conclusion of migration essay

Essay on Migration

Students are often asked to write an essay on Migration in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Migration

Understanding migration.

Migration refers to the movement of people from one place to another. It can be within a country (internal migration) or between different countries (international migration).

Reasons for Migration

Effects of migration.

Migration can have both positive and negative effects. It can lead to cultural diversity and economic growth, but it can also cause overcrowding and strain on resources.

Migration is a complex issue with many facets. It’s important to understand why people migrate and its impact on societies.

250 Words Essay on Migration

Introduction.

Migration, an inherent human phenomenon, has shaped societies and cultures since the dawn of civilization. It is a complex process influenced by an intricate interplay of economic, political, social, and environmental factors.

Types of Migration

Migration can be categorized broadly into internal and international. Internal migration involves movement within a country, often from rural to urban areas, driven by the pursuit of better economic opportunities. International migration, on the other hand, involves crossing national borders, often influenced by factors like conflict, persecution, or economic disparity.

The Push-Pull Theory

The push-pull theory provides a framework to understand migration. ‘Push’ factors include poverty, political instability, or environmental disasters that compel people to leave their homes. Conversely, ‘pull’ factors attract individuals to new regions, such as better job opportunities, political stability, or higher living standards.

Impacts of Migration

Migration has profound implications on both the source and destination regions. While it can lead to brain drain and demographic imbalances in the source region, it can also alleviate poverty and foster development. In destination regions, it can stimulate economic growth but may also strain resources and potentially cause social tension.

500 Words Essay on Migration

Migration is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon, deeply ingrained in human history. It has been a significant driver of cultural, economic, and social evolution. It is the movement of people from one geographical location to another, either permanently or temporarily. The reasons for migration can vary from political to economic, environmental, or social.

The Driving Forces of Migration

The primary drivers of migration are often classified as push and pull factors. Push factors refer to the conditions that drive individuals to leave their homes, such as poverty, lack of opportunities, political instability, or environmental disasters. Pull factors, on the other hand, are the attractive aspects of the destination, like better economic opportunities, political stability, or higher living standards.

Migration can be categorized into different types based on various parameters. Internal migration refers to the movement within a country, while international migration involves crossing national borders. Migration can also be voluntary, where individuals choose to move, or forced, where individuals are compelled to leave due to circumstances beyond their control.

For the destination region, migration can lead to an increase in diversity and cultural richness. It can also fill labor gaps, contributing to economic growth. However, if not managed well, it can lead to social tensions.

Migration in the Age of Globalization

Challenges and opportunities.

In conclusion, migration is an inherent part of human society, driven by a complex interplay of factors. It has far-reaching impacts on individuals, communities, and nations. As the world becomes increasingly interconnected, the dynamics of migration will continue to evolve, presenting both challenges and opportunities. Understanding and managing migration effectively is crucial to building inclusive, diverse, and prosperous societies.

