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Ban on Assignment . It is a clause in a contract between a vendor and a buyer which prevents the vendor from assigning the related receivables. It can make ineffective any assignment of the receivables arising out of the contract. In some legal environments, the factoring agreement may overrule the ban on assignment.
Regulations have been passed that mean that ban on assignment clauses that are within contracts signed after 31 December 2018 cannot, in most instances, prevent debts being assigned to a lender.
Table of Contents
The ban on assignment is known as Assignment of Receivables Regulations 2018 (the “Regulations“) this is now are in force. The Regulations are intended to make it easier for small businesses to access receivables -based finance by making ineffective any prohibitions, conditions and restrictions on the assignment of receivables arising under contracts for the supply of goods, services or intangible assets
Draft legislation finally appeared in 2017, but was withdrawn following criticism by the Loan Market Association and others. The final form of the Regulations addresses some of the criticisms, but adds complexity in what is already a complex area of the law.
Some contracts for the supply of goods or services by small businesses include a clause banning assignment of the receivables arising under the contracts: we call these ‘ban on assignment clauses’. If receivables arising from such a contract are the subject of an assignment to a receivables financier, it may be difficult for an assignee to enforce collection of those receivables if the assignor experiences financial difficulties, and the debtor can refuse to pay the financier directly.
The concern which arises is whether these difficulties mean that finance of such receivables is refused, or that steps have to be taken which increase the cost of financing.
The Regulations apply to specific contracts entered on or after 31 December 2018 and apply to clauses contained within such contracts that seek to prohibit or restrict the assignment of a receivable under the contract, which is a right to be paid for goods, services or other intangible assets.
The Regulations are limited and only apply to contracts, where the supplier or seller, is a small or medium sized enterprise (SMEs), as defined by legislation.
The key provision to the Regulation is that any clause that bans the transfer of a right to another party is now unenforceable. This extends to other terms that impose conditions on the ability of one party to determine the validity or value of the receivable i.e. the goods, services, the debt, or their ability to enforce payment. Indeed, there are now 13 categories, which contracts cannot now restrict
The Regulations apply to contracts for the supply of goods, services or intangible assets under which the supplier is entitled to be paid money. But there are a number of important exclusions from their application, including the following:
A ban on assignment is a term which prohibits or imposes a condition, or other restriction, on the assignment by a party to the contract of the right to be paid any amount under the contract or any other contract between the parties.
A Ban on Assignment is a legal provision that prevents businesses from assigning or transferring their invoices to a third party. This means that if a business wants to use invoice finance, they may not be able to sell their outstanding invoices to a finance provider. This can create a challenge for businesses that rely on invoice finance to manage their cash flow because they cannot leverage their outstanding invoices as collateral to obtain financing.
However, some invoice finance providers offer a workaround by providing a type of invoice finance known as “disclosed invoice finance,” where the debtor is informed that the invoice has been assigned to a finance provider. While a Ban on Assignment may limit the options available for businesses using invoice finance, there are still alternatives available to help them manage their cash flow needs.
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When business owners are negotiating contracts to gear up for the sale of their business, they are rightly concerned with key questions such as the sale price for the business including assets such as how much the sale will cost them and what happens if something goes wrong. At the end of the contracts, there are usually several pages of type that usually look like boilerplate. Inside those clauses is usually something called an assignment clause, or more accurately, an anti-assignment clause.
It’s one of those clauses that everyone glosses over – after all, it’s just standard legal text, right?
For a business owner hoping to sell their business, an anti-assignment clause can dissuade potential buyers and play a crucial role in the selling price of a business. If this sounds familiar and you’re in the process of negotiating the merger or acquisition of your business, read on – we’ve put together a practical guide to anti-assignment clauses and what to look out for.
Looking for legal help? feel free to get in touch with our commercial lawyers for matters related to contracts.
The anti-assignment clause states that neither party can transfer or assign the agreement without the consent of the other party. On a basic level, that makes sense – after all, if you sign a contract with a specific party, you don’t expect to be entering into an agreement with a third party you didn’t intend to be.
However, when you sell your business, you will want to transfer ownership of those contracts to the buyer. If your contracts all contain an anti-assignment clause, they effectively restrict you from transferring ownership to the interested party. Now, you’re presented with a new challenge altogether – before you can focus on the sale of your business, you must first renegotiate the terms of your contracts with each party.
If you’re thinking about selling your business or even have potential buyers interested, it’s better to know in advance if you’ve got anti-assignment clauses in your contracts. There are generally two types of anti-assignment clause to look out for. The first relates to the complete bar on assignment of rights and responsibilities and is typically worded in this way, or similar:
“Neither Party may assign, delegate, or transfer this agreement or any of its rights or obligations under this agreement.”
The second type prevents the transfer of rights or duties without prior written consent of the other party. This will read along the lines of:
“Neither this agreement nor any right, interest, or obligation herein may be assigned, transferred, or delegated to a third party without the prior written consent of the other party, and whose consent may be withheld for any reason.”
So, where the first prohibits assignment altogether, the second prohibits assignment unless permission is sought in advance. Some clauses may even explicitly state that a change of control such as a merger or acquisition is an assignment. The last thing you want is to cause a dispute by breaching the contract, but if you’ve already agreed to these terms, you’ll have to open a fresh set of negotiations with the contracting party before you sell the company.
Due diligence is the bread and butter of any merger or acquisition. Rather than a leap of faith, due diligence ensures the purchase of a business is a calculated decision with minimal risk to the buyer. Typically carried out by specialist lawyers, the process is designed to lift the hood on the target business to determine the valuation of assets and liabilities and identify any glaring issues that could leave the buyer open to risk.
During the due diligence process, the buyer will look through all of the major contracts the business has open, and specifically keep a close eye out for assignment clauses.
Despite the virtual environment that many businesses have been forced to operate in in 2020, most companies will have commercial leases for the premises from which they typically work. Almost all leases have an anti-assignment clause, and this is a perfect example of an instance that is often overlooked by commercial tenants when selling a business which includes a leasehold property. This transfer of ownership may well be prohibited under an anti-assignment clause so that prior to the sale of the business, you would be required to ask permission from your landlord. The issue here is that the landlord may well see this as the perfect opportunity to renegotiate and secure a better deal for themselves. What’s worse, if they don’t sign off on the transfer, you’ll have an obstruction on your hands that will stand in the way of the sale.
In any case, an unexpected anti-assignment clause usually winds up being a last-minute hitch in the sale, and it never comes at a good time. Whether it delays the sale or obstructs it altogether, overlooking an anti-assignment clause can cost you considerably in an M&A transaction.
Generally speaking, an anti-assignment clause will be enforced by the courts if it was agreed upon by both parties to the contract. Many contracts exclude or qualify the right to assignment – according to the courts, a clause that states that a party to a contract may not assign the benefit of that contract without the consent of the other party is legally effective and will extend to all rights and benefits arising under the contract.
Courts won’t always enforce assignments to which the counterparty did not give permission, even where there is no anti-assignment clause that specifies this provision.
The best practice for business owners is to be vigilant when negotiating new contracts and ensure that any anti-assignment clauses still allow for the transfer of ownership when they decide to sell the business.
Remember, even though the buyer is purchasing the assets of the business, this usually means that all of the contracts of the business go with it because the business remains intact. Therefore, the best way forward is to negotiate these clauses upfront from the outset of the relationship, so that when you do decide to sell your business, you automatically have permission to transfer the ownership without having to delay the sale by entering into fresh negotiations.
If your agreement does not permit assignments, it’s worth seeking the advice and support of a specialist lawyer who can help protect your interests through negotiation with your counterparty on this point. You may be able to include a provision that allows for assignment of your rights and obligations upon the prior written consent of the other party. Your lawyer will likely advise you to carve out a specific provision to prohibit the counterparty from unreasonably withholding or delaying consent or making it subject to unreasonable conditions – an issue which, if not provided for within the contract, can cause serious delay and disruption to the sale of your business. Further, it may be beneficial to add an extra element to the contract that makes exceptions to the clause for assignments between affiliates. If you’re planning to sell your business, this would be the right place to carve out an exception within the clause to the change of control via a merger or acquisition.
