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Ethics for Wildlife Conservation: Overcoming the Human–Nature Dualism

Barbara Paterson (e-mail [email protected] ) is with the Avian Demography Unit, Department of Statistical Sciences, University of Cape Town, Rondebosch 7701, South Africa

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Barbara Paterson, Ethics for Wildlife Conservation: Overcoming the Human–Nature Dualism, BioScience , Volume 56, Issue 2, February 2006, Pages 144–150, https://doi.org/10.1641/0006-3568(2006)056[0144:EFWCOT]2.0.CO;2

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This article contrasts the instrumental-value approach, extensionist approach, and biocentric approach to environmental ethics with the Buddhist approach of Daisaku Ikeda in terms of their meaning for wildlife conservation. I argue that both anthropocentric and biocentric approaches create a false dichotomy between humans and nature and are not helpful to modern wildlife conservation, which aims to balance the needs of people with the conservation of nature. The views of Daisaku Ikeda, in particular the principle of dependent origination and the theory of the oneness of life and its environment, constitute one alternative approach that does not separate humans from the natural world but places people within the web of all living things.

Although there is disagreement regarding the proper human relationship toward the rest of the natural world, most conservationists agree that biological diversity is valuable and that the extinction of species should be avoided where possible ( Cafaro and Primack 2001 ). Justifications for these principles vary, ranging from arguments that emphasize the instrumental value of other species for humans to ethical theories that assert that wild species have intrinsic value.

In the face of increasing human population and the related pressures on nonhuman species and their habitats, conservation efforts have to reconcile the conservation of nature with the needs of people. Especially in developing countries, people's livelihoods depend on the extraction of natural resources. It is therefore not surprising that arguments for the conservation of wildlife stress the instrumental value that certain species have for people, a value that can often be translated into economic terms. Such reasoning does not necessarily support the reckless exploitation of the environment. Rather, these arguments support the idea that species should be carefully managed as natural resources for human benefit. In fact, most international environmental policymaking is underpinned by a broadly anthropocentric approach to environmental value. At the level of popular political debate, the ethical agenda is largely composed of resource management concerns ( Palmer 2003 ). The most commonly cited definition of sustainable development as “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” ( WCED 1987 ) is anthropocentric ( Cafaro and Primack 2001 ). Accordingly, it can be argued that species deserve to be protected and conserved insofar as they are good for people. The preamble to the Convention on Biodiversity, however, affirms the intrinsic value of biological diversity even before listing other values such as ecological, genetic, and economic value ( SCBD 2003 ).

The question of whether intrinsic value can indeed be found in anything but human beings is controversial. The debate on environmental ethics is thus largely concerned with finding out whether intrinsic value in nonhumans is possible or even necessary in order to develop universal theories why humans should protect their natural environment. This theoretical debate on whether nonhumans have value independent of humans is criticized by environmental pragmatists, who claim that while philosophers argue, the environment burns.

In this article I contrast four categories of approaches toward environmental ethics—the instrumental-value approach, the extensionist approach, the biocentric approach, and the Buddhist approach of Daisaku Ikeda—and identify the meaning of each of these approaches for wildlife conservation. I argue that both anthropocentric and biocentric approaches to environmental ethics create a false dichotomy between humans and nature and are thus not useful as an underpinning for modern wildlife conservation policies, which aim to balance the needs of people with the conservation of nature. The views of Daisaku Ikeda, particularly the principle of dependent origination and the theory of the oneness of life and its environment, are one alternative approach that does not separate humans from the natural world but places people within the web of all living things.

Instrumental value in wildlife: What species are good for

There are several frequently employed arguments for the conservation of wild species. These arguments have in common that they focus on the value species have for humans. Arguments that stress the instrumental value of species for human well-being are called anthropocentric. In this view, wild species are only good inasmuch as they are good for something, that is, have a use or a value for humans. Such a value may be economic ( Myers 1983 ). Some wildlife species are of high economic value for tourism, hunting, and live sale ( Child 1970 ). The value of an animal in a live sale or the value of a hunting trophy can be expressed in direct cash terms. Indirect economic values accrue from the roles species play in recreation and ecotourism, waste disposal, climate regulation, and protection of soil and water resources.

Species also have aesthetic value in that they contribute to the diversity and beauty of the planet ( Myers 1979a ). The safari and ecotourism industries attest to the aesthetic value people attach to particular wildlife species, which causes tourists to travel large distances and to pay large amounts of money for game-viewing safaris. At least for developed nations, where opportunities to observe wildlife are steadily decreasing, it can be said that the quality of life will decline substantially with the loss of species diversity. In many developing countries, game viewing and trophy hunting generate considerable sums of money, and the aesthetic value of wildlife can thus be directly linked to an economic value.

An interesting question arises here, namely, to what degree and in what way do tribal communities see wildlife as valuable for quality of life? Members of developed nations translate the wildlife experience into a monetary value for local communities. But what value do the local communities attach to wildlife? Newmark and colleagues (1993) have shown that the support for or opposition to protected areas in Tanzania by neighboring community members is based on economic values, as had previously been found in Rwanda and Brazil. Kangwana and Mako (2001) , on the other hand, state that later surveys indicate “that people living around the [Tarangire National] Park hold cultural values which drive their desire to see that wildlife continues to exist in their surroundings” and that “wildlife is seen [by local people] as having a value beyond its simple economic costs and benefits.” In Namibia, traditional tribal authorities support the establishment of protected areas to help wildlife return to their homelands (Mauney 2004).

Nature and wildlife are also a great philosophical and spiritual resource, serving as inspiration for religious, philosophical, and spiritual thought and experience. This is not only true for the direct experience of wildlife; the mere idea that we share the Earth with blue whales, orangutans, and cheetahs, for example, can be inspiring. What is valued here is the simple possibility that a species exists and survives, although one might never see it ( Fisher 2001 ).

Many species, including endangered ones, are expected to have agricultural, industrial, and medical benefits. To lose such species diminishes the genetic stock of wild animals, so it is prudent to save them. We might not know now which species will turn out to be useful in the future; therefore, protection should extend from the current obviously useful species to those that are currently considered less useful. Myers (1979b) urges us to “conserve our global stock,” to conserve species in order to protect useful genetic material. The purpose of protecting species is thus for their “enlightened exploitation” ( Rolston 2001 ).

It is frequently argued that many species that are not necessarily directly useful to humans still play important roles in the ecosystem. Although the loss of a few species might not be too serious now, the loss of many species will threaten the processes and interdependencies of the ecosystem on which we as humans depend, in ways that cannot possibly be foreseen. Thus species are part of a life-support system: Earth is seen as a biological habitat or home. Every species contributes to the planet's biodiversity, which keeps ecosystems healthy ( Ehrlich and Ehrlich 1982 ).

