumulation of wealth. Because of these cultural attitudes, members of the Malay majority tend to be less focused on economic pursuits than other ethnic groups. However, that has been negatively misconstrued as somehow suggesting a cultural lack of ambition or even laziness. On the contrary, it reflects the Malay view that relationship building is especially important and should not be approached lightly. They tend to be family-oriented people, choosing not to work overseas as much as other ethnicities and instead living within close proximity of their family networks.

Aboriginal ethnicities make up 11.8% of the population. Though they are a minority of the national population, they are the majority in the less urbanised regions of East Malaysia. Being the oldest inhabitants of Malaysia, these aboriginal communities often have traditional languages, religions and customs particular to their tribe. While they are collectively referred to as ‘ Orang Asli ’ (“original people”), there are distinct differences between the various tribes. Many Orang Asli communities still practise their traditional culture – for example, continuing a nomadic lifestyle or living in shared communes. Some have been forced off their traditional lands by land clearances and have had to adopt a more urbanised lifestyle. The biggest indigenous group is the Iban, with a population of approximately 600,000. There are also smaller groups of Bidayuhs, Kadazan and Negritos, among many others.

Migrated Ethnicities

Malaysia has significant populations of people with foreign ancestry who mostly live in the cities. There are small populations of Indonesians, Nepalis, Filipinos and Europeans. However, the largest minority groups consist of Malaysian Chinese (generally Han-Chinese) who make up 22.6% of the Malaysian population, and Malaysian Indians (majority Tamil) who make up 6.7%. Many members of these groups are descendants of labourers that migrated to Malaysia in the late 19th and early 20th century during British colonial rule. Some now have third-or even fourth-generation roots in the country.

The Malaysian Chinese population generally exhibits great diligence and resilience. This can be partially attributed to a common concept in Chinese migrant communities – ‘ kiasu ’, the “fear of losing”. Kiasu motivates people to achieve in everyday life as well as economically or academically. This can be something as small as endeavouring to get to the front of a crowd or determinedly queuing for great lengths to buy or see something, or it can manifest in bigger ways (for example, aiming to be the best student in a university). As a result, Malaysian Chinese generally strive industriously to achieve what they want. However, they tend not to openly exhibit aggressiveness in their approach; they generally maintain poise and courtesy since being forceful is considered inharmonious behaviour. Nonetheless, Malaysian Chinese have come to dominate roughly 70% of the Malaysian economy and are regarded as the business-savvy ethnic group of Malaysia. They make up a large proportion of the upper class. Many Malays have perceived this as a monopolisation of the corporate sector, provoking underlying tension and mistrust between the Malays and Malaysian Chinese.

Bumiputera Distinction

Ethnicities with international origins may face social barriers for being ‘ pendatang ’ (newcomers). This is due to the social identifier that categorises Malaysians as either Bumiputera or non-Bumiputera . Bumiputera literally translates as “sons of the soil” and refers to those who are considered to be the original inhabitants of the country (i.e. Malays and Orang Asli). The word does not describe an ethnic group, but rather signifies a social status of indigeneity. Bumiputera citizens’ rights are commonly prioritised in politics as well as in other public and some private sectors of society. In this way, Malay interests are commonly privileged over those of other ethnicities whilst the Orang Asli minority remains somewhat more marginalised.

Malaysian Chinese and Malaysian Indians can be particularly disadvantaged by this system as non-Bumiputera status can hinder their access to education, jobs, property ownership, scholarships and other opportunities. This may explain why the majority of the Malaysian migrants in Australia are Malaysian Chinese (62.1%) and only 13.2% are Malay. Nevertheless, this political stance rarely translates into day-to-day discrimination between people. Despite the difference in their ethnicities’ origins, Malaysians of all backgrounds generally feel a personal loyalty to the country.