It’s important to bear in mind that anti-assignment clauses tend to be viewed narrowly by courts, and that there have been several instances whereby anti-assignment clauses have not been enforced since the clause itself did not explicitly state that the assignment of rights, duties or payment would render the contract void or invalid. So, if you’re in the process of negotiating an agreement and wish to protect your interests through the addition of an anti-assignment clause, it’s critical that you include the consequences of assignment within the clause itself and state that assignments would invalidate or be in breach of the contract.
If you do not wish for the counterparty to be able to transfer the legal obligation to perform their duties as stated in the contract to a third party, this must be explicitly stated in one of three ways:
There’s no need to be unreasonable – you can protect your interests while still giving the counterparty the space to re-negotiate should they wish to assign rights by including a clause that asks for consent.
Ask your lawyer to draft an exception into the clause that permits assignment to affiliates or successors to the counterparty, such as:
“Neither party may assign or delegate this agreement or its rights or obligations under this agreement without the prior written consent of the other party, except that no consent is required (a) for assignment to an entity in which the transferring party will own greater than 50 per cent of the shares or other interests; or (b) in connection with any sale, transfer, or disposition of all or substantially all of its business or assets; provided that no such assignment will relieve an assigning party of its obligations under this agreement. Any assignment or delegation that violates this provision shall be void.”
Just as you would not wish for consent to be held back from you unreasonably in the renegotiation of contract terms prior to a sale, your assignment clause should make clear that you will not unreasonably withhold or delay consent should the third party request permission to assign their legal obligations. This may read something like this:
“Neither party may assign or delegate this agreement or its rights or obligations under this agreement without the prior written consent of the other party, whose consent shall not be unreasonably withheld or delayed. Any assignment or delegation that violates this provision shall be void.”
Whatever the circumstances, we strongly recommend calling upon a contract law specialist, whether you’re undergoing due diligence in the run up to an M&A transaction, are considering selling your business or are negotiating new contracts with customers and suppliers. Our lawyers bring in-depth expertise in the area of anti-assignment clauses and will work closely with you to protect your interests and ensure no clauses in your contracts negatively impact the sale of your company.
For a free consultation, get in touch with our team through the contact form below or using our online chat service.
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A recent decision was taken by the uk government to make bans on assignment clauses null and void. these clauses made it very difficult for many uk businesses to gain access to the finance they need to grow and meet objectives..
Below Steve Noble, COO at Ultimate Finance , offers insight into the potential changes ahead and the way these will impact business and financing.
Ongoing Brexit discussions may mean it seems much longer ago, but in November both Houses of Parliament passed legislation to end Bans of Assignment contractual clauses. This is great news that lenders and SMEs will have been celebrating since the announcement was made.
What’s the problem with Bans on Assignment clauses?
Bans on Assignment often blocks the provision of vital funding to SMEs as some financiers are hesitant to supply this where clients and their customers have agreed a contract containing this type of clause. If the financier IS prepared to provide funding, they will either have to find a workaround – such as requesting that the business approaches their customer for consent –or request additional security from the client. Each of these options proves time consuming, incurs unnecessary costs and makes it difficult for clients to obtain invoice finance. Unsurprisingly, this can cause SMEs to either struggle on without the support they need or rely on alternative finance options that aren’t right for their business.
What does the change mean?
This means that from 2019 SMEs will be able to access the funding they need more easily. It’s why I’m welcoming the news that after two previously unsuccessful attempts, Bans on Assignment clauses are now null and void in England, Wales and Northern Ireland. SMEs will therefore be able to assign receivables to invoice finance providers without having to spend time and money seeking consent from customers or trying to find workarounds to these clauses which can make things unnecessarily complex.
The legislation also makes clauses prohibiting a party from determining the value of a receivable and being able to enforce it ineffective. Again, this will increase the appeal of invoice finance for so many SMEs across the country.
Does the regulation impact your business?
Clearly, this is great news for SMEs and funding partners across the country. However, there are still caveats in place which will inevitably frustrate some.
The final point will likely prove the most frustrating, as the current legislation doesn’t change anything for more than 345,900 SMEs in Scotland, leaving them to potentially continue struggling to gain access to vital funding next year.
Hopefully this won’t be a permanent issue however as the Scottish Government may follow in the Central Government’s footsteps and announce similar legislation to ensure SMEs north of the border aren’t at a disadvantage compared to the rest of the UK.
Onwards and upwards
Despite the caveats, the news that Bans on Assignment clauses will soon be a thing of the past is great news for SMEs and lenders alike. This should result in a simplified invoice finance process and therefore more small businesses gaining access to the funding they need to continuing thriving in 2019. If that’s not good news, I don’t know what is.
Rishi sunak is rich, but is keir starmer rich too, key policy recommendations for the 2024 uk general election, what are the conservative tax pledges.
Recruitment Business directors, you find me on the verge of getting professionally excited again
Newsdesk Legal News , Friday 07 June 2019 Jump to Comments (1) 559 Views
Yes, this draft bill proposes that ban on assignment clauses become ineffective. This can only be good news to agency recruiters, RPOs, clients, solicitors, and Invoice Discounters.
For anyone out there who hasn’t had the delight of reviewing one of these clauses in a client contract for agency recruitment, it currently means that if the Recruitment Business uses an Invoice Discounting (“ID”) facility, any invoice raised as a consequence of a contract with a ban on assignment clause in it won’t be assigned to their ID facility provider.
The big RPOs are the worst culprits for using ban on assignment clauses. Most of the time the requirement for these clauses is passed down from the client, which can determine how negotiable they are. If the RPO and/or the end client won’t remove the clause, it can mean the Recruitment Business can’t raise finance against any invoices raised under that contract.
Obviously this will impact on cash flow if the Recruitment Business has to pay the contractor before the client has paid the RPO who has paid the Recruitment Business. Add a “pay when paid” clause into that mix and you’re in for a whole lot more fun, but that’s the subject of another blog on another day.
Recently I’ve reviewed some pretty reasonable clauses that do ban assignment but not to the extent that assignment of the invoices is to an ID provider. I thought that was pretty progressive, but this bit of proposed legislation is going to make life so much easier. It will be one less thing for Recruitment Businesses to push back on in what is, let’s face it, a very typical way of funding agency contracting.
So watch this space, & I’ll let you know as soon as ban on assignment clauses are banned.
By Lucy Tarrant
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Sara bennett.
Conversations about how long a temporary assignment can last have been around for a long time. In December 2000, the now infamous Microsoft 97 million $ settlement awarded 97 million dollars to temporary workers who were re-classified as core (common law) employees instead of as temporary employees as intended by Microsoft. This re-classification requirement resulted in 8-12,000 “temps” working at Microsoft becoming “benefit eligible” and resulted in a pretty hefty financial obligation even for a company like Microsoft.
Unfortunately this settlement catapulted the issue of assignment length into a confusing period for companies who were large users of temporary employees. Based on some common misunderstandings of what created the MS settlement, many employers created internal policies that limited the length of time an employee could be a “temp” believing that by doing so they were minimizing their exposure to “re-classification” issues.
Even the American Staffing Association (ASA) weighed in on the issue by taking up the concerns of both the employer and their interim employees who were often negatively impacted by an arbitrary assignment ending. In a series of white papers, ASA challenged the employer community regarding their assignment limit policies claiming that “the length of a temporary assignment” is only one, of multiple factors, important to establishing the employee- employer status and does not in and of itself mitigate the risk of misclassification. They wisely noted that other components of the employee/employer relationship were, in fact, equally if not more important.
As the dust settled in the early 2000s it became clear that the truth surrounding the MS settlement was far different from the initial headlines. But the damage had been done. Even though the arguments of the ASA prevailed, temporary employees are still asking how long an employer can keep them on in a temporary role without breaking the law.