Species also serve as indicators of ecosystem health. We need to study species and their roles within ecosystems to understand their interdependencies and to predict the impacts of our actions on the environment. Species offer clues to understanding natural history and thus have historical value as records of past processes. This argument views species as a biological Rosetta stone that may enable the deciphering of the hieroglyphs of natural history ( Rolston 2001 ). According to this argument, species have scientific value because they provide humans with insights into the text of natural history, which humans need in order to understand their own environment. Some species are curiosities and a source of fascination to enthusiastic naturalists. Generally speaking, wildlife species can be a basis for creative and intellectual thought. One of the outcomes of such thought is a better-informed perspective on the natural history of the planet and its life-forms.

Arguments centering on the instrumental value of wildlife provide a basis for valuing and protecting species. Nonetheless, arguments for the conservation of species that are based on instrumental value are problematic for conservation workers, because they put the onus of proof on the side of the conservator. Conservationists have to explicitly and successfully show that a species is worth protecting because of its value to humans; otherwise, it may well be assumed that that there is no such value. Thus this line of argument, if used alone, presents ongoing challenges for endangered species conservation, since many rare and endangered species have little instrumental value. Moreover, arguments based on instrumental value can also provide grounds for extinguishing species (e.g., pests) or for saving one species rather than another (e.g., when resources are constrained).

Forced to prove the value of wild species, many conservationists favor the economic argument, because economic value can be measured in objective terms. The economic returns to be gained from species conservation can be expressed in monetary terms, thus providing powerful arguments. In comparison, the scientific argument, the ecosystem argument, and the aesthetic argument are considered “unlikely to stand up against man-made pressures to modify and disrupt natural environments” ( Myers 1979a ). Consequently, it is argued that wildlife must pay its way, and economic benefits must be stressed to ensure that wildlife will survive in the face of other profitable forms of land use. This view takes for granted the manmade pressures for environmental change. Although the instrumental-value approach is based on the need to conserve species as resources for the benefit of people, this view is underpinned by a negative concept of humanity. Humans are seen as driven first and foremost by self-interest. Without external checks, such as incentives, benefits, or legislation, we are, according to this view, in profound conflict with each other and with our natural environment. This view of humanity and of ethical behavior is fundamentally pessimistic. Its conclusion is that we cannot rely on members of our own species in order to protect endangered species unless we make use of the very character traits that endangered them in the first place.

Intrinsic value in wildlife: Why we ought to protect species

Richard Routley, who later changed his last name to Sylvan, argued that positions that only stress the instrumental value of nonhuman species do not provide sufficient ground for environmental ethics. He presented the “last man” argument, a thought experiment in which he asked if the last person on Earth, well knowing that no human being will ever inhabit the planet afterward and equipped with the means to eliminate all life on the planet, would be justified in doing so. Sylvan suggests that most people would intuitively say “no” and call such destructive behavior morally wrong, although no human being would remain to experience the consequences ( Sylvan 1998 ). This suggests that there is value in species independent of their use for humans. Whether or not intrinsic value can exist in anything other than human life, however, is debatable. Unlike economic value, which is measurable, intrinsic value is difficult to express and to prove.

Extensionist environmental ethics

One way of identifying the intrinsic value of nonhumans is to extend traditional moral theory, which concerns itself with interaction between humans, to include members of other species, stressing their similarities to humans. The search for features common to humans and other animals is an attempt at building a particular type of moral community. Most people have no difficulty in recognizing the moral bond between parents and children, for example, or between friends or partners. As we extend moral obligations beyond the boundaries of our immediate environment, we naturally look for features that give an inferential foundation for this extension. Consequently, so-called extensionist arguments ask what qualities give intrinsic value to humans, and then assert that some other beings possess these qualities, too. In the Kantian tradition, this moral criterion is rationality ( Downie 1995 ), and one common justification for valuing animals intrinsically is that some have been shown to possess some rudimentary form of reasoning. Chimpanzees and gorillas have been taught sign language; some predators, such as wolves and lions, have the ability to coordinate hunts; dolphins, whales, and other cetaceans send complex signals that we are only beginning to understand. But basing intrinsic value on these abstract capacities seems to rule out most animals, including most invertebrate species.

Another moral criterion is sentience ( Singer 2001 ). The argument is that because animals share the ability to experience their environment and to suffer, human actions that inflict suffering on animals are morally wrong. Using sentience as the moral criterion does include a wider class of animals within an extended ethical domain, but still restricts it to sentient animals. Plants, fungi, and single-celled organisms are effectively ruled out.

What is common to all extensionist theories is that they take the ego as the point of departure: I am intrinsically valuable because I possess the moral criterion, and I must grant others who possess the criterion the same rights. The problem with this line of argument is obvious: The scope of moral consideration will either extend only to some but not all species or lead to a very demanding code of conduct, since it is then morally wrong for humans to kill individuals of any species, unless justified through an appeal to our own survival. What is more, extensionist arguments focus on individual organisms rather than on whole species. Such individualist approaches allow no moral consideration of animal or plant populations, or of endemic, rare, or endangered species, let alone biotic communities or ecosystems, because entities and aggregations such as these have no apparent psychological experience. Conservationists, however, are concerned with the conservation of species and ecosystems rather than individual animals. Hence it is questionable whether these individualistic approaches can serve as an ethical underpinning for wildlife conservation ( Cafaro and Primack 2001 ).

Holistic environmental ethics

In contrast with individualistic environmental ethicists, other ethicists state that viewing nature as an aggregation of individuals is a distortion that does not appreciate nature's organic, integrated, and dynamic character ( Palmer 2003 ). It is for this reason, among others, that some ethicists argue a completely new ethics is required: Environmental ethics need to challenge the philosophical tradition and to develop arguments that go far beyond simply extending traditional moral arguments ( Sylvan 1998 ). Holistic environmental ethics focus on ethical consideration of ecological wholes ( Palmer 2003 ), which encompass all levels of individuals, aggregations, relationships, and processes. Such non-extensionist approaches, also called naturalistic or biocentric, seek arguments to support the preservation of species, because all species represent unique biological solutions to the problem of survival ( Rolston 2001 ). More diverse biological communities seem to be better able to deal with environmental disturbances; therefore, if we value some species, we arguably should protect the entire system of interdependent species. Examples of such holistic approaches are Aldo Leopold's “land ethic” (1970, Callicott 1998 ) and Rolston's “environmental ethics” (1991). Leopold's essay “The Land Ethic” (1970) is considered by many the foundational work in holistic environmental ethics, although more recent interpretations focus on anthropocentric elements in Leopold's work ( Norton 1996 , Palmer 2003 ). To Leopold, the community rather than the individual organism is the focus of moral consideration, and ecological qualities such as integrity and stability are of primary value. This approach therefore provides arguments for the conservation of species, rather than individual organisms, inasmuch as species play an important role in the stability and integrity of the ecosystem.