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2021 Theses Doctoral

Three Essays on International Migration

Huang, Xiaoning

Today, there are about 250 million international migrants globally, and the number is increasing each year. Immigrants have contributed to the global economy, bridged cultural and business exchanges between host and home countries, and increased ethnic, racial, social, and cultural diversity in the host societies. Immigrants have also been overgeneralized about, misunderstood, scapegoated, and discriminated against. Understanding what drives international migration, who migrate, and how immigrants fare in destination has valuable theoretical, practical, and policy implications. This dissertation consists of three essays on international immigration. The first paper aims to test a series of immigration theories by studying immigrant skill-selection into South Africa and the United States. Most of the research on the determinants of immigrant skill selection has been focusing on immigrants in the United States and other developed destination countries. However, migration has been growing much faster in recent years between developing countries. This case study offers insights into the similarities and differences of immigration theories within the contexts of international migration into South Africa and the US. This project is funded by the Hamilton Research Fellowship of Columbia School of Social Work. The second paper narrows down the focus onto Asian immigrants in the United States, studying how the skill-selection of Asian immigrants from different regions has evolved over the past four decades. Asian sending countries have experienced tremendous growth in their economy and educational infrastructure. The rapid development provides an excellent opportunity to test the theories on the associations between emigrants’ skill-selection and sending countries’ income, inequality, and education level. On the other hand, during the study period, the United States has had massive expansion employment-based immigration system, followed by cutbacks in immigration policies. I study the association between immigration patterns and these policies to draw inferences on how the changes in immigration policies have affected the skill selection of Asian immigrants. This research is funded by Columbia University Weatherhead East Asia Institute’s Dorothy Borg Research Program Dissertation Research Fellowship. The third paper centers on the less-educated immigrant groups in the US and investigates the gap in welfare use between less-educated immigrant and native households during 1995-2018, spanning periods of economic recessions and recoveries, changes in welfare policy regimes, and policies towards immigrants. I use “decomposition analysis” to study to what extend demographic factors, macroeconomic trends, and welfare and immigration policy could explain the disparities in welfare participation between immigrants and natives. This paper is co-authored with Dr. Neeraj Kaushal from Columbia School of Social Work and Dr. Julia Shu-Huah Wang from the University of Hong Kong. The work has been published in Population Research and Policy Review (doi.org/10.1007/s11113-020-09621-8).

Geographic Areas

• South Africa
• United States
• Social service
• Immigrants--Economic aspects
• Immigrants--Social conditions
• Race discrimination
• Immigrants--Education

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Global migration: causes and consequences.

• Benjamin Helms Benjamin Helms Department of Politics, University of Virginia
•  and  David Leblang David Leblang Department of Politics, Frank Batten School of Leadership and Public Policy, University of Virginia
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.631
• Published online: 25 February 2019

International migration is a multifaceted process with distinct stages and decision points. An initial decision to leave one’s country of birth may be made by the individual or the family unit, and this decision may reflect a desire to reconnect with friends and family who have already moved abroad, a need to diversify the family’s access to financial capital, a demand to increase wages, or a belief that conditions abroad will provide social and/or political benefits not available in the homeland. Once the individual has decided to move abroad, the next decision is the choice of destination. Standard explanations of destination choice have focused on the physical costs associated with moving—moving shorter distances is often less expensive than moving to a destination farther away; these explanations have recently been modified to include other social, political, familial, and cultural dimensions as part of the transaction cost associated with migrating. Arrival in a host country does not mean that an émigré’s relationship with their homeland is over. Migrant networks are an engine of global economic integration—expatriates help expand trade and investment flows, they transmit skills and knowledge back to their homelands, and they remit financial and human capital. Aware of the value of their external populations, home countries have developed a range of policies that enable them to “harness” their diasporas.

• immigration
• international political economy
• factor flows
• gravity models

Introduction

The steady growth of international labor migration is an important, yet underappreciated, aspect of globalization. 1 In 1970 , just 78 million people, or about 2.1% of the global population, lived outside their country of birth. By 1990 , that number had nearly doubled to more than 150 million people, or about 2.8% of the global population (United Nations Population Division, 2012 ). Despite the growth of populist political parties and restrictionist movements in key destination countries, the growth in global migration shows no signs of slowing down, with nearly 250 million people living outside their country of birth as of 2015 . While 34% of all global migrants live in industrialized countries (with the United States and Germany leading the way), 38% of all global migration occurs between developing countries (World Bank, 2016 ).

Identifying the causes and consequences of international labor migration is essential to our broader understanding of globalization. Scholars across diverse academic fields, including economics, political science, sociology, law, and demography, have attempted to explain why individuals voluntarily leave their homelands. The dominant thread in the labor migration literature is influenced by microeconomics, which posits that individuals contemplating migration are rational, utility-maximizing actors who carefully weigh the potential costs and benefits of leaving their country of origin (e.g., Borjas, 1989 ; Portes & Böröcz, 1989 ; Grogger & Hanson, 2011 ). The act of migration, from this perspective, is typically conceptualized as an investment from which a migrant expects to receive some benefit, whether it be in the form of increased income, political freedom, or enhanced social ties (Schultz, 1961 ; Sjaastad, 1962 ; Collier & Hoeffler, 2014 ).