#1. The easiest and most bullet proof decision is to use third party staffing agencies to employee all non-core, interim, contract or temporary employees rather than hiring them directly.
Many analysts believe that had MS obtained all of their temporary workers at the time of the lawsuit thru a third party employer, instead of hiring many of their temporary workers directly classified as 1099s, it is possible that some of the mis-classification claims could have been avoided.
Most companies have policies that forbid hiring managers from hiring a worker classified as a 1099…..requiring them to use a staffing agency to on board and pay them as interim workers even when those workers were sourced internally, not by the staffing agency per se. They do this to avoid the scenario where an employer classifies a worker as a 1099 – “self employed”- and the IRS later refutes that claim, subjecting the employer to back taxes, fines, and penalties. Employers want the peace of mind that comes from knowing that the applicable wages, payroll taxes and benefits costs are being calculated and paid by an employer other than themselves.
Many local staffing companies, PACE included, have created low cost “payroll service” packages for employers who have a need for third party employer services for interim workers they have recruited directly. (See PACE’s Employer of Record service option)
#2. Write your key benefit plans to specifically exclude third party (i.e. staffing firm) employees.
In 1999, Microsoft didn’t have any carve outs in their benefit contracts, and had to learn the hard way that easiest way to protect themselves from unanticipated benefit costs is to specifically exclude workers who are the employees of third party employers.
#3. Include information about how to manage workers from third party employers as part of supervisory training.
The IRS is still using specific tests to determine the employer relationship. To make sure that the employer responsibility stays with the staffing agency and doesn’t default back to the employer under audit, many employers are training their supervisors on temp management 101…
If you are an employer and would like some training for your supervisors on how to legally and operationally optimize the employer services of a third party staffing agency, give us a call at 425-637-3312!
#4. Make sure your staffing agency provides you with a contract or written agreement that spells out their duties as “employer”. These agreements typically include the staffing agencies responsibility to….
Getting these types of agreements or contracts in writing, makes it clear who is responsible to act as the “employer of record”. It also can protects employers from unexpected liabilities resulting from workplace accidents or claims of discrimination.
For example…. .
You may want to limit length of assignment in order to protect your Intellectual Property…
In 2016, Microsoft established a new set of “assignment limit” rules, based not on the risk of mis- classification or co-employment, but on their concerns about the integrity and security of their intellectual property. Because they were uncomfortable allowing a temporary or contract worker to have long-term access to their proprietary information and systems, they decided to place limits on the number of months an employee could access their systems without a break in service. They decided that after 18 months a temporary or contract worker needed to be removed from their assignment, forcing an arbitrary lay off of any contractors reaching that benchmark.
We are yet to see if MS can effectively enforce this policy without exception as we know first hand the negative impact of losing a valued worker – even if the are not an employee hired directly.
You may want to limit length of assignment in order to optimize the productivity and morale of your temporary employees…
While higher wage temporary or contract workers tend to prefer “longer term assignments”, many lower wage temporary workers consider themselves negatively impacted when asked to remain as temporary employees for long periods of time without being converted to a regular hire. The impact to productivity and morale is often highly visible when temporary workers are asked to work side by side core employees doing the same or similar work.
For similar reasons, in those situations where an employer regularly hires members of its temporary workforce, there is risk attached to keeping the temporary employee in the workforce once they know they will not be hired.
Many of our clients who regularly hire our temporary employees have rules whereby an employee will either be hired or removed from their assignment after a defined period.
Structured policies about how long an employee can work in your environment as a “temp” minimize the risk of discrimination….
The longer a “temp” is in your workforce, and the fewer policies you have to guide decisions your managers use to either end or extend assignments, the more opportunity there is for claims of “disparate treatment”.
Making “length of assignment” a matter of company policy rather than a decision left up to the discretion of an individual manager or supervisor, mitigates the risk of an uninvited claim of disparate treatment. At the same time, an across the board “length of assignment” policy, can reduce the resources manager’s have available to them to achieve important business goals.
PACE regularly provides employees for assignments intended to last as little as two days to multiple years and does so seamlessly, based on the employer’s internal policies and our assessment of our employee’s motivations for working. While we will provide information on the operational risks an employer might face by either limiting or extending assignment lengths, in the end, it is a decision that is made by both the employer and the employee. In reality, once the original agreement re: “length of assignment” has been satisfied, an employer can still provide an employee with the opportunity to extend their assignment and the employee can then decide if they want to accept the employer’s offer. The law plays no role in those decisions for either party, although a company’s internal policies might.
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PACE Staffing Network is one of the Puget Sound’s premier staffing /recruiting agencies and has been helping Northwest employers find and hire employees based on the “right fit” for over 45 years.
A 5 time winner of the coveted “Best in Staffing” designation , PACE is ranked in the top 2% of staffing agencies nationwide based on annual surveys of customer satisfaction.
PACE services include temporary and contract staffing, temp to hire auditions , direct hire professional recruiting services , Employer of Record (payroll) services , and a large menu of candidate assessment services our clients can purchase a la carte.
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Good morning, Early Birds. The ABC News correspondent Bill Stewart was murdered by a government soldier while on assignment in Nicaragua 45 years ago today. Send tips to [email protected] . Thanks for waking up with us.
In today’s edition … Democrats urge Biden to take more Gaza refugees … Democrats work to end ban on mailing abortion materials … but first …
When former president Donald Trump announced in April that he believed the decision to ban abortion should be left to the states , Marjorie Dannenfelser , the president of the antiabortion group SBA Pro-Life America , said she was “deeply disappointed” in his decision.
But Dannenfelser’s disappointment has not stopped SBA from building a robust effort to help Trump defeat President Biden and help Republicans retake the Senate.
SBA plans to spend at least $92 million to reach 10 million voters in eight states this cycle, Dannenfelser said. Its canvassers have already knocked on more than 1.4 million doors. They’ll also reach voters by phone, text, mail and online.
In an interview, Dannenfelser said she hadn’t tried to change Trump’s mind about leaving abortion laws to the states to decide, even though she disagrees with him.
“I know him better than that,” Dannenfelser said. “Nobody is better than he in seeing how this works in reality, politically, and I think that will be the only thing that moves him, if anything.”
Instead, SBA has shifted its strategy.
Dannenfelser pledged last year that SBA would not endorse any candidate who refused to embrace a national 15-week limit on abortion, which has led the group to endorse fewer candidates.
SBA has not endorsed Trump, and it has endorsed only two Senate candidates in battleground states, Bernie Moreno in Ohio and Tim Sheehy in Montana. (The group has endorsed three Senate candidates in total this year, down from seven in early June 2022 .)
But SBA is working to elect Trump and Republican Senate candidates it has not endorsed in four battleground states: Arizona, Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin.
The group is also campaigning for Trump in Georgia and North Carolina, which do not have Senate races this year. Its canvassers have hit more than 230,000 doors in North Carolina alone, according to Dannenfelser. (They’re also knocking doors for Moreno in Ohio and Sheehy in Montana.)
SBA has decided that it’s more important to prevent Democrats from winning and restoring abortion protections than to support only Republicans who embrace a 15-week limit.
“We can’t abide their opponents,” Dannenfelser said. “I think in the end that’s really what it comes down to.”
Biden and other Democrats are running on abortion rights , which polls consistently find is one of Biden’s strongest issues. Democrats have been highlighting their support for abortion rights ahead of the second anniversary of the Supreme Court’s overturning of Roe v. Wade on Monday.
Senate Majority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) has teed up a vote to codify Roe — the third vote on reproductive rights related legislation in the past few weeks — after the Fourth of July recess, even though he knows the bill has no chance of passage.
Women are especially skeptical of abortion restrictions. Just 35 percent of women voters in Arizona and 34 percent in Michigan support a national ban on abortion after 15 weeks, according to a new KFF poll of women voters .