Respect and Etiquette

As members of such a multicultural society, Malaysians are generally very attentive towards how they respectfully interact with people of all backgrounds. There are cultural norms and taboos that inform what people generally believe to be appropriate and inappropriate behaviour. This is related to the Malay concept of ‘ budi ’ by which politeness and respect are considered essential to human interaction. The word does not have a direct English equivalent, but can be generally understood to describe attributes such as one’s wisdom, virtue, etiquette and morality. In this way, one can see that Malaysian politeness and etiquette have a strong ethical basis.

Though budi is a traditional Malay concept, the attitude has influenced the broader Malaysian social culture and is reflected in the behaviour of people from most backgrounds. In keeping with budi, one should be gracious, polite, good-natured and calm. Indeed, Malaysians are generally quite gentle, reserved and discreet. They are often modest in their attire, body language and demeanour and tend to approach daily life with a great deal of patience. This behaviour is considered ‘ halus ’ (refined) and the measure of a ‘ budi bahasa ’ (man of culture). Alternatively, those who are aggressive, abrasive or loud are considered uncouth or ‘ kasar ’ (crass/rough). These social expectations are shifting among the younger generation as they are becoming more accustomed to the direct style of communication that occurs in the online space. Nevertheless, it remains very important to maintain a gentle and indirect demeanour in Malaysia.

Face and Shame

In Malaysian culture, to do something inappropriate brings ‘ malu ’ (shame, shyness and embarrassment) upon an individual. These feelings of shame are commonly felt when an individual loses ‘ face ’. Face is the quality embedded in most Asian cultures that indicates a person's reputation, influence, dignity and honour. By complimenting people, showing them respect or doing something to increase their self-esteem, you give them face. Similarly, people can lose face and save or build face. Therefore, individuals in Malaysia usually act deliberately and with restraint to protect their self-worth and peer perception. Conservative conduct is the norm, as people don’t want to stand out and/or risk losing face by doing something inappropriate.

Collectivism

Malaysia is far more collectivistic than Western societies and individuals perceive themselves to be members of groups (i.e. their family, business or ethnicity ). These groups reflect or come to define who their members are and often demand a high degree of loyalty. For example, the group’s interests usually supersede those of the individual, even if they conflict. Furthermore, group members expect to receive preferential treatment over anyone who is not part of the group. In return for this loyalty, an individual gains a sense of belonging, protection and unity. Being a collectivist culture, feelings of shame and pride can be felt at the individual level as well as the collective level. In this way, the actions of one individual can affect the reputation of the group they belong to.

Social Hierarchies

Malaysians generally exhibit a strong acceptance of social hierarchies. People tend to feel comfortable when they are able to distinguish another person’s status relative to them. It enables them to adjust their behaviour accordingly to show the appropriate amount of respect. An individual’s level of education often establishes their status in Malaysia. English proficiency and overseas education further enhances social standing and prestige. Wealth also becomes a factor, as those who have it tend to exhibit it. For example, the vehicle people drive is usually indicative of their class status. This has increased as society has become more cosmopolitan and materialistic. Nevertheless, people are not overly ostentatious about their money.

Age usually becomes the overriding factor that determines the level of respect a person commands throughout society. Elders are presumed to have great wisdom and be very deserving of authority. People tend to spend a lot of time with the older generation and give them the most attention in a room. Malaysians may use honorific speech and bow slightly when talking to someone older than them.

Broadly, Malaysians come across as strikingly friendly and positive people. Their collective cultural focus on relationships and people means that they are exceedingly considerate in most situations. Today, the common Malaysian social attitude is based on striving for democracy , formal education, equal opportunities for the different races and respect of other religions. The country is unified by a strong cultural belief in the goodness of humanity.