In this article we go beyond the treatment of migration as a single decision and conceive of it as a multifaceted process with distinct stages and decision points. We identify factors that are relevant at different stages in the migration process and highlight how and when certain factors interact with others during the migration process. Economic factors such as the wage differential between origin and destination countries, for example, may be the driving factor behind someone’s initial decision to migrate (Borjas, 1989 ). But when choosing a specific destination, economic factors may be conditioned by political or social conditions in that destination (Fitzgerald, Leblang, & Teets, 2014 ). Each stage or decision point has distinguishing features that are important in determining how (potential) migrants respond to the driving forces identified by scholars.

This is certainly not a theoretical innovation; migration has long been conceived of as a multi-step process, and scholars often identify the stage or decision point to which their argument best applies. However, most interdisciplinary syntheses of the literature on international labor migration do not provide a systematic treatment of this defining feature, instead organizing theoretical and empirical contributions by field of study, unit or level of analysis, or theoretical tradition (e.g., Portes & Böröcz, 1989 ; Massey et al., 1993 ; European Asylum Support Office, 2016 ). Such approaches are undoubtedly valuable in their own right. Our decision to organize this discussion by stage allows us to understand this as a process, rather than as a set of discrete events. As a result, we conceptualize international labor migration as three stages or decision points: (a) the decision to migrate or to remain at home, (b) the choice of destination, and (c) the manner by which expatriates re-engage—or choose not to re-engage—with their country of origin once abroad. We also use these decision points to highlight a number of potential new directions for future research in this still-evolving field.

Figure 1. Global migration intentions by educational attainment, 2008–2017.

Should I Stay or Should I Go, Now?

The massive growth in international labor migration in the age of globalization is remarkable, but the fact remains that over 95% of the world’s population never leave their country of origin (United Nations Population Division, 2012 ). Figure 1 shows the percentage of people who expressed an intention to move abroad between 2008 and 2017 by educational attainment, according to data from the Gallup World Poll. Over this time period, it appears that those who were highly educated expressed intent to migrate in greater numbers than those who had less than a college education, although these two groups have converged in recent years. What is most striking, however, is that a vast majority of people, regardless of educational attainment, expressed no desire to move abroad. Even though absolute flows of migrants have grown at a near-exponential rate, relative to their non-migrating counterparts, they remain a small minority. What factors are important in determining who decides to migrate and who decides to remain at home? 2

From Neoclassical Economics to the Mobility Transition

Neoclassical economic models posit that the primary driving factor behind migration is the expected difference in wages (discounted future income streams) between origin and destination countries (Sjaastad, 1962 ; Borjas, 1989 ; Clark, Hatton, & Williamson, 2007 ). All else equal, when the wage gap, minus the costs associated with moving between origin and destination, is high, these models predict large flows of labor migrants. In equilibrium, as more individuals move from origin to destination countries, the wage differential narrows, which in turn leads to zero net migration (Lewis, 1954 ; Harris & Todaro, 1970 ). Traditional models predict a negative monotonic relationship between the wage gap and the number of migrants (e.g., Sjaastad, 1962 ). However, the predictions of neoclassical models are not well supported by the empirical record. Empirical evidence shows that, at least in a cross-section, the relationship between economic development and migration is more akin to an inverted U. For countries with low levels of per capita income, we observe little migration due to a liquidity constraint: at this end of the income distribution, individuals do not have sufficient resources to cover even minor costs associated with moving abroad. Increasing income helps to decrease this constraint, and consequently we observe increased levels of emigration as incomes rise (de Haas, 2007 ). This effect, however, is not monotonic: as countries reach middle-income status, declining wage differentials lead to flattening rates of emigration, and then decreasing rates as countries enter later stages of economic development. 3