Trump’s position of leaving the issue up to the states is only slightly more popular: 38 percent of women voters support it in Arizona and 40 percent in Michigan, according to the poll.
The Democratic polling advantage on the issue has led Republicans to rely on what Dannenfelser calls “the ostrich strategy”: burying their heads in the sand.
SBA is betting that tackling the issue head on with persuadable voters who are sympathetic to its arguments — including those who don’t regularly vote — is a more effective strategy.
The group’s canvassers are warning voters — accurately — that Biden has pledged to restore Roe if he is reelected and Democrats hold on to the Senate and retake the House
Democrats “will suspend the filibuster and they will pass the Women’s Health Protection Act, whose name we object to strenuously,” Dannenfelser said, referring to a bill to restore abortion rights nationwide. “We will talk about that, contrasted with the pro-life candidate, and that moves voters.”
The $92 million SBA is planning to spend this year represents a substantial investment. For comparison, three outside groups aligned with Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) — Senate Leadership Fund , American Crossroads and One Nation — together spent almost $400 million in Senate races last cycle.
Sen. Steve Daines (R-Mont.), the chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee , said he was grateful for SBA’s efforts.
“They were very helpful to me in 2020 when I beat Steve Bullock by 10 points in Montana,” Daines said, referring to the popular Democratic governor who ran against him. “They were on the ground, going door to door, making sure that pro-life voters got out and voted.”
But SBA’s message that Democrats will revive Roe if they win complete control of Washington in November is strikingly similar to what Democrats are telling voters — and Democrats say it could end up helping them instead. Sarafina Chitika , a Biden campaign spokesman, said the campaign would “welcome” SBA spreading the word.
Dannenfelser says Democrats are thinking about the issue all wrong — at least with a specific subset of voters. SBA’s canvassers emphasize that Republicans believe in limits on abortion, while Democrats would scrap the restrictions put in place since Roe fell.
“It sets up a contrast that is just a gift to Republican candidates,” she said.
Democrats urge biden to take more gaza refugees.
First in the Early: Nearly 70 Democratic senators and representatives are urging the Biden administration to make it easier for some Palestinians to come to the United States as refugees.
The letter comes after 35 Republican senators wrote to Biden last month expressing alarm after CBS News reported that the administration was considering steps to make it easier for the U.S. to accept some Gazan refugees . The Republicans said they feared the administration could not “adequately vet this high-risk population for terrorist ties,” among other concerns.
The Democratic letter urges the administration to grant Priority-2 designation to certain Palestinians. Rep. Greg Casar (D-Tex.), who led the letter with Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) and Reps. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) and Debbie Dingell (D-Mich.), told us he had heard from constituents desperate to get family members out of Gaza.
“In some of those cases, we have been able to help,” he said. “But in other cases, we haven’t been able to get people’s family members — U.S. citizens’ immediate family members — to safety because they’re a sibling or a grandparent rather than an immediate parent or a child of a U.S. citizen.”
Many lawmakers who signed the letter are members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, including Casar, Jayapal and Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.). But several more moderate Democrats signed on, too, including Sen. Mark Kelly (Ariz.) and Rep. Scott Peters (Calif.).
In the courts.
The Supreme Court is expected to hand down more decisions today as it nears the end of its term.
Some major cases remain, including gun prohibitions for people suspected of domestic violence; whether emergency room doctors can perform abortions in life-threatening situations in states with strict abortion restrictions; the allowance of homeless encampments in public spaces; and, of course, two cases related to Trump and the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol, including whether Trump is immune from prosecution.
Check out The Post’s Supreme Court tracker for all the cases already decided and those that remain.
We’re keeping an eye on any developments in the race between Rep. Bob Good (R-Va.), the chairman of the House Freedom Caucus, and his primary challenger, state Sen. John McGuire .
The race remains uncalled two days after the primary, with McGuire leading by 321 votes.
We’ll also learn more today about how much the Biden and Trump campaigns raised and spent last month when they file their latest campaign finance reports, which are due by midnight.
The Trump campaign and the Republican National Committee said they raised $141 million last month in the wake of Trump’s conviction for illegally concealing hush money payments to an adult-film actress ahead of the 2016 election.
Sen. Tina Smith (D-Minn.) plans to introduce legislation to end a provision of the Comstock Act that bans sending abortion-related materials through the mail that’s been on the books since 1873.
Smith’s office says the bill has already earned the support of Democrats in the Senate, including Sens. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) and Catherine Cortez Masto (D-Nev.). A companion bill will be introduced to the House by Rep. Becca Balint (D-Vt.), who said House Democratic leaders are likely to support it.
The Comstock Act is the subject of legal ambiguity in the post- Roe era, where the status of abortion differs among states. Antiabortion advocates have suggested that even in states where abortion is legal, the Comstock Act prevents abortion materials from being sent in the mail.
(Trump has not indicated his stance on the Comstock Act.)
Greer Donley , a University of Pittsburgh law professor, said that if Trump wins, he could choose to enforce the Comstock Act differently than the Biden administration.
It could even theoretically be possible to use the Comstock Act to prevent supplies for in-clinic abortion procedures from being mailed, forcing abortion providers to purchase their equipment and medicines only in person, effectively restricting abortion even in states where it remains legal.
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Me: How was camp today? My 4yo: A girl in my class is named Disgust. Me: What? 4yo: It's true. Her name is Disgust. Me: Are you sure? 4yo: Yes. Her name is Disgust. I pwomise. Me: Hmm. (Teacher walks by, along with "Disgust.") Teacher: "See you tomorrow Augusta!" 😂 — Jennifer Bendery (@jbendery) June 19, 2024
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What’s a book ban anyway depends on who you ask.
Elizabeth Blair
Librarian Sabrina Jesram arranges a display of books during Banned Books Week at a public library branch in New York City on Sept. 23, 2022. Ted Shaffrey/AP hide caption
"Book ban" is one of those headline-ready terms often used by the news media, including NPR, for stories about the surge in book challenges across the U.S.
The American Library Association launched its annual Banned Books Week in 1982. There are banned book clubs . States have introduced or passed laws that’ve been called bans on book bans . Meanwhile, many people fighting to get books removed from school libraries are not fans of the term book ban.
The practice of censoring books has been around for centuries . But what does it actually mean to ban a book today? The answer depends on who you ask. Here are a handful of definitions from people entrenched in the issue:
Kasey Meehan , program director of PEN America’s Freedom to Read (speaking at a video press conference in April) : “We define a book ban as any action taken against a book based on its content that leads to a previously accessible book being completely removed from availability for students or where access to a book is restricted or diminished. PEN is perhaps a bit unique, and that's in contrast to ALA [American Library Association] and some others, in that we do include books that have been removed while awaiting review as a ban. We include that because we know books are undergoing review. As long as they are removed from access for students, those books can be removed for weeks, months, upwards of a year as we've seen in some cases.”
NOTE: The American Enterprise Institute took exception to PEN America’s definition. A study AEI conducted for the Educational Freedom Institute looked at PEN America’s 2021-2022 “index of banned books” and found that “74 percent of the books” listed as banned “are listed as available in the same districts from which PEN America says those books were banned.”
Emily Drabinski, president of the American Library Association: “A ‘book ban’ is the removal of a title from a library because someone considers it harmful or dangerous. A ‘challenge’ is when someone raises an objection to a library material or a program or a service. ‘Reconsideration’ is the formal process libraries go through to determine whether a book meets the library's selection criteria. We reserve ‘book ban’ for… a book that meets that criteria when it has been removed from a collection entirely. … You often do find that books, they are challenged and then they undergo a review process and sometimes they end up being pulled and banned and other times they end up back on the shelves. I think sometimes our policymakers and many of the people who are active in the pro-censorship movement, they don't fully appreciate or understand the fact that many Americans, lots of them, don't have access to books in any other way except through their library, through their school or public or academic library. ”
Joe Tier, a self-described “concerned grandparent and parent living in Eldersburg, Maryland”: “I think [the term book ban is] designed to be inflammatory and to obfuscate the constructive dialogue that should occur about age appropriate content. It can be a dog whistle that's used to incite anger against those who are opposed to limiting sexually explicit content in public school libraries. … You really cannot ban anything, you know, material-wise these days because you have the Internet and you have PDFs. And so the term book ban is almost obsolete.”