Approaches that prioritize the whole over the individual, particularly when the whole is the wild biotic community, are widely viewed as ethically unacceptable or even fascist ( Palmer 2003 ). The focus on the ecological system leads to a picture of human beings, not as vital to the workings of the system, but rather as detrimental to it. Rolston goes so far as to conclude that sometimes the protection of the environment takes precedence over feeding hungry people ( Rolston 2003 ). Thus, wildlife conservators who adopt a biocentric stance see their responsibility as protecting the ecosystem from people whose actions are perceived as harming the natural environment. As a consequence, conservation workers, in their struggle to protect the natural environment, are likely to become antagonized toward people. Such misanthropic positions sharpen the dichotomy of human versus environment and are unlikely to be helpful in balancing the interests of people with the protection of the environment, which lies at the heart of the wildlife conservation challenge.

The debate over intrinsic value has been criticized as being of little use for environmental policymaking ( Light and Katz 1996 ). Whether or not nonhuman entities can have intrinsic value is considered by environmental pragmatists a purely theoretical discussion. The origin of the discussion on intrinsic value may lie embedded in the tradition of Western philosophical thought. Modern thinking is strongly influenced by Descartes (1596–1650), who divided the world into matter and mind, thus creating a dualism that treats humans and their environment as separate entities ( Taliaferro 2001 ). The influence of 17th-century classical science on Western culture is pervasive. Descartes's skeptical, mathematical method underpins modern science, and rationality shapes modern Western thought. The scientific revolution replaced the organic view of nature as a living organism with the mechanistic view of nature as a machine ( Merchant 1980 ). The organic notion of nature carried the dual connotation both of nature as a nurturing mother and of nature as an unpredictable female who causes chaos through natural disasters ( Merchant 1980 ). The increased mechanization that followed in the wake of the new scientific discoveries not only provided a means to control and subordinate nature but also led to a mechanistic worldview emphasizing order and control. Whereas the image of Earth as a living organism had served as a cultural constraint restricting human actions in relation to the environment, the increasingly rationalized world-view resulting from the scientific revolution portrays nature as lifeless and thus sanctions its exploitation ( Merchant 1980 ). The result is a worldview in which humans and nature are separated and in which humans are seen as subjective agents and nature as a passive object. This view makes it difficult to envision people and the natural environment as mutually interdependent. Whereas the dependency of people on their environment is obvious, the natural environment seems to be better off without people.

The oneness of self and its environment

Eastern philosophy, on the other hand, is not based on the mind–matter dichotomy ( Allwright 2002 ) but rather on the principle of harmonious and nonviolent coexistence ( Xianlin et al. 2001 ). Whereas the Western approach to nature has been a violent one focused on conquering nature, the Eastern approach has been characterized by respect for the rhythms, processes, and phenomena of the natural world ( Lai 2001 , Xianlin et al. 2001 ).

An example of the latter approach can be found in the work of Daisaku Ikeda, who is a Buddhist philosopher, author, and president of Soka Gakkai International, a nongovernmental organization and lay Buddhist association with more than 12 million members around the world. Ikeda's approach provides a bridge between Eastern and Western thought that is a valuable contribution to environmental philosophy.

Ikeda's philosophy is based on Buddhist thought, central to which is the concept of dependent origination (also called dependent co-arising). The doctrine of dependent origination expresses the interdependence of all things, meaning that beings or phenomena cannot exist on their own, but exist or occur because of their relationship with other beings and phenomena. In this view, everything in the world comes into existence in response to internal causes and external conditions; in other words, nothing can exist independent of other things or arise in isolation. As Ikeda explains in “Dialogues on Eastern Religion” ( Xianlin et al. 2001 ), “According to this view, when one particular cause or set of causes exists then a certain result comes about; when one entity comes into being, so does another entity” (p. 9).

This concept of dependent origination is compatible with the biological concept of symbiosis. Each human being exists within the context of interrelationships that include not only other human beings but all living beings and the natural world. Interestingly, Ikeda does not consider this relationship as one-sided (i.e., human beings depend on the natural environment in order to flourish), but as a mutual relationship of interdependence. To give a better understanding of this idea, Ikeda explains that according to Buddhist ontology life can be described in terms of 10 factors ( Ikeda 1994 ). The first three factors—appearance, nature, and entity—describe life from a static perspective; the next six—power, influence, internal cause, external cause, latent effect, and manifest effect—describe the dynamic functions of life. Power and influence refer, respectively, to life's inherent capacity to act and to the action that is produced when this inherent power is activated. Internal cause, external cause, latent effect, and manifest effect describe how causality links each phenomenon to its environment. Each individual phenomenon contains an internal, latent cause or disposition, which simultaneously contains a latent effect. In the right conditions, this latent internal cause is activated or triggered. External cause thus provides the link between the individual phenomenon and its surroundings. The external conditions cause a change in the internal cause, which in turn results in a change of the latent effect. The manifest effect is the physical result of the action, which arises as a result of the internal cause. Thus the individual and the external world are interlinked through a network of causality. Internal cause and latent effect are simultaneous; the one is contained in the other. The manifest effect, however, often appears later in time. The 10th factor, consistency from beginning to end, refers to the integration of all factors. They are not in themselves separate but are all different aspects of the same phenomenon. If we consider the first three factors as referring to entity and the remaining factors as referring to the function of this entity, “consistency from beginning to end” refers to the unity of an entity and its function; they are inseparable ( Ikeda 1994 ).

The 10 factors together represent the oneness of the material and the spiritual aspect of life. Appearance represents the physical, nature the spiritual aspect of life; internal cause and latent effect refer to the spiritual, because they lie dormant within life; manifest effect, on the other hand, is perceivable in the physical world and thus refers to the material aspect of life. Thus, unlike Western thought, which is underpinned by the dualism of mind and body, Ikeda's philosophy is informed by the “non-dualities” of Buddhist thought: that is, the oneness of body and mind; the oneness of the internal and the external; the oneness of cause and effect; and the oneness of life and its environment ( Ikeda 1994 ).

The idea of the oneness of life and its environment is of particular interest to environmental ethics. As used by Ikeda, the term environment does not denote the whole natural world; rather, it refers to the fact that each living being has its own unique environment.” In this sense, the formation of one's environment coincides with that person's birth into this world” ( Ikeda 1994 , p. 144). Thus, on the most fundamental level, life and environment, sentient beings and nonsentient beings, are inseparable ( Ikeda 1994 ). Ikeda explains the Japanese term for this concept, esho funi, as follows: shō is short for shōhō, which refers to the individual life; e stands for ehō, the environment, which supports the individual. Funi means “two but not two,” referring to the impossibility of separating the two, individual and environment. The individual life influences its environment but at the same time is dependent on it ( Toynbee and Ikeda 1982 ). To explain, Ikeda uses the analogy of a body and its shadow: The body creates the shadow, and when the body moves, the shadow changes. But in a sense the shadow also creates the body, because the absence of the shadow means that there is no bodily form. Similarly, the individual receives form and identity through the environment, and vice versa ( Ikeda 1982 ). The functioning of internal cause, latent effect, external cause, and manifest effect forms an intricate network of relationships between the individual and its surroundings. The manifest effect produced by the factors of internal cause, external condition, and latent effect is exhibited both in the individual life and in its environment.