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Multiracial in Malaysia: Categories, Classification, and Campur in Contemporary Everyday Life

• First Online: 03 January 2020

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• Geetha Reddy 3 &
• Hema Preya Selvanathan 4  

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This chapter outlines the historical process of classification in Malaysia and discusses its influence on the contemporary lives of Malaysians with multiple racial identities. Racial categorization is salient in the daily experiences of Malaysians because many social policies governing housing, education, language acquisition, and employment are administered based on a rigid racial classification system that imposes a single racial identity on citizens. While the current system is underpinned by colonial administrative practices, the construction of Malay (and by extension Bumiputera ), Sakai (Aborigines), Chinese, and Indian identities in the country has been an evolving process that can be traced back to the second century. ‘Mixedness’ is therefore not new in the region and has been a central feature of Malaysian identity. The recognition of mixed race however has changed over time in Malaysia as will be shown through an investigation of census classifications. We highlight how political processes such as colonialism, independence, and nation-building impact racial classification in the country and the everyday lives of multiracial individuals today. By considering the current political trends and the lived experiences of multiracial individuals, the chapter ends by discussing the potential for changing existing racial classification practices in Malaysia to better reflect multiracial identities.

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In line with other social scientists who adopt the term ‘multiracial’ instead of ‘mixed race’ (Root 1996 ; Ali 2003 ), this chapter will maintain the use of the term ‘multiracial’ to capture the experiences of individuals for whom possessing different racial identities often means a combination of individual races (‘mixed’) at times, and being a single race at other times.

Based on a 2% sample of the 2000 Census, Nagaraj found that the percentage of intermarriages was 4.6%, and this was a 0.5% increase from 1974 (Pue and Sulaiman 2013 ).

Campur means mix in Malay, in this context referring to having ancestors belonging to different cultures.

Mahathir was previously the prime minister from 1981 to 2003 and was a leader of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). In 2016, Mahathir formed his own political party, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Malaysian United Indigenous Party), in opposition to UMNO primarily due to UMNO’s continued support for the then Prime Minister Najib Razak, who was embroiled in corruption scandals. Mahathir went on to become the opposition coalition’s ( Pakatan Harapan ) candidate for prime minister in the 2018 general election.

The programme was introduced by Najib Razak in early 2017 to gain feedback from the younger generation, and the current government has announced plans to continue its implementation.

The adoption of the term ‘Chindian’ by multiracial individuals of Chinese and Indian heritage is also seen in Singapore, as outlined in Reddy ( 2012 ).

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Reddy, G., Selvanathan, H.P. (2020). Multiracial in Malaysia: Categories, Classification, and Campur in Contemporary Everyday Life. In: Rocha, Z.L., Aspinall, P.J. (eds) The Palgrave International Handbook of Mixed Racial and Ethnic Classification. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22874-3_34

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Malaysia travel guide: the true Asia, two ways

Combine a city break in Kuala Lumpur with island relaxation on Langkawi for the best of multicultural Malaysia

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• Why you should visit

What to see and do

Where to stay.

To say one country encapsulates the world's largest continent is quite the claim, yet the "Malaysia, Truly Asia" tourism slogan lives up to the hype. But what no tagline could capture is the sheer vibrancy of this multicultural peninsula, where worshippers pray in temples dotted between towering skyscrapers, while mischievous "mafia" monkeys prey on unwitting tourists (of which more later).

Why you should visit Malaysia

Set at the meeting point between the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean, Malaysia has been dubbed "Asia's Melting Pot". Following centuries of trade and colonisation, the population comprises three main ethnic communities: Chinese, Indians and Malays.

For a concentrated taste of the resulting rich cultural stew, head to Kuala Lumpur . The world's sixth most visited city last year, the Malaysian capital is a chaotic blend of sleek hotels and crumbling colonial-era buildings, Michelin-starred restaurants and street-food stands, upmarket malls and outdoor markets, plus world-famous sights such as the Petronas Twin Towers.

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Kuala Lumpur is also home to some great green spaces, but to experience Malaysia's tropical rainforests and golden beaches, you'll need to go a little further afield. An hour from the capital by plane is Langkawi , an archipelago of 99 islands along the country's northwest coast. The main island, also called Langkawi, is home to around 100,000 people, whose numbers are being bumped up by a growing stream of tourists.

Langkawi's mangrove forests cover more than 3,000 hectares (7,400 acres)

Yet Langkawi is not over-developed: it was awarded Unesco Global Geopark status in 2007, prompting a push towards geotourism. The local tour guides have plenty of material to work with in the island's ancient jungles and labyrinth of mangroves housing sea caves and millions-year-old rock formations.