Mustafa Akyol, senior fellow at the Cato Institute and author of Islam Without Extremes (banned in Malaysia in 2017): "When [a book] is banned, it's not available, so it's not legal to sell it. That's what a book ban means. … I was arrested at the Kuala Lumpur International Airport… After 18 hours of detainment by the Malaysian religion police, I was let go… Bookstores couldn't sell [ Islam Without Extremes ] in Malaysia. My book was not available… There might be some regimes who are even going after people for possessing a copy of the book… I don't think there are literal book bans in the United States. When a book is banned, literally the authority says this book is not legal. … Sometimes people use hyperbolic language to express their thoughts about a particular problem, and that might be a problem. And that divisive rhetoric then makes everything worse. So you cannot reasonably agree on some reasonable common ground and everybody becomes more and more strident and angry against each other. That in itself becomes a major problem for a democracy rather than just different opinion that people have on certain things.”
Mona Kerby, Master’s degree in School Librarianship coordinator at McDaniel College in Westminster, Maryland: “To me, ‘banned’ is the book's not on the shelf. But I could certainly see the different flavors of that word, and that’s why a discussion about ideas is always so enriching. …The few times I had some question about materials, those moments turned into wonderful opportunities between me and the parent just to discuss. And we both learned. So respecting one another's opinion and listening to another's opinion is not a bad skill to have.”
This story was edited for radio and digital by Meghan Collins Sullivan .
United Kingdom | Publication | November 2018
At the moment, a contract can prohibit or restrict the parties’ ability to assign or transfer rights created under the contract. The extent of the restriction is a matter of interpretation of the clause concerned. If one of the parties to the contract attempts to assign the benefit of the contract in breach of the restriction, the purported assignment is ineffective.
One of the key assets of any business is its receivables, and restrictions on assignment can prevent the parties from factoring receivables or otherwise raising finance on them. The Government has decided that it should be easier for businesses to raise finance on their receivables. Accordingly the Small Business, Enterprise and Employment Act 2015 allows regulations to be made to invalidate restrictions on the assignment of receivables in particular types of contract. The regulations have now been made. They are contained in The Business Contract Terms (Assignment of Receivables) Regulations 2018. Draft regulations published in July, have been approved by both Houses of Parliament and are now in force.
The Regulations apply to contracts for the supply of goods, services or intangible assets under which the supplier is entitled to be paid money. But there are a number of important exclusions from their application, including the following:
The Regulations provide that “a term in a contract has no effect to the extent that it prohibits or imposes a condition, or other restriction , on the assignment of a receivable arising under that contract or any other contract between the same parties.”
A receivable is the right to be paid any amount under a contract for the supply of goods, services, or intangible assets. The Regulations do not prevent the parties from restricting the assignment of other contract rights.
More difficult is to establish what is meant by assignment. Receivables are transferred in various ways in practice. Sometimes the transfer is outright (for instance by way of sale); and sometimes it is by way of security (for instance to secure a loan). The transfer may be effected by a statutory assignment, an equitable assignment, a charge or a trust. “Assignment” is not defined in the Regulations, and so there is some doubt as to which of these transactions are covered.
Although charges are not expressly referred to, they might be covered by the expression “assignment” if it is given a broad interpretation. But because of the uncertainty, the best course is to take an assignment by way of security over a receivable where there is, or might be, a restriction. That way, it is clear that the Regulations do apply.
Non-assignment clauses come in a variety of forms. They will be covered by the Regulations if they prohibit or impose a condition , or other restriction on the assignment of a receivable. The Regulations expressly invalidate terms which prevent the assignee from determining the validity or value of the receivable or their ability to enforce it. Whether or not the Regulations apply in any particular case will require an analysis of the precise terms of the restriction.
The Regulations will be of particular importance to businesses involved in the financing of receivables. And they will also be of concern to buyers because they will override their contractual protections.
Practice area:
Publication
A Warranty and Indemnity (W&I) policy is a specialist insurance product by which the buyer of a company or a business can insure against the risk that the target business is not in the state warranted by the vendor.
Global | June 20, 2024
We are delighted to be participating in Marine Money Week New York 2024. As one of the landmark events for the global shipping finance community, and with the global shipping and maritime industry at such a pivotal juncture, we look forward to catching up with clients and contacts to continue discussions around navigating the current challenges and opportunities.
Global | June 19, 2024
The Prime Minister has called for a General Election on July 4, 2024. This means an interruption to the legislative journey for many of the planned pension changes announced by the current government, and the possibility that those laws and policies may be delayed or not reintroduced at all in the next Parliament.
United Kingdom | June 19, 2024
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New York’s governor is considering a ban on face masks in the New York City subway system, following what she described as concerns over people shielding their identities while committing antisemitic acts. (AP Video: Ted Shaffrey)
FILE - A Pro-Palestinian protester tries to grab an American flag from Pro-Israel supporters as a police officer tries to interfere during a demonstration calling for economic blockade demanding a cease-fire on the Israel Palestinian conflict outside The New York Stock Exchange, on Monday, April 15, 2024, in New York. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul says she is considering a ban on face masks in the New York City subway system, following what she described as concerns over people shielding their identities while committing antisemitic acts. (AP Photo/Andres Kudacki, File)
Commuters wearing masks ride the subway in New York, Friday, June 14, 2024. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul says she is considering a ban on face masks in the New York City subway system, following what she described as concerns over people shielding their identities while committing antisemitic acts. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig)
Commuters, some wearing masks, wait for the subway in New York, Friday, June 14, 2024. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul says she is considering a ban on face masks in the New York City subway system, following what she described as concerns over people shielding their identities while committing antisemitic acts. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig)
A commuter wearing a mask waits for the subway in New York, Friday, June 14, 2024. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul says she is considering a ban on face masks in the New York City subway system, following what she described as concerns over people shielding their identities while committing antisemitic acts. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig)
FILE - Police officers patrol a subway station in New York, Tuesday, April 12, 2022. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul says she is considering a ban on face masks in the New York City subway system, following what she described as concerns over people shielding their identities while committing antisemitic acts. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig, File)
FILE - Acting MTA Chairman and CEO Janno Lieber, left, gives New York Gov. Kathy Hochul, second from left, tour of subway tunnels built in the 70’s that will be part of phase 2 of the Second Ave Subway expansion project, Tuesday, Nov. 23, 2021, in New York.New York Gov. Kathy Hochul says she is considering a ban on face masks in the New York City subway system, following what she described as concerns over people shielding their identities while committing antisemitic acts. (AP Photo/Mary Altaffer, File)
FILE - In this Tuesday, Nov. 17, 2020, file photo, Patrick Foye, Chairman and CEO of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority, hands out face masks on a New York City subway. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul says she is considering a ban on face masks in the New York City subway system, following what she described as concerns over people shielding their identities while committing antisemitic acts. (AP Photo/Mark Lennihan, File)
Commuters, one wearing a mask, ride the subway in New York, Friday, June 14, 2024. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul says she is considering a ban on face masks in the New York City subway system, following what she described as concerns over people shielding their identities while committing antisemitic acts. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig)
Commuters, one wearing a mask, wait for the subway in New York, Friday, June 14, 2024. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul says she is considering a ban on face masks in the New York City subway system, following what she described as concerns over people shielding their identities while committing antisemitic acts. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig)
A woman wearing a mask waits for the subway in New York, Friday, June 14, 2024. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul says she is considering a ban on face masks in the New York City subway system, following what she described as concerns over people shielding their identities while committing antisemitic acts. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig)
Commuters, one wearing a mask, wait to board the subway in New York, Friday, June 14, 2024. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul says she is considering a ban on face masks in the New York City subway system, following what she described as concerns over people shielding their identities while committing antisemitic acts. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig)
FILE - Commuters wear face masks and social distance while riding an M Train, Tuesday, March 9, 2021, in New York’s subway system. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul says she is considering a ban on face masks in the New York City subway system, following what she described as concerns over people shielding their identities while committing antisemitic acts. (AP Photo/Mary Altaffer, File)
NEW YORK (AP) — A new proposal by Gov. Kathy Hochul to ban masks on the New York subway is drawing backlash from civil liberties groups and disability advocates, reviving a long-standing debate about the right to anonymous protest that has only grown more complex since the pandemic.