As human beings, we shape our environment, but we are also products of our environment. According to Ikeda, this dialectic is vital for understanding the interrelationships between human existence and the environment. Because individual life and environment are inseparable, the state of the environment is a reflection of the minds of the people who inhabit it. Environmental degradation is thus a reflection of people's ignorance of the true nature of life and the cosmos: the interrelatedness of all things. Actions based on ignorance of the interrelatedness of all phenomena result in a downward spiral of negativity. It gives rise to greed, which drives people to seek the fulfillment of their desires at the cost of others and to seek the destruction of a situation in which their own desires are frustrated. This greed goes beyond the individual level, creating economic disparities between people and countries on a global scale. The avarice of the industrialized nations has deprived people in developing countries of the conditions by which their basic needs can be met, and the greed of the human race is undermining the right of other living beings to exist. Awareness of the fabric of relatedness, on the other hand, gives rise to the desire for mutually supportive coexistence with others and with the natural environment.

And if we wish to describe the mutual relations that exist between human beings and the environment in these terms, we would say that the living self depends upon the environment for its existence. That is, human beings depend on the workings of the environment or natural ecological conditions for their growth and development. And conversely, as indicated by the statement above that “without life there is no environment,” the environment must wait for the activities of human beings in order to take on a particular shape or undergo changes. Human beings thus play a key role in the creation of a particular environment, and must bear the responsibility for such creation. ( Xianlin et al. 2001 , p. 19)

According to Ikeda, dependent origination, the interdependency of all things and all phenomena, manifests the ordering principle of the cosmos. The failure to recognize the interdependence and interrelatedness of all life is a fundamental delusion, leading to a self-destructive egocentrism that severs the strands of the web of life that support one's own existence. Awareness of the interrelated nature of life, on the other hand, enables a person to overcome instinctive self-love in order to maintain an empathic relationship with others (i.e., other people, other living beings, and nature).

The challenge for environmental ethics is to find a solid rational justification for why nature should be protected from human actions. Arguments that stress the instrumental value other species have for humans provide “practical muscle for conservation where it counts, on the ground” ( Myers 1979a ). However, arguments based on instrumental value imply that it is the conservationist's responsibility to prove that such value exists. Although the conservation of nature in general is widely considered valuable, conservationists find that in practice they have to fight the same battles again and again to protect wild species from harm. There is a perceived need to express the value of wild species in objectively measurable economic terms that can be employed as incentives for wildlife conservation or as arguments against land uses that are harmful to wildlife. This assumption is underpinned by a negative view of humanity, in that it assumes that people in themselves will not conserve nature unless it is clearly to their direct benefit. Humans and nature are seen as being in profound conflict with each other. The concept of the wildlife conservationist is that of a resource manager whose job is to manage natural resources for the benefit of people, but who is fighting an ongoing battle to prove the value of this work.

The existence of intrinsic value in nature, on the other hand, would free conservationists of the obligation to prove that there is value in conserving a particular species. Although it is generally accepted that human life is intrinsically valuable, the possibility of intrinsic value in nonhuman life forms a large part of the environmental ethics debate. Extensionist approaches, which aim to define moral criteria on which such value can be based, are problematic for wildlife managers because they consider individual organisms, not species and ecosystems. By drawing directly from ecological concepts rather than from a human-centered frame of reference, philosophers such as Leopold, Rolston, and others call for a rethinking of our moral framework. Nonetheless, biocentric approaches to environmental ethics can be seen as implying the prioritization of nonhuman life over human life, thus sharpening the dichotomy between humans and the natural environment. The human-versus-nature dualism that underpins both the instrumental and the intrinsic value approaches is unhelpful to wildlife conservation and management, which are concerned with balancing both social and environmental goals.

It is not surprising that the endeavor of providing a rational ethical foundation for conservation is proving difficult, considering that the Western worldview, which has become increasingly influential on a global scale, has for centuries seen the conquest and subjection of nature as its greatest challenge. In contrast, the traditional Eastern view sees humanity as part of nature, not as a rival ( Ikeda 1994 , p. 144). Ikeda suggests that the differing attitudes toward nature may be grounded in the differences between the Eastern and Western views of life itself.

In the tradition of Buddhist thought, Ikeda's exposition of the theories of dependent origination and the oneness of life and its environment transcends the man–nature dualism. This approach provides a bridge between environmental ethics and the resolution of practical environmental problems. Ikeda's work does not in itself constitute an environmental ethic. However, the concepts of dependent origination and the oneness of life and environment provide an ample platform for developing such an ethic. To Ikeda, ethics are not a matter of timeless rules that can be applied to particular situations. Rather, ethics depend on a sensitivity toward the principle of dependent origination. Consequently, Ikeda's aim is not the development of an abstract theory but rather the empowerment of the individual to lead “a contributive way of life…based on an awareness of the interdependent nature of our lives—of the relationships that link us to others and our environment” ( Ikeda 2002 ).

The modern conservation paradigm, conservation for and with people, requires that we overcome the dualism of human versus nature, which creates antagonism between conservationists and other people. Ikeda's philosophy provides a basis for a conservation philosophy that sees the conservationist not as a defender of the natural world against the harmful impact of human actions but as one who realizes the interdependences both between people and between people and nature, and who strives to awaken such awareness in others in order to achieve a better future for all.

Acknowledgements

Tim Dunne, Les Underhill, David Benatar, John Paterson, and Liz Komen read earlier drafts of this paper.

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Aldo Leopold’s life–work and the scholarship it inspired

• Review Article
• Published: 26 March 2020
• Volume 2 , pages 3–30, ( 2020 )

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• Lin Qi Feng   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-8442-9917 1  

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Since its publication in 1949, Aldo Leopold’s A Sand County Almanac , especially “The Land Ethic” essay, has been influential in conservation and environmental circles. In this wide-ranging but limited review, I discussed Leopold’s life and work, including the important concepts he had written about, and briefly survey the secondary literature he inspired in the realms of science, environmental history, environmental ethics, and ecocriticism.

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Courtesy of the Aldo Leopold Foundation and University of Wisconsin - Madison Archives

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Aldo Leopold: Connecting Conservation Science, Ethics, Policy, and Practice

The Romantic Pastoral: Snyder’s Ecological Literary Inheritance

Land, ethics, justice, and Aldo Leopold

All references to ASCA are to Leopold ( 1949 ), the original edition of the work.

Meine ( 2010 , p. 503) described the statement as a “firm appeal for self-inquiry.”

All biographical information is drawn from Curt Meine’s biography of Leopold (Meine 2010 ). Leopold ( 1991 ) includes a compact chronology of Leopold’s life, while Leopold ( 2013 ) contains a more complete chronology.