Some research explains this curvilinear relationship by focusing on the interaction between emigration incentives and constraints : for example, increased income initially makes migration more affordable (reduces constraints), but also simultaneously reduces the relative economic benefits of migrating as the wage differential narrows (as potential migrants now have the financial capacity to enhance local amenities) (Dao, Docquier, Parsons, & Peri, 2016 ). The theoretical underpinnings of this interaction, however, are not without controversy. Clemens identifies several classes of theory that attempt to explain this curvilinear relationship—a relationship that has been referred to in the literature as the mobility transition (Clemens, 2014 ). These theories include: demographic changes resulting from development that also favor emigration up to a point (Easterlin, 1961 ; Tomaske, 1971 ), the loosening of credit restraints on would-be migrants (Vanderkamp, 1971 ; Hatton & Williamson, 1994 ), a breakdown of information barriers via the building of transnational social networks (Epstein, 2008 ), structural economic changes in the development process that result in worker dislocation (Zelinsky, 1971 ; Massey, 1988 ), the dynamics of economic inequality and relative deprivation (Stark, 1984 ; Stark & Yitzhaki, 1988 ; Stark & Taylor, 1991 ), and changing immigration policies in destination countries toward increasingly wealthy countries (Clemens, 2014 ). While each of these play some role in the mobility transition curve, Dao et al. ( 2016 ) run an empirical horse race between numerous explanations and find that changing skill composition resulting from economic development is the most substantively important driver. Economic development is correlated with an increase in a country’s level of education; an increase in the level of education, in turn, is correlated with increased emigration. However, traditional explanations involving microeconomic drivers such as income, credit constraints, and economic inequality remain important factors (Dao et al., 2016 ). The diversity of explanations offered for the mobility transition curve indicates that while most research agrees the inverted-U relationship is an accurate empirical portrayal of the relationship between development and migration, little theoretical agreement exists on what drives this relationship. Complicating this disagreement is the difficulty of empirically disentangling highly correlated factors such as income, skill composition, and demographic trends in order to identify robust causal relationships.

Political Conditions at the Origin

While there is a scholarly consensus around the mobility transition and the role of economic conditions, emerging research suggests that the political environment in the origin country may also be salient. We do not refer here to forced migration, such as in the case of those who leave because they are fleeing political persecution or violent conflict. Rather, we focus on political conditions in the homeland that influence a potential migrant’s decision to emigrate voluntarily. Interpretations of how, and the extent to which, political conditions in origin countries (independent of economic conditions) influence the decision to migrate have been heavily influenced by Hirschman’s “Exit, Voice, and Loyalty” framework (Hirschman, 1970 , 1978 ). Hirschman argues that the opportunity to exit—to exit a firm, an organization, or a country—places pressure on the local authorities; voting with one’s feet forces organizations to reassess their operations.

When applied to the politics of emigration, Hirschman’s framework generates two different hypotheses. On the one hand, politicians may allow, encourage, or force the emigration of groups that oppose the regime as a political safety valve of sorts. This provides the government with a mechanism with which to manage potential political challengers by encouraging their exit. On the other hand, politicians—especially those in autocracies—may actively work to prevent exit because they fear the emigration of economic elites, the highly skilled, and others who have resources vital to the survival of the regime. 4

A small number of studies investigate how local-level, rather than national, political circumstances affect a potential migrant’s calculus. The limited empirical evidence currently available suggests that local conditions are substantively important determinants of the emigration decision. When individuals are highly satisfied with local amenities such as their own standard of living, quality of public services, and overall sense of physical security, they express far less intention to migrate compared with highly dissatisfied individuals (Dustmann & Okatenko, 2014 ). Furthermore, availability of public transport and access to better education facilities decreases the propensity to express an intention to emigrate (Cazzuffi & Modrego, 2018 ). This relationship holds across all levels of wealth and economic development, and there is some evidence that satisfaction with local amenities matters as much as, or even more than, income or wealth (Dustmann & Okatenko, 2014 ).