Hochul, a Democrat, backed the idea this week following a spate of confrontations involving masked pro-Palestinian activists that the governor and others have characterized as antisemitic. She said the legislation — which has not yet been crafted — would include “common-sense exemptions” for those who cover their faces for medical or religious reasons.
If the ban does go into effect, New York would join a growing number of states that have embraced laws against public masking to clamp down on activists who conceal their faces at protests.
But the new restrictions raise constitutional questions, according to Jay Stanley, a policy director at the American Civil Liberties Union, since they appear aimed at stopping a specific group from an activity that is widely practiced by members of the public.
“Because mask wearing is such a broad activity, done by so many people for so many reasons, it creates a real danger of selective prosecution against disfavored groups,” he said, adding that “COVID completely scrambled the contours of the debate over arcane mask laws.”
New York previously banned public mask-wearing by groups of three people or more under a law dating back to the 19th century, when upstate tenant farmers dressed as Native Americans and rose up violently against landlords. The law was lifted when COVID-19 struck.
Until two years ago, riders were required to wear masks on public transit.
The effort to reinstate the ban has also rankled the many people who still mask on the subway to protect themselves from the virus, spurring a campaign among disability advocates to pressure Hochul’s office against the idea.
Jason Roth, a Brooklyn resident who suffers from an autoimmune disease, said the measure would only “further stigmatize people who continue to mask,” even if it did include exemptions.
“We don’t feel welcome on public transit already,” he said. “Why should I now have to prove to anyone else that I wear a mask because of a medical condition?”
As protests have grown against Israel’s war in Gaza , a younger generation of activists are increasingly obscuring their faces for reasons unrelated to the virus, citing the threat of harassment and retaliation from universities, employers and other sources, as well as the growing use of facial recognition by police.
But officials argue the tactic emboldens bad actors. Earlier this week, a group of protesters — some wearing traditional Palestinian scarves, known as keffiyehs, over their faces — were seen on video asking whether any passengers aboard a crowded subway were Zionists, telling them: “This is your chance to get out.”
In an interview Thursday on CNN, Hochul said the “unacceptable” incident had pushed her to look at restoring the ban on masks.
“You’re sitting on a subway and someone puts on a mask like this and comes in, you don’t know if they’re going to be committing a crime, they’re going to have a gun, or whether they’re just going to be threatening or intimidating you because you are Jewish, which is exactly what happened the other day,” she said.
Still, it’s unclear whether specific passengers on the car were targeted for their religious or political identities.
Long before the pandemic, the statute against mask-wearing had drawn allegations of selective enforcement, sparking a series of legal challenges that argued the law violated the right to anonymous speech.
One of the highest-profile challenges came in 1999, when the Ku Klux Klan sued the city in order to stage a Manhattan rally in their traditional hoods and robes. After a federal judge sided with the Klan, an appeals court reversed the ruling, noting the state’s right to “regulate conduct that it legitimately considers potentially dangerous.”
More recently, supporters of the Russian feminist band Pussy Riot sought to overturn the law after they were arrested for protesting in New York while wearing balaclavas. The city ultimately dropped charges against the protesters, nullifying the lawsuit.
Norman Siegel, a civil rights attorney who represented both the Klan and the Pussy Riot supporters, said Hochul’s attempts to ban masks on public transit could open up another avenue to challenge the law.
“I understand what they’re trying to do, but we have a long history of peaceful protest and anonymous speech,” Siegel said. “There are major First Amendment implications at stake here.”
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We want to hear from you — students, parents and teachers — about a growing push to limit smartphone usage in schools.
By Emily Cochrane
Gov. Gavin Newsom of California on Tuesday became the latest state leader to back a ban on smartphones in schools, joining a growing, bipartisan call to limit them in the classroom.
Similar restrictions are already in place statewide in places like Florida and Indiana . Elsewhere, individual school districts or schools have instituted policies on their own. And more could follow: Gov. Kathy Hochul of New York has said she plans to pursue a similar ban next year.
We want a better understanding of what this policy means for students, parents and teachers. How has the ban been implemented in the classroom, and what does enforcement look like? Has it changed things in the classroom?
We’re especially interested in hearing from people in areas where such a ban is already in place.
We won’t publish any part of your response without following up and hearing back from you to learn more. Your contact information won’t be shared outside of the Times newsroom, or used for anything other than to get in touch with you.
If you’re a student, please fill out this form only if you are 14 or older. If you are between the ages of 14 and 17, a reporter will ask to get in touch with your parent or guardian before talking with you further.
Emily Cochrane is a national reporter for The Times covering the American South, based in Nashville. More about Emily Cochrane
The nation’s second largest school district has had enough of cellphones. The Los Angeles Unified School District board of education voted on Tuesday to ban students from using smartphones—a move that will take the devices out of the hands of tens of thousands of students during the school day.
The news comes as California’s governor signals support for statewide restrictions on smartphones in schools , and the U.S. surgeon general has called on Congress to require a warning label on social media , similar to what appears on tobacco and alcohol products.
While the movement to restrict cellphones in classrooms has been gaining steam in both districts and statehouses , Los Angeles Unified, with 429,000 students who comprise one of most ethnically, racially, and linguistically diverse school systems, becomes the largest district to adopt a full-fledged ban on phones during the school day in an effort to improve students’ learning and well-being.
“When coupled with social media, phones are a harmful vehicle that negatively impacts young people,” said Alberto Carvalho, the superintendent of LAUSD, in a statement.
The resolution passed by the school board requires the district to implement the policy by January 2025. The exact details of the ban are yet to be determined by the district.
The ban will cover the entire school day. District leaders see the devices as having a corrosive effect on more than just students’ learning.
“When I visit campuses during lunchtime, my heart breaks to see students sitting alone, isolated on their phones instead of engaging and learning with their peers,” said board member Tanya Ortiz Franklin in a statement. The resolution, she said, “marks a significant step towards fostering a culture of face-to-face interactions and building a stronger, more connected, and positive school community.”
Cellphones have emerged as among the most animating issues in K-12 education as schools struggle to find their footing as personal devices have proliferated.
About half of U.S. children get their first cellphone by age 11, and around 9-in-10 teenagers have their own cellphone, according to a 2023 report from Common Sense Media , a nonprofit that focuses on the impacts of technology on young people.
Many educators believe that cellphones, and the near constant access they provide to social media and messaging services, are a major—if not the driving—force behind students’ academic, behavioral, and mental health problems. However, research on the issue is still emerging and decidedly mixed.
A nationally representative survey of educators last fall by the EdWeek Research Center found that teachers were more likely to support cellphone bans than principals and district leaders . Twenty-four percent of teachers said that cellphones should be banned on campus compared with 21 percent of principals and 14 percent of district leaders.
Nine percent of teachers, principals, and district leaders said that cellphones were banned on high school campuses.
There are a lot of nuances education leaders should be aware of when crafting cellphone policies, said Merve Lapus, the vice president of education outreach and engagement at Common Sense Media.
For example, students in schools with aging devices may be relying on their personal cellphones to access important educational tools, Lapus said, and all-out bans can raise tricky issues around equity.