The Yale Forest School was renamed to “Yale School of Forestry” in 1921 with Pinchot’s consent. In 1972 the name was modified to “Yale School of Forestry & Environmental Studies.” From July 1, 2020, the school will change its name to “Yale School of Environment” and establish “The Forest School at the Yale School of the Environment,” which will have a clear identify and separate resources within the School of the Environment (Yale School of Forestry & Environmental Studies 2020 ).

For histories of the progressive conservation movement, see Hays ( 1959 ) and Miller ( 2001 ).

The reconnaissance was a fiasco under Leopold’s inexperienced leadership, but he would acquit himself well in a second reconnaissance in the next year.

Leopold’s success at organizing sportsmen and advancing game protection enabled him to parry, with support from his superior Arthur Ringland, multiple urgent requests from Chief of the Forest Service Henry S. Graves to transfer him to Washington DC (Meine 2010 , pp. 146–147, 152–153) and led to him receiving a congratulatory letter from President Theodore Roosevelt in January 1917 (p. 158).

The eight states were Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, Iowa, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and Missouri.

The University of Wisconsin is now known as the University of Wisconsin-Madison, following the merger in 1971 of public universities in Wisconsin to form the University of Wisconsin System (Cronon and Jenkins 1999 , pp. 521–596).

Jack Stark defines the Wisconsin Idea as “the University’s direct contributions to the state: to the government in the forms of serving in office, offering advice about public policy, providing information and exercising technical skill, and to the citizens in the forms of doing research directed at solving problems that are important to the state and conducting outreach activities” ( 1995 , p. 2). A common expression of the Idea is “the boundaries of the University are the boundaries of the state” (pp. 1–2). The Wisconsin Idea was bolstered by the presence of two prominent economists, Richard T. Ely and John R. Commons, who groomed a generation of Wisconsin economists who in turn played critical roles in developing New Deal agricultural policy (Gilbert and Baker 1997 ).

Leopold’s speech delivered at the Arboretum’s dedication ceremony on June 17, 1934 and titled “What Is the University of Wisconsin Arboretum, Wild Life Refuge, and Forest Experiment Preserve?” (Leopold [ 1934 ] 1984) is longer than the subsequent essay “The Arboretum and the University” (Leopold [ 1934 ] 1991a). Both the speech and the essay are available online as appendices to Callicott ( 1999a ).

The Central Sand Plains of Wisconsin is the result of sandy lake deposits of what was once glacial Lake Wisconsin, created during the last part of the Wisconsin Glaciation (c.19,000 or 18,000 before present [BP]) when ice of the Green Bay lobe of the Laurentide Ice Sheet advanced onto the eastern end of the Baraboo Hills, damming the Wisconsin River. The drainage basin of the lake consists of late Cambrian sandstone. The lake itself consisted of a main basin and a few smaller basins, and drained multiple times when the ice dam failed. The last drainage occurred about 18,000 BP (Attig and Carson 2016 ; Clayton and Attig 1989 , pp. 1–7). The Leopold shack is located on the sand plain in the southern part of the Lewiston basin (Attig and Carson 2016 ).

The Leopold family’s restoration activities at the shack left a mark on the Wisconsin landscape (Waller and Rooney 2008 ) and led to establishment of the Leopold Memorial Reserve (Laubach 2014 ; Liegel 1982 ; Liegel 1988 ) and the Leopold-Pine Island Important Bird Area (Aldo Leopold Foundation n.d.-a).

Leopold published a few articles about his trips to Germany ( 1936a , b , c ; [ 1936 ] 2013) and Mexico ( 1937 b; [ 1937b ] 1991).

The comments from Knopf reveal the publisher’s perception of the unusual character of the manuscript and of readers’ expectations:

What we like best is the nature observations, and the more objective narratives and essays. We like less the subjective parts—that is, the philosophical reflections, which are less fresh, and which one reader finds sometimes “fatuous.” The ecological argument everyone finds unconvincing; and as in previous drafts, it is not tied up with the rest of the book.

In short, the book seems unlikely to win approval from readers or to be a successful publication as it now stands, and a more fundamental kind of revision is needed than the detailed, page-by-page comments you asked [for] would suggest (cited in Meine 2010 , p. 509).

Reviewers of ASCA lauded Leopold’s observation powers, skillful writing, his expansive concern for nature, as well as Schwartz’s illustrations. Reviews can be found in the Aldo Leopold Archives, 10-6 box 5 folder 5, http://digital.library.wisc.edu/1711.dl/aldoleopold.alsandcounty.i0005 .

Guha ( 1989 ) observed that the radical environmental movement in the USA possessed characteristics unique to the country and was therefore unsuitable for universal application.

For a review of Ian McHarg’s work, see the special issue of Socio-Ecological Practice Research , 1, 3-4, October 2019, titled Design With Nature at 50: Retrospect and Prospect ( https://link.springer.com/journal/42532/1/3 ).

Essays on conservation published in Round River were inserted into an enlarged version of ASCA , constituting its Part III while Part III of the original became Part IV. The enlarged edition was published as A Sand County Almanac with Other Essays on Conservation from Round River by Oxford University Press in 1966. The paperback versions of the original and enlarged editions were, respectively, released in 1968 by Oxford University Press and in 1970 by Sierra Club/Ballantine Books (Callicott 2014 , p. 21).

This collection was first published in 1990 as Aldo Leopold’s Wilderness by Stackpole Books.

Leopold’s youngest child Estella Jr. recalled: “We always cringed…when we heard and read about how in 1832 Chief Blackhawk put his Sauk people, women and children, on a raft just below the present Sauk City on the Wisconsin River only to have federal troopers shoot them one by one with their rifles from the south bank. I always hated to think about that tragedy, which is now commemorated by a bronze historical plaque marking the place by the river where the ambush occurred. Chief Blackhawk himself escaped and hid for a while in the hills. We used to pass that site every weekend on our way to and from the Shack. It always gave me sobering thoughts” (Leopold 2016 , p. 9).

Whyte contrasted Leopold’s individualistic ethic with the work of Deborah McGregor, an Anishinaabe writer who also works on environmental issues.

In the chapter Savoy compared Leopold’s land ethic with her father Willard Savoy’s novel Alien Land (Savoy 1949 ).

The situation, we now know, was more complex than what Leopold’s account suggests. Worster ( 1993 , pp. 45–46) pointed out that bluegrass was inadvertently imported by immigrants from Europe.

According to Flader, “Leopold used the expression ‘thinking like a mountain’ to characterize objective or ecological thinking; it should not be viewed as personification” ([1974] 1994 , pp. 1, fn 1).

See the discussion on Flader’s Thinking Like a Mountain ([1974] 1994 ) in Sect.  4.2 .