Political corruption, on both national and local levels, also has substantively important effects on potential migrants, especially those who are highly skilled. Broadly defined as the use of public office for political gain, political corruption operates as both a direct and an indirect factor promoting emigration. 5 Firstly, corruption may have a direct effect on the desire to emigrate in that it can decrease the political and economic power of an individual, leading to a lower standard of living and poorer quality of life in origin countries. If the reduction in life satisfaction resulting from corruption is sufficiently high—either by itself or in combination with other “push” factors—then the exit option becomes more attractive (Cooray & Schneider, 2016 ). Secondly, corruption also operates through indirect channels that influence other push factors. Given the large literature on how political corruption influences a number of development outcomes, it is conceivable that corruption affects the decision-making process of a potential migrant through its negative effect on social spending, education, and public health (Mo, 2001 ; Mauro, 1998 ; Gupta, Davoodi, & Thigonson, 2001 ).

The combination of its direct and indirect impacts means that corruption could be a significant part of a migrant’s decision-making process. At present there is limited work exploring this question, and the research does not yield a consensus. Some scholars argue that political corruption has no substantive effect on total bilateral migration, but that it does encourage migration among the highly skilled (Dimant, Krieger, & Meierrieks, 2013 ). This is the case, the argument goes, because corruption causes the greatest relative harm to the utility of those who have invested in human capital, who migrate to escape the negative effect on their fixed investment. In contrast, others find that a high level of corruption does increase emigration at the aggregate level (Poprawe, 2015 ). More nuanced arguments take into account the intensity of corruption: low to moderate levels of corruption lead to increased emigration of all groups, and especially of the highly skilled. But at high levels of corruption, emigration begins to decrease, indicating that intense corruption can act as a mobility constraint (Cooray & Schneider, 2016 ). All of these existing accounts, however, employ state-level measures of corruption by non-governmental organizations, such as those produced by Transparency International. Scholars have yet to harness micro-level survey data to explore the influence of personal corruption perception on the individual’s decision-making process.

The Land of Hopes and Dreams

Given that an individual has decided to emigrate, the next decision point is to choose a destination country. Advanced industrial democracies, such as those in the OECD, are major migrant-receiving countries, but so are Russia and several Gulf countries including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates (World Bank, 2016 ). A country’s constellation of political, economic, and social attributes is crucial to understanding an emigrant’s choice of destination. Potential migrants weigh all of these factors simultaneously when choosing a destination: will the destination allow political rights for the migrant and their children, is access to the labor market possible, and does the destination provide an opportunity for reunification with friends and family? In this section we focus on the non-economic factors that draw migrants to certain countries over others. In addition, we emphasize how skill level adds layers of complexity to a migrant’s calculus.

Political Environment, Both Formal and Informal

As noted earlier, traditional neoclassical models and their extensions place wage differentials and associated economic variables at the heart of a migrant’s choice. Gravity models posit that migrants choose a destination country based on their expected income—which itself is a function of the wage rate and the probability of finding employment in the destination—less the costs associated with moving (Ravenstein, 1885 ; Todaro, 1969 ; Borjas, 1989 ). A rigid focus on economic factors, however, blinds us to the empirical reality that a destination country’s political environment influences what destination a migrant chooses (Borjas, 1989 ). A country’s legal and political rights structure for migrants, as well as its level of tolerance for newcomers, is critical to migrants discriminating between an array of potential destinations. Fitzgerald, Leblang, and Teets ( 2014 ) argue, for example, that states with restrictive citizenship policies and strong radical right anti-immigrant parties will receive fewer migrants, while states with relatively liberal citizenship requirements and weak radical right political movements will receive more migrants. In the rational actor framework, migrants seek countries with hospitable political environments to maximize both their political representation in government and their access to labor market opportunities as a result of citizenship rights and social acceptance (Fitzgerald et al., 2014 ).