“I think it’s being able to recognize what are the needs of your community and what are you really able to really provide, those are fundamental questions that should be asked before just throwing the ban down,” he said. “I think it’s coming from a good place, we want our kids to focus and really be fully present in the learning experience, not just for the academic needs but for the social importance. But there are some things that need to be considered.”
While cellphone bans will eliminate distractions while students are in school—research by Common Sense Media has found that teens receive a median of 273 notifications on their phones a day —it’s not going to solve all problems, Lapus said.
“Just cutting off the phones doesn’t really change what kids are going to go through when they are back at home—it just delays it for a bit,” he said. “If we want to really make changes, we need to look at legislation that holds these platforms more accountable.”
Schools also need to continue to teach students healthy tech habits to help them manage their cellphone and social media use, even if they no longer have access to their devices during school hours, Lapus said.
If California were to pass some statewide restrictions on cellphones in schools, which Gov. Gavin Newsom has called for, it would join a small but growing number of states to do so.
Florida became the first state to ban cellphones last year in classrooms, and Indiana followed suit in April. Ohio passed a law in May that doesn’t outright ban cellphones but does require districts in the state to create cellphone policies that will minimize students’ use of the devices. As many as eight other state legislatures have considered bills this past spring that would have prohibited students from using cellphones in class.
Utah’s governor has also expressed support for a school cellphone ban in his state.
Even though cellphones have become a major headache for educators, there are still educators who are hesitant to embrace outright bans, especially at the state level.
One prominent argument is that students must learn to manage their devices and the distractions they cause so they’re prepared for college and work . Others—in particular district leaders—would prefer the decision to ban cellphones be left to schools.
In a statement to the Associated Press, the California School Boards Association said that these decisions should be made at the local level, reflecting individual community concerns.
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By Melissa Quinn
Updated on: June 14, 2024 / 7:37 PM EDT / CBS News
Washington — The Supreme Court on Friday invalidated a federal rule enacted during the Trump administration that outlawed bump stocks , devices that greatly increase the rate of fire of semi-automatic weapons.
The 6-3 ruling found that the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives exceeded its authority when it issued the ban in 2018, following the 2017 mass shooting at a music festival in Las Vegas, the deadliest in U.S. history. Justice Clarence Thomas delivered the opinion of the court, which split along ideological lines. Justice Sonia Sotomayor read her dissenting opinion from the bench.
"This case asks whether a bump stock — an accessory for a semiautomatic rifle that allows the shooter to rapidly reengage the trigger (and therefore achieve a high rate of fire) — converts the rifle into a 'machine gun.' We hold that it does not," Thomas wrote for the conservative majority.
The court's ruling unwinds one of the few actions the federal government has taken in recent years to combat gun violence, since Republicans in Congress have opposed comprehensive firearms restrictions. The case did not involve the Second Amendment, but was one of several before the justices this term involving federal regulatory power.
Thomas' majority opinion was highly technical, delving into the mechanics and components of a semi-automatic weapon. It included several graphics showing how the firearms operate.
The court ultimately concluded that for a semi-automatic rifle outfitted with a bump stock, the trigger must be released and reengaged to fire each additional shot, actions that differentiate it from a machine gun, in which a shooter can fire continuously by engaging the trigger once. Machine guns are banned under federal law.
"A bump stock merely reduces the amount of time that elapses between separate 'functions' of the trigger," Thomas wrote for the majority. "The bump stock makes it easier for the shooter to move the firearm back toward his shoulder and thereby release pressure from the trigger and reset it. And, it helps the shooter press the trigger against his finger very quickly thereafter. A bump stock does not convert a semiautomatic rifle into a machine gun any more than a shooter with a lightning-fast trigger finger does."
In a dissenting opinion joined by Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson, Sotomayor stressed that a rifle equipped with a bump stock can fire at a rate of 400 to 800 rounds per minute and wrote that the textual evidence presented shows that a bump-stock-outfitted weapon is a machine gun.
"The majority's reading flies in the face of this court's standard tools of statutory interpretation," Sotomayor wrote. "By casting aside the statute's ordinary meaning both at the time of its enactment and today, the majority eviscerates Congress's regulation of machine guns and enables gun users and manufacturers to circumvent federal law."
She warned that the ruling will have "deadly consequences" by hamstringing the government's efforts to "keep machine guns from gunmen like the Las Vegas shooter."
In response to the decision, President Biden urged Congress to pass legislation that would ban bump stocks and assault weapons, which he vowed to sign.
"Today's decision strikes down an important gun safety regulation," Mr. Biden said in a statement. "Americans should not have to live in fear of this mass devastation."
Steven Dettelbach, ATF director, said the agency is ready to work with Congress to ensure bump stocks "no longer pose a threat to American law enforcement and the people they protect."
Mark Chenoweth, president of the New Civil Liberties Alliance, which represented the Texas man who challenged the ban, cheered the decision and said it reaffirmed their position that ATF didn't have the power to rewrite laws.
"The statute Congress passed did not ban bump stocks, and ATF does not have the power to do so on its own," he said in a statement. "This result is completely consistent with the Constitution's assignment of all legislative power to Congress. Bump-stock opponents should direct any views at Congress, not the court, which faithfully applied the statute in front of it."
Bump stocks are attachments that increase the rate of fire of semi-automatic rifles to hundreds of rounds per minute. The case, known as Garland v. Cargill, focused on whether the ATF went too far when it banned the devices in 2018 after determining that the definition of a "machine gun" in a 1934 law encompassed bump stocks.
ATF had on numerous occasions between 2008 and 2017 determined that bump stocks didn't qualify as machine guns and weren't regulated under the relevant law. But the bureau changed its position following the 2017 mass shooting at the Route 91 Harvest Musical Festival, where a gunman killed 58 people and another 500 were injured and after which Congress failed to take action to regulate the devices.
The shooter used semi-automatic weapons outfitted with bump stocks, allowing him to fire up to 1,000 rounds of ammunition in 11 minutes, according to the FBI.
Issued in December 2018, the new rule stated that a rifle equipped with a bump stock qualifies as a machine gun in part because when a shooter pulls the trigger, it initiates a firing sequence that produces more than one shot. That firing sequence is "automatic" because "the device harnesses the firearm's recoil energy as part of a continuous back-and-forth cycle that allows the shooter to attain continuous firing after a single pull of the trigger."
Bump stocks replace the standard stock of a semi-automatic rifle and allow the rest of the gun to move back and forth while the stock stays in place. When the gun is fired and the shooter applies forward pressure on the barrel, the rifle recoils back into the stock and bounces forward again, "bumping" the trigger into the shooter's finger and firing another round.
The rule from the Trump administration took effect in March 2019. Those who already owned bump stocks were required to destroy or surender the devices to the ATF or face criminal penalties.
During the agency rulemaking process, Michael Cargill bought two bump stocks. After the ban was enacted, he surrendered the devices to ATF and brought a lawsuit against the government in federal court in Texas.
A U.S. district court and three-judge appeals court panel ruled for the ATF, but the full slate of judges on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit invalidated the bump stock ban.
Cargill's case was not the only challenge to the regulation. Another bump stock owner prevailed before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 6th Circuit, but a three-judge appeals court panel in Washington, D.C., upheld the ban after determining that a bump stock is a machine gun under federal law.
The Biden administration backed the bump stock ban and urged the Supreme Court to leave the policy in place. Rifles equipped with the devices are "dangerous and unusual weapons," Justice Department lawyers argued, saying that bump stocks allow the ban on machine guns implemented in 1986 to be circumvented.
The Supreme Court's majority pushed back on the dissenters' notion that its decision allows the federal ban on machine guns to be circumvented, arguing that the statute still regulates traditional machine guns.
"The fact that it does not capture other weapons capable of a high rate of fire plainly does not render the law useless," Thomas wrote. "Moreover, it is difficult to understand how ATF can plausibly argue otherwise, given that its consistent position for almost a decade in numerous separate decisions was that [the law] does not capture semiautomatic rifles equipped with bump stocks."