“The so-called ‘balance of nature’ is simply a name for the assumed tendency of the population curves of various species in an undisturbed plant and animal community to keep each other horizontal. The growth of biological knowledge trends strongly to show that while population curves may oscillate about a horizontal median, a single curve seldom or never stays horizontal from year to year even in virgin terrain. Fluctuation in numbers is nearly universal” (Leopold [1933] 1986 , p. 26).

For a discussion of the shared conservation history of Canada and the USA, see Sandlos ( 2013 ).

For a contemporary review of ecology, see Allee et al. ( 1949 , pp. 1–72).

“I am trying to teach you that this alphabet of ‘natural objects’ (soils and rivers, birds and beasts) spells out a story, which he who runs may read—if he knows how. Once you learn to read the land, I have no fear of what you will do to it, or with it. And I know many pleasant things it will do to you” (Leopold [ 1947 ] 1991b, p. 337).

Leopold would consent to enter a church only on rare occasions, his own marriage being one. As a parent Leopold did not say a word on the subject of religion. Even though he hid his doubts about the Church for the most part, his children could sense that he took a dim view of it (Meine 2010 , p. 376).

“ Noumenal means apprehended by the mind ; and the characteristic property of the things of the noumenal world is that they cannot be comprehended by the same method by which the things of the phenomenal world are comprehended . We may speculate about the things of the noumenal world; we may discover them by a process of reasoning, and by means of analogy; we may feel them, and enter into some sort of communion with them; but we can neither see, hear, touch, weigh, measure them; nor can we photograph them or decompose them into chemical elements or number their vibrations. The noumenal world , or the world of causes, is for us the world of metaphysical facts” (Ouspensky 1920 , p. 181, italics in original). Leopold was too generous in his interpretation of Ouspensky’s book, attributing planetary temporal and spatial scales and hierarchical organization of different parts of the earth to it (Callicott 2014 , pp. 161–162).

Leopold identified the key species of a particular location that signifies its noumenon, noting that “the grouse is the numenon [sic] of the north woods, the blue jay of the hickory groves, the whisky jack of the muskegs, the piñonero of the juniper foothills,” the bear of the Escudilla Mountain in Arizona, and the Thick-billed Parrot of the Sierra Madre Occidental in Mexico (1949, pp. 133–141), and used the music metaphor to describe the noumenon of the hills of the Rio Gavilan (pp. 149–150).

On husbandry, Leopold wrote: “Government can't raise crops, maintain small scattered structures, administer small scattered areas, or bring to bear on small local matters that combination of solicitude, foresight, and skill which we call husbandry. Husbandry watches no clock, knows no season of cessation, and for the most part is paid for in love, not dollars” (Leopold [1942] 1991 , p. 298).

Leopold was warned by former student Douglas Wade ( 1944 ) about the subtle inclinations to socialization he displayed in a couple of articles published in The Audubon Magazine (Leopold [1942] 1991 , p. 298; Leopold [1944] 2013 ).

This occurrence of Leopold’s “land ethic” was identified by Warren ( 2016 , p. 149), although she cites it as part of an accompanying letter.

Making the case for a new, an environmental, ethic, Richard Sylvan ([ 1973 ] 2001) noted that Leopold’s prescription for extending traditional morality to include land is inadequate because an ethic that is embedded in the Western super ethic of human dominion over the environment and of the liberal tradition of not causing harm to human others and to oneself would be ineffectual in preventing environmental harm. Sylvan’s assessment suggests he overlooked Leopold’s statement about how “a land ethic changes the role of Homo sapiens from conqueror of the land-community to plain member and citizen of it” (Leopold 1949 , p. 204). In the first article on environmental ethics in Ethics Rolston ( 1975 ) interpreted Leopold’s land ethic as calling for the preservation of integrity of ecosystems and used it to introduce the idea of “ecological ethics,” or ethics that are thoroughly informed by ecological principles. Rolston indicated the novelty of the ecological turn in philosophy during the 1960s and 1970s when he discussed the arresting novelty of “ecological conscience”: “The puzzlement lies neither in the noun nor in the by now familiar modifier, but in their operation on each other. We are comfortable with a Christian or humanist ethic, but the moral noun does not regularly take a scientific adjective…” (1975, p. 93).

Callicott taught what appeared to be the first environmental philosophy course in the USA (Callicott 1987a , p. vii).

According to Callicott ( 2014 , p. 46), “…‘The Land Ethic’ is the crowning part—the capstone essay, the climax, the denouement. The land ethic represents the axiological (ethical and aesthetical) and normative (practical moral) implications of an evolutionary-ecological worldview, which is gradually exposed and promulgated in the preceding parts of the book. In [ ASCA ]’s Part I, readers are introduced to an evolutionary-ecological worldview—circumspectly and indirectly through narrative description, vicarious sensory experience, and imaginative engagement. In [ ASCA ]’s Part II, readers are introduced to an evolutionary-ecological worldview also by means of narrative accounts of the author’s experience on his own journey of discovery and conversion, but more directly, more urgently, and certainly more confrontationally than in Part I.” See also Callicott ( 2005 ); Callicott ( 2011 ); Callicott ( 2012 ).

In their interpretation of the Darwinian context of the land ethic, Callicott (1987b, pp. 188–189; 2001, p. 205) and Norton (2005, pp. 69–70) refer to these sentences in “The Land Ethic”: “This extension of ethics, so far studied only by philosophers, is actually a process in ecological evolution. Its sequences may be described in ecological as well as in philosophical terms. An ethic, ecologically, is a limitation on freedom of action in the struggle for existence. An ethic, philosophically, is a differentiation of social from anti-social conduct. These are two definitions of one thing. The thing has its origin in the tendency of interdependent individuals or groups to evolve modes of co-operation” (Leopold 1949 , p. 202).

For criticisms of and improvements on Callicott’s analysis of Hume’s ideas as foundation of Leopold’s land ethic, see Welchman ( 2009 ) and references therein.

It is easy to see from Callicott’s early writing why Regan levied this serious charge: “The preciousness of individual deer, as of any other specimen, is inversely proportional to the population of the species. Environmentalists, however reluctantly and painfully, do not omit to apply the same logic to their own kind. As omnivores, the population of human beings should, perhaps, be roughly twice that of bears, allowing for differences of size. A global population of more than four billion persons and showing no signs of an orderly decline presents an alarming prospect to humanists, but it is at present a global disaster (the more per capita prosperity, indeed, the more disastrous it appears) for the biotic community” (Callicott 1980 , p. 326).

Luna wrote:

…These extreme extrapolations pay no heed to Leopold’s deep concern for his aging mother. They do not reflect the fact that he always avoided putting anyone in an uncomfortable or embarrassing position. Never would he talk down to a person and he treated people in menial positions with the same consideration and courtesy as he would the most exalted.

Rather than interpreting the concept of the land ethic as an indication of disregard for the individual in favor of the species or the ecosystem, my view is quite different. I see the concept as the outgrowth and extension of his deep personal concern for the individual. Accepting the idea that the cooperations and competitions in the human society are eased and facilitated by concern for others, he saw that the same consideration extended to other parts of the ecosystem and would tend to add integrity, beauty, and stability to the whole. Leopold ( 1987 , p. viii).