And then, of course, there's the wildlife. The island is named after the reddish-brown (kawi) sea eagles (lang) that dominate the skies above. Other, less obvious, predators to watch out for are Langkawi's gangs of long-tailed brown macaques, nicknamed the "monkey mafia" by locals owing to their habit of snatching not only food but also phones. A tip for targeted tourists: offer the gangster macaque food with both hands to make them drop the loot.

Assuming visitors hang on to their phones, both Langkawi and Kuala Lumpur are packed with Instagram-worthy sights. 

The capital also has plenty to offer nature lovers, who can find tranquillity in the 227-acre Lake Gardens in the heart of the city. A short stroll away is Kuala Lumpur's Bird Park, an enclosed aviary of more than 3,000 birds from more than 200 species. And there are more attractions to get visitors' hearts aflutter at the neighbouring Butterfly Park, billed as the world's largest, with more than 5,000 butterflies.

Kuala Lumpur claims another record with the Petronas Twin Towers, the world's tallest twin skyscrapers at 1,483ft (452 metres). The towers' Observation Deck offers unbeatable views of the city's eclectic architecture and neighbourhoods, each of which have a distinctive vibe.

Among the most atmospheric is Brickfields, aka Little India, a colourful maze of shops and stalls selling saris, spices, flower garlands and more, amid packed temples, churches and mosques. There are plenty of opportunities to feed body as well as soul here too, at low-key restaurants serving high-quality food including Malaysia's national dish, nasi lemak , a spicy coconut rice.

Foodies are equally well served on Langkawi, where floating fish farms double as restaurants where diners can select their still-flapping meal from containment nets and aquariums. These fish farms are popular stopping points on mangrove river cruise tours, an unmissable experience for any visitor.

Mangrove cruises on the Kilim River are a great way to spot wildlife and learn about this delicate ecosystem

Highlights of a cruise through Kilim Karst Geoforest Park, one of the island's three main conservation areas, include hand-feeding stingrays and exploring limestone caves where hundreds of bats hang overhead (visitors are advised to close their mouths when looking up, to avoid an unwanted feeding of droppings). 

Expert guides also help cruise-goers to get up close – but not too close – to the park's many other inhabitants, from crocodiles and kingfishers to otters and snakes. And visitors can do their bit to help with conservation efforts by planting mangrove trees, which can store up to 10 times more carbon than forests.

Slightly less virtuous but just as unmissable is a sunset cruise around the archipelago. Guests can sip cocktails and cool off from the tropical heat in the bath-temperature Andaman Sea. Along with water sports, there is further entertainment to be had watching local fishermen's dogs living their best lives after swimming to nearby island shores for doggy playdates.

The St. Regis Kuala Lumpur sits amid skyscrapers besides the city's largest park, the Lake Gardens

Tourists also looking to live their best lives in Malaysia can get off to the right start by checking into a St. Regis hotel. 

Offering grandeur with a great location, the St. Regis Kuala Lumpur overlooks the Lake Gardens in the Sentral district, a key transportation hub. In a nod to the city's multicultural identity, the 48-storey hotel blends Asian aesthetics with art deco style, with acres of gleaming marble and crystal-chandeliered high ceilings.

Those high ceilings are a boon come sunset, when, as in all St. Regis properties, a daily champagne sabring ritual takes place. Inspired by Napoleon Bonaparte, who opened bubbly with his sabre in both victory and defeat, the hotel's bottle-chopping fun offers guests the chance to enjoy a free drink and even have a go at sabring. Though, presumably, only while sober.   

The ritual is one of a series introduced by the St. Regis chain founder John Jacob Astor IV, who later went down with the Titanic. Astor's other innovations include a 24-hour butler service tailored to meet guests' every need, from unpacking luggage to delivering a morning cuppa.

The hotel's suites and bathrooms have stunning views over Kuala Lumpur

The rooms are equally top-notch, with floor-to-ceiling windows and mod cons including hi-tech toilets with an electronic bidet and seat warmer (don't knock it till you've tried it). On a more high-brow note, the hotel's attractions also include an impressive collection of artwork by big names including Andy Warhol and Terry O'Neill.