Using a broad sample of origin countries and 18 destination countries, they find that relative restrictiveness of citizenship policies and level of domestic support for the radical right are substantively important determinants of global migratory flows. Further, they find that these political variables condition a migrant’s choice of destination: the relative importance of economic factors such as the unemployment rate or the wage differential diminishes as a destination country’s political environment becomes more open for migrants. In other words, when migrants are choosing a destination country, political considerations may trump economic ones—a finding that is an important amendment to the primarily economics-focused calculus of the initial stage of the immigration decision.

However, prior to choosing and entering a destination country, a migrant must also navigate a country’s immigration policy—the regulation of both migrant entry and the rights and status of current migrants. While it is often assumed that a relatively more restrictive immigration policy deters entry, and vice versa, a lack of quantitative data has limited the ability of scholars to confirm this intuition cross-nationally. Money ( 1999 ) emphasizes that the policy output of immigration politics does not necessarily correlate with the outcome of international migrant flows. There are a number of unanswered questions in this field, including: is immigration policy a meaningful determinant of global flows of migration? Do certain kinds of immigration policies matter more than others? How does immigration policy interact with other political and economic factors, such as unemployment and social networks?

Only a handful of studies analyze whether or not immigration policy is a significant determinant of the size and character of migratory flows. Perhaps the most prominent answer to this question is the “gap hypothesis,” which posits that immigration rates continue to increase despite increasingly restrictive immigration policies in advanced countries (Cornelius & Tsuda, 2004 ). Some subsequent work seems to grant support to the gap hypothesis, indicating that immigration policy may not be a relevant factor and that national sovereignty as it relates to dictating migrant inflows has eroded significantly (Sassen, 1996 ; Castles, 2004 ). The gap hypothesis is not without its critics, with other scholars arguing that the existing empirical evidence actually lends it little or no support (Messina, 2007 ).

A more recent body of literature does indicate that immigration policy matters. Brücker and Schröder ( 2011 ), for example, find that immigration policies built to attract highly skilled migrants lead to higher admittance rates. They also show that diffusion processes cause neighboring countries to implement similar policy measures. Ortega and Peri ( 2013 ), in contrast to the gap hypothesis literature, find that restrictive immigration policy indeed reduces migrant inflows. But immigration policy can also have unintended effects on international migration: when entry requirements increase, migrant inflows decrease, but migrant outflows also decrease (Czaika & de Haas, 2016 ). This indicates that restrictive immigration policy may also lead to reduced circular migrant flows and encourage long-term settlement in destination countries.

Disaggregating immigration policy into its different components provides a clearer picture of how immigration policy may matter, and whether certain components matter more than others. Immigration policy is composed of both external and internal regulations. External regulations refer to policies that control migrant entry, such as eligibility requirements for migrants and additional conditions of entry. Internal regulations refer to policies that apply to migrants who have already gained status in the country, such as the security of a migrant’s legal status and the rights they are afforded. Helbling and Leblang ( 2017 ), using a comprehensive data set of bilateral migrant flows and the Immigration Policies in Comparison (IMPIC) data set, find that, in general, external regulations prove slightly more important in understanding migrant inflows (Helbling, Bjerre, Römer, & Zobel, 2017 ). This indicates that potential migrants focus more on how to cross borders, and less on the security of their status and rights once they settle. They do find, however, that both external and internal components of immigration are substantively important to international migrant flows.