“And if there be, indeed, a special nobility inherent in the human race—a special cosmic value, distinctive from and superior to all other life—by what token shall it be manifest? By a society decently respectful of its own and all other life, capable of inhabiting the earth without defiling it? Or by a society like that of John Burroughs’ potato bug, which exterminated the potato, and thereby exterminated itself?” (Leopold [ 1923 ] 1991b, p. 97).

Norton ( 1988 , p. 95) surmised that Leopold was exposed to Hadley ( 1913 ) through a review in the Yale Review , which Leopold regularly read according to biographer Meine (Norton 1988 , en 3). Indeed, the line that Leopold misquoted, replacing “right” with “truth,” appeared in the review: “[The force of the scientific discoveries] has even given us the basis, says Mr. Hadley, of ‘a new spiritual philosophy of life.’ For the scientific man to-day ‘believes, as the very essence of his theory, that the right is that which will prevail in the long run.’ The adoption of this hypothesis is the most important mark of distinction between us and our fathers” (Sherman 1914 , p. 385).

Norton and Callicott have sparred over whether Leopold was influenced by pragmatist philosophy (Callicott 2014 , pp. 171–177; Callicott et al. 2009 ; Callicott et al. 2011a ; Norton 2011 ; Stephens 2018 ).

The name has entered the lexicon of the English-speaking world, an example dictionary definition being “a person likened to the character George Babbitt,  esp.  a materialistic, complacent businessman who conforms unthinkingly to the views and standards of his social set” (Oxford English Dictionary Online  2019 ).

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Acknowledgements

I thank Wei-Ning Xiang, the editor-in-chief of Socio-Ecological Practice Research , for giving me the opportunity to write this review, Curt Meine for his helpful comments, William Rees and Richard Norgaard for permission to share their experience with Aldo Leopold, and Vincent Wong at the Nanyang Technological University Library for assistance with the cited reference search of ASCA .

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Lin, Q.F. Aldo Leopold’s life–work and the scholarship it inspired. Socio Ecol Pract Res 2 , 3–30 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s42532-020-00043-6

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Received : 03 January 2020

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Published : 26 March 2020

Issue Date : March 2020

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s42532-020-00043-6

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Beyond the Land Ethic: More Essays in Environmental Philosophy, Edited by J. Baird Callicott, State University of New York Press, Albany, 1999. ISBN 0-7914-4084-2; 427 pp

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Ethics in scientific research: a lens into its importance, history, and future

Associated data.

Not applicable.

Introduction

Ethics are a guiding principle that shapes the conduct of researchers. It influences both the process of discovery and the implications and applications of scientific findings 1 . Ethical considerations in research include, but are not limited to, the management of data, the responsible use of resources, respect for human rights, the treatment of human and animal subjects, social responsibility, honesty, integrity, and the dissemination of research findings 1 . At its core, ethics in scientific research aims to ensure that the pursuit of knowledge does not come at the expense of societal or individual well-being. It fosters an environment where scientific inquiry can thrive responsibly 1 .

The need to understand and uphold ethics in scientific research is pertinent in today’s scientific community. First, the rapid advancement of technology and science raises ethical questions in fields like biotechnology, biomedical science, genetics, and artificial intelligence. These advancements raise questions about privacy, consent, and the potential long-term impacts on society and its environment 2 . Furthermore, the rise in public perception and scrutiny of scientific practices, fueled by a more informed and connected populace, demands greater transparency and ethical accountability from researchers and institutions.

This commentary seeks to bring to light the need and benefits associated with ethical adherence. The central theme of this paper highlights how upholding ethics in scientific research is a cornerstone for progress. It buttresses the fact that ethics in scientific research is vital for maintaining the trust of the public, ensuring the safety of participants, and legitimizing scientific findings.

Historical perspective

Ethics in research is significantly shaped by past experiences where a lack of ethical consideration led to negative consequences. One of the most striking examples of ethical misconduct is the Tuskegee Syphilis Study 3 conducted between 1932 and 1972 by the U.S. Public Health Service. In this study, African American men in Alabama were used as subjects to study the natural progression of untreated syphilis. They were not informed of their condition and were denied effective treatment, even after penicillin became available as a cure in the 1940s 3 .

From an ethical lens today, this is a gross violation of informed consent and an exploitation of a vulnerable population. The public outcry following the revelation of the study’s details led to the establishment of the National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects of Biomedical and Behavioural Research 4 . This commission eventually produced the Belmont Report in 1979 4 , setting forth principles such as respect for persons, beneficence, and justice, which now underpin ethical research practices 4 .

Another example that significantly impacted ethical regulations was the thalidomide tragedy of the late 1950s and early 1960s 5 . Thalidomide was marketed as a safe sedative for pregnant women to combat morning sickness in Europe. Thalidomide resulted in the birth of approximately ten thousand children with severe deformities due to its teratogenic effects 5 , which were not sufficiently researched prior to the drug’s release. This incident underscored the critical need for comprehensive clinical testing and highlighted the ethical imperative of understanding and communicating potential risks, particularly for vulnerable groups such as pregnant women. In response, drug testing regulations became more rigorous, and the importance of informed consent, especially in clinical trials, was emphasized.

The Stanford Prison Experiment of 1971, led by psychologist Philip Zimbardo is another prime example of ethical oversight leading to harmful consequences 6 . The experiment, which aimed to study the psychological effects of perceived power, resulted in emotional trauma for participants. Underestimating potential psychological harm with no adequate systems to safeguard human participants from harm was a breach of ethics in psychological studies 6 . This case highlighted the necessity for ethical guidelines that prioritize the mental and emotional welfare of participants, especially in psychological research. It led to stricter review processes and the establishment of guidelines to prevent psychological harm in research studies. It influenced the American Psychological Association and other bodies to refine their ethical guidelines, ensuring the protection of participants’ mental and emotional well-being.

Impact on current ethical standards

These historical, ethical oversights have been instrumental in shaping the current landscape of ethical standards in scientific research. The Tuskegee Syphilis Study led to the Belmont Report in 1979, which laid out key ethical principles such as respect for persons, beneficence, and justice. It also prompted the establishment of Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) to oversee research involving human subjects. The thalidomide tragedy catalyzed stricter drug testing regulations and informed consent requirements for clinical trials. The Stanford Prison Experiment influenced the American Psychological Association to refine its ethical guidelines, placing greater emphasis on the welfare and rights of participants.

These historical episodes of ethical oversights have been pivotal in forging the comprehensive ethical frameworks that govern scientific research today. They serve as stark reminders of the potential consequences of ethical neglect and the perpetual need to prioritize the welfare and rights of participants in any research endeavor.