Food is another draw at the St. Regis Kuala Lumpur, which is home to seven restaurants and bars, including a sushi joint overseen by three Michelin-starred chef Takashi Saito.

The Brasserie has a French cafe vibe and a superb menu that blends vibrant European and Malaysian flavours

The hotel's largest restaurant is The Brasserie, which along with French-Mediterranean cuisine, serves an incredibly extensive buffet breakfast. Possibly the only thing not on the menu is durian, an extremely pungent Malaysian fruit that is banned in most public buildings.

Only the sweetest of smells can be scented at the hotel's spa, where bespoke massages are a great way to relax after a stint in the rooftop pool or adjacent gym. With all these facilities, little wonder that some people decide to stay for good: while the hotel's first 21 storeys house 208 guest rooms, those above are filled with residences inhabited by permanent "guests", including families with pets.

The St. Regis Langkawi hugs the turquoise Andaman Sea

Sadly for visitors considering selling up back home, no residency options are available at the St. Regis Langkawi . But few will forget a stay at this idyllic island retreat, tucked between rainforest and the sea, a short drive from Langkawi’s main town, Kuah. 

The vibe throughout the hotel is laid-back glamour, with grand, light-drenched spaces full of local artworks, and colour schemes influenced by the sea and the island vegetation. 

Suites at the beachside hotel are havens of luxury and comfort

Those themes continue in the 85 spacious suites and in Kayuputi, a fine-dining restaurant standing on stilts above the water beside the hotel's private beach. Designed by top architect Bill Bensley, Kayuputi ("white wood" in Indonesian) is like the world's plushest beach hut, with teak columns and antiques galore inside, and an outdoor deck that's the perfect setting for sunset cocktails.

The Bill Bensley-designed Kayuputi restaurant is evocative of an art collector's holiday home 

Come morning, the place to be is the hotel's all-day dining restaurant L’Orangerie, where the St. Regis team again score top marks with the vast breakfast buffet. 

For a quintessentially island experience, though, nothing beats the beachfront Pantai Grill. With platters of succulent charcoal-grilled meats and seafood served at tables on the golden sand, this is how barbecues are meant to be done.

Diners can enjoy delicious wood-fired food only metres from the shore at Pantai Grill

The St. Regis Langkawi also provides a lesson in meeting guests' many other wishes, with a hair salon, spa, gym, boutique and ballroom, plus live music every evening in the bar. A host of activities are on offer too, from paddleboarding and kayaking to wine tasting and batik painting.

Of course, some guests may prefer to just relax in the seafront infinity pool. But as with Malaysia in general, the beauty lies in the "endless possibilities", to quote another of the country's tourism slogans. Just watch out for the monkeys.

Kari Wilkin was a guest of the St. Regis Kuala Lumpur and the St. Regis Langkawi

Room rates start from £176/$223 (double room) at the St. Regis Kuala Lumpur, 6, Jalan Stesen Sentral 2, Kuala Lumpur Sentral, Kuala Lumpur, 50470 Malaysia. Room rates start from £221/$280 (double room) at the St. Regis Langkawi, Jalan Pantai Beringin, Langkawi, 07000 Malaysia. For more information, visit marriott.com

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Kari Wilkin is The Week Digital’s global managing editor. She joined the UK site as production editor in 2017, after moving across from The Week magazine. Her career as a journalist began as a sub-editor at newspapers including The Sun, Metro, the Daily Star and News of the World, followed by stints at Elle and Asda Magazine. She also helped to launch the UK edition of Women’s Health magazine, as chief sub-editor with a sideline in writing; has penned travel and lifestyle articles for titles including The Telegraph and The Sun; and is a contributor on “The Week Unwrapped” podcast.