The majority also noted that Congress could have linked the definition of "machine gun" to a weapon's rate of fire, but instead enacted a federal law that turns on whether a firearm can fire more than one shot "automatically" through a single function of the trigger.
In a concurring opinion, Justice Samuel Alito also put the onus on Congress and said the tragedy in Las Vegas bolstered the case for amending the 1934 law, the National Firearms Act, that ATF relied on to outlaw bump stocks.
"There is a simple remedy for the disparate treatment of bump stocks and machine guns," Alito wrote. "Congress can amend the law — and perhaps would have done so already if ATF had stuck with its earlier interpretation. Now that the situation is clear, Congress can act."
But the decision sparked backlash from gun violence prevention groups, which said it puts people at risk.
"Guns outfitted with bump stocks fire like machine guns, they kill like machine guns, and they should be banned like machine guns — but the Supreme Court just decided to put these deadly devices back on the market," John Feinblatt, president of Everytown for Gun Safety, said in a statement. "We urge Congress to right this wrong and pass bipartisan legislation banning bump stocks, which are accessories of war that have no place in our communities."
Melissa Quinn is a politics reporter for CBSNews.com. She has written for outlets including the Washington Examiner, Daily Signal and Alexandria Times. Melissa covers U.S. politics, with a focus on the Supreme Court and federal courts.
COMMENTS
A ban on assignment is a prohibition contained in a contract of sale or supply (Contract) between a customer and its debtor restricting one or both parties from assigning (whether by way of outright disposal or by way of security) certain
Non-assignment clauses come in a variety of forms. They will be covered by the Regulations if they prohibit or impose a condition, or other restriction on the assignment of a receivable. The Regulations expressly invalidate terms which prevent the assignee from determining the validity or value of the receivable or their ability to enforce it.
Non-assignment clauses come in a variety of forms. They will be covered by the Regulations if they prohibit or impose a condition, or other restriction on the assignment of a receivable. The Regulations expressly invalidate terms which prevent the assignee from determining the validity or value of the receivable or their ability to enforce it.
Asset Acquisition: In an asset acquisition the buyer only acquires those assets and liabilities of a target that are specifically listed in the Asset Purchase Agreement. Any agreement that has an ...
An anti-assignment clause declaring void an assignment made in violation of that clause is categorized as a clause restricting the power to assign, while those that do not are typically viewed as only limiting the right to assign. [7] Of course, if the contract permits the non-breaching party to terminate upon breach of the contract by the ...
Care should however, be taken in all circumstances where the underlying contract contains a ban on assignment, as the contract counterparty would not have to recognise an assignment that is made in contravention of that ban. Furthermore, that contravention in itself may trigger termination and/or other rights in the assigned contract, that ...
Nullification of a ban on invoice assignment clauses was proposed in the form of a power of a Secretary of State to make Regulations in clause 1 of the Small Business, Enterprise and Employment Bill (SMEE Bill). At the beginning of the year BIS conducted consultation on the Bill, which closed in February 2015.
Treatment. Where an effective ban on assignment exists, all of the debt due from that customer should be reserved unless a suitable waiver is obtained from the debtor. This limitation applies to both Disclosed and Confidential facilities. N.B. Where concentration is low there may be occasions where a waiver is not required and credit will take ...
Historically a contract for the supply of goods or services often contained a clause that prevented the supplier from assigning a right under a contract to a third party for funding. For example ...
Bans on assignment, contractually imposed by powerful purchasers, have long reduced the availability of invoice finance to SMEs when acting as suppliers of goods and services. With such bans in place the resulting invoiced debts cannot be used as collateral for funding under factoring or invoice discounting agreements, unless costly and time ...
View the related News about Ban on assignment The Business Contract Terms (Assignment of Receivables) Regulations 2018 and the construction industry. Construction analysis: Stephen Rockhill, partner in the construction and engineering team at Stevens & Bolton, considers what impact the Business...
Nonetheless, " [w]hen an anti-assignment clause includes language referencing an assignment 'by operation of law,' Delaware courts generally agree that the clause applies to mergers in which the contracting company is not the surviving entity.". [3] Here the anti-assignment clause in the original acquisition agreement did purport to ...
Ban on Assignment. It is a clause in a contract between a vendor and a buyer which prevents the vendor from assigning the related receivables. It can make ineffective any assignment of the receivables arising out of the contract. In some legal environments, the factoring agreement may overrule the ban on assignment. ...
The ban on assignment is known as Assignment of Receivables Regulations 2018 (the "Regulations") this is now are in force. The Regulations are intended to make it easier for small businesses to access receivables -based finance by making ineffective any prohibitions, conditions and restrictions on the assignment of receivables arising under ...
What is an assignment clause? The anti-assignment clause states that neither party can transfer or assign the agreement without the consent of the other party. On a basic level, that makes sense - after all, if you sign a contract with a specific party, you don't expect to be entering into an agreement with a third party you didn't intend ...
Non-assignment clauses come in a variety of forms. They will be covered by the Regulations if they prohibit or impose a condition, or other restriction on the assignment of a receivable. The Regulations expressly invalidate terms which prevent the assignee from determining the validity or value of the receivable or their ability to enforce it.
Below Steve Noble, COO at Ultimate Finance, offers insight into the potential changes ahead and the way these will impact business and financing.. Ongoing Brexit discussions may mean it seems much longer ago, but in November both Houses of Parliament passed legislation to end Bans of Assignment contractual clauses.
Related to Ban on Assignment. Limitation on Assignment This Agreement is personal to the Participant and, except as otherwise provided in Section 5 above, shall not be assignable by the Participant otherwise than by will or the laws of descent and distribution, without the written consent of the Company executed by a Senior Vice President or above of UL Solutions Inc.
The big RPOs are the worst culprits for using ban on assignment clauses. Most of the time the requirement for these clauses is passed down from the client, which can determine how negotiable they are. If the RPO and/or the end client won't remove the clause, it can mean the Recruitment Business can't raise finance against any invoices ...
Cite. Ban on Assignment means, for the purposes of any Assignment under this Agreement, any requirement of any prior consent from the relevant Debtor or from any third parties which would validly prevent the legal transfer of the Receivable if such consent would not be obtained. Sample 1 Sample 2 Sample 3. Based on 4 documents.
In a series of white papers, ASA challenged the employer community regarding their assignment limit policies claiming that "the length of a temporary assignment" is only one, of multiple factors, important to establishing the employee- employer status and does not in and of itself mitigate the risk of misclassification. They wisely noted ...
Good morning, Early Birds. The ABC News correspondent Bill Stewart was murdered by a government soldier while on assignment in Nicaragua 45 years ago today. Send tips to [email protected] ...
Kasey Meehan, program director of PEN America's Freedom to Read (speaking at a video press conference in April) : "We define a book ban as any action taken against a book based on its content ...
At the moment, a contract can prohibit or restrict the parties' ability to assign or transfer rights created under the contract.
A new proposal by Gov. Kathy Hochul to ban masks on the New York subway is drawing pushback from disability advocates and civil liberties, who say the measure could violate the right to protest anonymously. ... Offenhartz is a general assignment reporter in the New York City bureau of The Associated Press. twitter mailto The Associated Press is ...
Gov. Gavin Newsom of California on Tuesday became the latest state leader to back a ban on smartphones in schools, joining a growing, bipartisan call to limit them in the classroom.
The Supreme Court on Friday struck down a federal ban on bump stocks approved by former President Donald Trump, the high court's latest stroke limiting the power of federal agencies to act on ...
The exact details of the ban are yet to be determined by the district. The ban will cover the entire school day. District leaders see the devices as having a corrosive effect on more than just ...
Supreme Court overturns ban on bump stocks 02:23. ... "This result is completely consistent with the Constitution's assignment of all legislative power to Congress. Bump-stock opponents should ...
Germany captain Ilkay Gundogan suffered no ill effects as a result of Ryan Porteous' woeful tackle that deservedly earned the Scotland defender a straight red card and now a two-game ban, and he ...