One may ponder on the reason behind the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, where African American men with syphilis were deliberately left untreated. What led scientists to prioritize research outcomes over human well-being? At the time, racial prejudices, lack of understanding of ethical principles in human research, and regulatory oversight made such studies pass. Similarly, the administration of thalidomide to pregnant women initially intended as an antiemetic to alleviate morning sickness, resulted in unforeseen and catastrophic birth defects. This tragedy highlights a critical lapse in the pre-marketing evaluation of drugs’ safety.

Furthermore, the Stanford prison experiment, designed to study the psychological effects of perceived power, spiraled into an ethical nightmare as participants suffered emotional trauma. This begs the question on how these researchers initially justified their methods. From today’s lens of ethics, the studies conducted were a complete breach of misconduct, and I wonder if there were any standards that guided primitive research in science.

Current ethical standards and guidelines in research

Informed consent.

This mandates that participants are fully informed about the nature of the research, including its objectives, procedures, potential risks, and benefits 7 , 8 . They must be given the opportunity to ask questions and must voluntarily agree to participate without coercion 7 , 8 . This ensures respect for individual autonomy and decision-making.

Confidentiality and privacy

Confidentiality is pivotal in research involving human subjects. Participants’ personal information must be protected from unauthorized access or disclosure 7 , 8 . Researchers are obliged to take measures to preserve the anonymity and privacy of participants, which fosters trust and encourages participation in research 7 , 8 .

Non-maleficence and beneficence

These principles revolve around the obligation to avoid harm (non-maleficence) and to maximize possible benefits while minimizing potential harm (beneficence) 7 , 8 . Researchers must ensure that their studies do not pose undue risks to participants and that any potential risks are outweighed by the benefits.

Justice in research ethics refers to the fair selection and treatment of research participants 8 . It ensures that the benefits and burdens of research are distributed equitably among different groups in society, preventing the exploitation of vulnerable populations 8 .

The role of Institutional Review Boards (IRB)

Institutional Review Boards play critical roles in upholding ethical standards in research. An IRB is a committee established by an institution conducting research to review, approve, and monitor research involving human subjects 7 , 8 . Their primary role is to ensure that the rights and welfare of participants are protected.

Review and approval

Before a study commences, the IRB reviews the research proposal to ensure it adheres to ethical guidelines. This includes evaluating the risks and benefits, the process of obtaining informed consent, and measures for maintaining confidentiality 7 , 8 .

Monitoring and compliance

IRB also monitors ongoing research projects to ensure compliance with ethical standards. They may require periodic reports and can conduct audits to ensure ongoing adherence to ethical principles 7 , 8 .

Handling ethical violations

In cases where ethical standards are breached, IRB has the authority to impose sanctions, which can range from requiring modifications to the study to completely halting the research project 7 , 8 .

Other agencies and boards enforcing standards

Beyond IRB, there are other regulatory bodies and agencies at national and international levels that enforce ethical standards in research. These include:

The Office for Human Research Protections (OHRP) in the United States, which oversees compliance with the Federal Policy for the Protection of Human Subjects.

The World Health Organization (WHO) , which provides international ethical guidelines for biomedical research.

The International Committee of Medical Journal Editors (ICMJE) , which sets ethical standards for the publication of biomedical research.

These organizations, along with IRB, form a comprehensive network that ensures the ethical conduct of scientific research. They safeguard the integrity of research using the reflections and lesson learnt from the past.

Benefits of ethical research

Credible and reliable outcomes, why is credibility so crucial in research, and how do ethical practices contribute to it.

Ethical practices such as rigorous peer review, transparent methodology, and adherence to established protocols ensure that research findings are reliable and valid 9 . When studies are conducted ethically, they are less likely to be marred by biases, fabrications, or errors that could compromise credibility. For instance, ethical standards demand accurate data reporting and full disclosure of any potential conflicts of interest 9 , which directly contribute to the integrity and trustworthiness of research findings.

How do ethical practices lead to socially beneficial outcomes?

Ethical research practices often align with broader societal values and needs, leading to outcomes that are not only scientifically significant but also socially beneficial. By respecting principles like justice and beneficence, researchers ensure that their work with human subjects contributes positively to society 7 , 8 . For example, ethical guidelines in medical research emphasize the need to balance scientific advancement with patient welfare, ensuring that new treatments are both effective and safe. This balance is crucial in addressing pressing societal health concerns while safeguarding individual rights and well-being.

Trust between the public and the scientific community

The relationship between the public and the scientific community is heavily reliant on trust, which is fostered through consistent ethical conduct in research. When the public perceives that researchers are committed to ethical standards, it reinforces their confidence in the scientific process and its outcomes. Ethical research practices demonstrate a respect for societal norms and values, reinforcing the perception that science serves the public good.

Case studies

Case study 1: the development and approval of covid-19 vaccines.

The development and approval of COVID-19 vaccines within a short time is a testament to how adherence to ethical research practices can achieve credible and beneficial outcomes. Strict adherence to ethical guidelines, even in the face of a global emergency, ensured that the vaccines were developed swiftly. However, safety standards were compromised to some extent as no animal trials were done before humans. The vaccine development was not transparent to the public, and this fuelled the anti-vaccination crowd in some regions. Ethical compliance, including rigorous testing and transparent reporting, should expedite scientific innovation while maintaining public trust.

Case study 2: The CRISPR babies

What ethical concerns were raised by the creation of the crispr babies, and what were the consequences.

The creation of the first genetically edited babies using CRISPR technology in China raised significant ethical concerns 10 . The lack of transparency, inadequate consent process, and potential risks to the children can be likened to ethical misconduct in genetic engineering research. This case resulted in widespread condemnation from the scientific community and the public, as well as international regulatory frameworks and guidelines for genetic editing research 10 .

Recommendation and conclusion

Continuous education and training.

The scientific community should prioritize ongoing education and training in ethics for researchers at all levels, ensuring awareness and understanding of ethical standards and their importance.

Enhanced dialogue and collaboration

Encourage multidisciplinary collaborations and dialogues between scientists, ethicists, policymakers, and the public to address emerging ethical challenges and develop adaptive guidelines.

Fostering a culture of ethical responsibility

Institutions and researchers should cultivate an environment where ethical considerations are integral to the research process, encouraging transparency, accountability, and social responsibility.

Global standards and cooperation

Work toward establishing and harmonizing international ethical standards and regulatory frameworks, particularly in areas like genetic engineering and AI, where the implications of research are global.

Ethics approval

Ethics approval was not required for this editorial.

Informed consent was not required for this editorial

Sources of funding

No funding was received for this research.

Author contribution

G.D.M. wrote this paper.

Conflicts of interest disclosure

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

Research registration unique identifying number (UIN)

Goshen David Miteu.

Data availability statement

Provenance and peer review.

Not commissioned, externally peer-reviewed.

Sponsorships or competing interests that may be relevant to content are disclosed at the end of this article.

Published online 21 March 2024