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Microsoft raises PC Game Pass monthly fee from RM15 to RM20

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The increase in Malaysia comes alongside price hikes across several other countries, including Singapore, Japan, and the United States. — Photo by Sam Pak on Unsplash

PETALING JAYA: Microsoft has increased the monthly subscription fee for PC Game Pass in Malaysia from RM15 a month to RM20.

From today (July 10), all new subscribers will be charged RM20 a month, while existing subscribers will still pay RM15 until the change is rolled out to all users on Sept 12.

PC Game Pass is a video game subscription service featuring a diverse selection of titles, including blockbuster hits like Diablo IV and the Forza series, indie gems such as Palworld , with the highly anticipated Call Of Duty: Black Ops 6 expected to be added in the future.

The price increase in Malaysia comes alongside price hikes across several other countries, including Singapore, Japan, and the United States.

For more details on the price hike, check out the Help page on the Xbox website.

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Special issue of TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies, Spring 2025 on the Work of Rinaldo Walcott

CALL FOR PAPERS: 

Special issue of  TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies , Spring 2025

On the Work of Rinaldo Walcott

Edited by Ronald Cummings (McMaster University) and Nalini Mohabir (Concordia University)

This special issue of TOPIA invites essays and reflections on the work of Rinaldo Walcott. Since the 1990s, Walcott has been a major voice in contemporary critical theory. His interventions however have never been confined to academic writing. He has been a public scholar and vocal commentator on a range of topics, including Black and Queer life; the neoliberal university; the social and cultural landscape of Toronto; the politics of diaspora; Canadian politics and policies; Black-Indigenous relations; the problem of nation; border violence, and the list continues. He is currently the Carl V. Granger Chair in Africana and American Studies at the University at Buffalo, where he continues to mentor new generations of critical scholars. His output over the past decades has been prolific. However, at the heart of his concerns remains the centrality of Black life for understanding contemporary world making. He is the author of over a hundred publications, we highlight some of his books below.

 His first volume of essays  Black Like Who  (1997) began with a direct and clear articulation of a project of writing blackness “out of bounds.” This idea has taken on different valances and directions across his work. In the introduction to  Black Like Who  Walcott writes that “blackness as a sign…carries particular histories of resistance and domination. But blackness is also a sign which is never closed and always under contestation…various kinds of blackness are always in progress, always in the process of becoming…” (xiv). Among other things,  Black Like Who  offered an exploration of the limits and “the Problem of Nation” (71) and mapped a turn to the possibilities of diaspora as a “temporality and spatiality of meaning” (102) that might help us attend to `movements, cultural complexities and multiplicities. At the same time, it is also important to read his work as intervening from Canada interrogating the spatiality of forgetting that often accompanies national narratives. He notes for example how the Black Atlantic often neglects Canada as a site of black diasporic life, while Canadian narratives obscure and disavow a long history and presence of Black life.

We might read the edited volume  Rude: Contemporary Black Canadian Cultural Criticism  (2000) as a counterpoint to  Black Like Who . Both volumes assemble a range of cultural texts including film and visual arts, literature, sports, music, towards an understanding of culture as a site of political and social contestation and remaking and through which we might grapple with the dynamism of Black Canadian expressive culture beyond the binaries of being “celebratory or dismissive” (10). In this regard, the volume inhabits some of the critical promises of the cultural studies turn of the 1990s.  Rude  notably takes its title from Clement Virgo’s 1995 film. Here the notion of being “out of bounds” takes on additional valances and desires linked to the politics of insubordination and sexuality. 

            Walcott’s  Queer Returns  (2016) “returns to familiar themes” (7) engaging questions of “diaspora, multiculturalism, sexuality, nation and citizenship” through a series of essays written in the wake of 9/11, in the shadow of the fall of the twin towers and “the violence unleashed post-9/11 globally” (10). In framing these discussions, Walcott reminds us that “what it means to be human is ultimately at stake” (10). In  Queer Returns Walcott not only marks the limits of nation, along lines seen in his previous work like  Black Like Who , but also explores the limits of liberal Western conceptions of the human. Walcott notes that “Black people are often so firmly ejected from the current, partial definitions of what it means to be human” (10). However, his examination does not turn towards the rubric of inclusion. Instead, he focuses on the possibilities of the otherwise. For Walcott, “when Black people are centered, other modes of being emerge” (10). We might read  Black Life: Post BLM and the Struggle for Freedom  (2019), coauthored with Idil Abdillahi, as one indexing of the tensions between “versions of European coloniality/modernity” (25) and their “current global arrangements” (94), including those which shape governmentality in Canada and the “claims we might make on behalf of other forms of knowing and living” (25). The work also centres BLM as one instance of a broader “ethical imperative to produce a different world now” (25), an imperative which is registered in the book’s title as “the struggle for freedom.” According to Walcott and Abdillahi, “the kind of political logic we are calling for requires a different understanding of the world and a new imagination that exceeds this world, as we presently know it, experience it and live it” (95). 

In his most recent volumes Walcott’s examination of blackness “out of bounds” has centered on the problem of freedom interlinked with questions of abolition and emancipation. In  The Long Emancipation (2021), Walcott notes that “The problem of emancipation is central to the conditions of Black life” (105). He examines freedom as “yet to come”(1). The experience of living in the long emancipation then is “the continuation of juridical and legislative status of Black nonbeing” (3). Walcott maps the persistence of Plantation logics in  On Property  (2021) demonstrating for instance that “property is a problem” – in the continuing past/ present – a pretext for policing Black people. His call here is similarly for a new order of things: “Abolition is not just about ending current systems; it is also an engaged and creative approach to social organization meant to fully transform how we live together.”

Throughout these volumes Walcott reminds us that “Writing blackness is difficult work” but it is the work that allows us to imagine another kind of world. He closes his recent essay “Towards another shape of the world” with the reminder that “Invention, then, is our inheritance too…The new shape of the world is the end of this one” (131). This call to imagine endings (of anti-Blackness, heteropatriarchy, coloniality, racial capitalism, dehumanization) and to seed new beginnings (of freedom, expression, knowledge) is also reflected in Walcott’s efforts outside of the academy.  His writing aimed at a general audience offer incisive critiques of power including the quandaries of “solidarity;” his media interventions critically dissect structures of whiteness; and his engagements, actions, and activism in the public sphere (including Twitter) reflect his intellectual project, a repeated call for that “leap that might introduce ‘invention into existence’ ” (The Black Aquatic, 2021). 

TOPIA invites submissions of academic articles, reflective pieces, and review essays for a special issue on Rinaldo Walcott’s substantial and wide-ranging scholarship. Themes and topics include (but are not limited to):

• Black Canadian Studies,
• Black Queer diasporas, 
• Black Queer masculinities, 
• Black aesthetics and performance 
• Black Studies and Caribbean Studies
• Black intellectual genealogies
• The Black Atlantic Revisited
• Black Ontologies
• Rinaldo Walcott and the essay form
• Rinaldo Walcott and Cultural studies 
• Rinaldo Walcott and Pedagogies of Resistance
• Critiques of the neoliberal university
• Critiques of institutionalized EDI strategies 
• Black feminist thought and politics
• Toronto as diasporic city
• Rinaldo Walcott, Food, Hospitality and Decolonial Eating
• Sovereignty, Freedom, Emancipation
• Plantation and Property
• Praxis of the new humanism
• Black cultural studies today
• Public scholarship and editorial interventions

The Editors: Ronald Cummings is Associate Professor of Caribbean Literature and Black Diaspora Studies at McMaster University.  Nalini Mohabir  is Associate Professor of Postcolonial Geographies at Concordia University. 

The deadline for submission of full papers is  September 1, 2024 . The special issue is scheduled for Spring 2025,  Topia  Volume 50. Submissions should be made through Topia’s author submission portal, ScholarOne: https://mc04.manuscriptcentral.com/topia . Manuscripts must follow the journal’s style guide, available here: https://utpjournals.press/journals/topia/submissions

Please direct any inquiries about this special issue to Ronald Cummings ( [email protected] ) and Nalini Mohabir ( [email protected] ).