The effects of policy, however, cannot be understood in isolation from other drivers of migration. Firstly, poor economic conditions and restrictive immigration policy are mutually reinforcing: when the unemployment rate is elevated, restrictive policies are more effective in deterring migrant flows. An increase in policy effectiveness in poor economic conditions suggests that states care more about deterring immigration when the economy is performing poorly. Secondly, a destination country’s restrictive immigration policy is more effective when migrants come from origin countries that have a common colonial heritage. This suggests that cultural similarities and migrant networks help to spread information about the immigration policy environment in the destination country. Social networks prove to be crucial in determining how much migrants know about the immigration policies of destination countries, regardless of other cultural factors such as colonial heritage or common language (Helbling & Leblang, 2017 ). In summary, more recent work supports the idea that immigration policy of destination countries exerts a significant influence on both the size and character of international migration flows. Much work remains to be done in terms of understanding the nuances of specific immigration policy components, the effect of policy change over time, and through what mechanisms immigration policy operates.

Transnational Social Networks

None of this should be taken to suggest that only political and economic considerations matter when a potential migrant contemplates a potential destination; perhaps one of the biggest contributions to the study of bilateral migration is the role played by transnational social networks. Migrating is a risky undertaking, and to minimize that risk, migrants are more likely to move to destinations where they can “readily tap into networks of co-ethnics” (Fitzgerald et al., 2014 , p. 410). Dense networks of co-ethnics not only help provide information about economic opportunities, but also serve as a social safety net which, in turn, helps decrease the risks associated with migration, including, but not limited to, finding housing and integrating into a new community (Massey, 1988 ; Portes & Böröcz, 1989 ; Portes, 1995 ; Massey et al., 1993 ; Faist, 2000 ; Sassen, 1995 ; Light, Bernard, & Kim, 1999 ). Having a transnational network of family members is quite important to destination choice; if a destination country has an immigration policy that emphasizes family reunification, migrants can use their familial connections to gain economically valuable permanent resident or citizenship status more easily than in other countries (Massey et al., 1993 , p. 450; Helbing & Leblang, 2017 ). When the migrant is comparing potential destinations, countries in which that migrant has a strong social network will be heavily favored in a cost–benefit analysis.

Note, however, that even outside of a strict rational actor framework with perfect information, transnational social networks still may be quite salient to destination choice. An interesting alternative hypothesis for the patterns we observe draws on theories from financial market behavior which focus on herding. Migrants choosing a destination observe the decisions of their co-ethnics who previously migrated and assume that those decisions were based on a relevant set of information, such as job opportunities or social tolerance of migrants. New migrants then choose the same destination as their co-ethnics not based on actual exchanges of valuable information, but based solely on the assumption that previous migration decisions were based on rational calculation (Epstein & Gang, 2006 ; Epstein, 2008 ). This is a classic example of herding, and the existing empirical evidence on the importance of transnational social networks cannot invalidate this alternative hypothesis. One could also explain social network effects through the lens of cumulative causation or feedback loops: the initial existence of connections in destination countries makes the act of migration less risky and attracts additional co-ethnics. This further expands migrant networks in a destination, further decreasing risk for future waves of migrants, and so on (Massey, 1990 ; Fussel & Massey, 2004 ; Fussel, 2010 ).

No matter the pathway by which social networks operate, the empirical evidence indicates that they are one of the most important determinants of destination choice. Potential migrants from Mexico, for example, who are able to tap into existing networks in the United States face lower direct, opportunity, and psychological costs of international migration (Massey & Garcia España, 1987 ). This same relationship holds in the European context; a study of Bulgarian and Italian migrants indicates that those with “social capital” in a destination community are more likely to migrate and to choose that particular destination (Haug, 2008 ). Studies that are more broadly cross-national in nature also confirm the social network hypothesis across a range of contexts and time periods (e.g., Clark et al., 2007 ; Hatton & Williamson, 2011 ; Fitzgerald et al., 2014 ).

Despite the importance of social networks, it is, again, important to qualify their role in framing the choice of destinations. It seems that the existence of co-ethnics in destination countries most strongly influences emigration when they are relatively few in number. Clark et al. ( 2007 ), in their study of migration to the United States, find that the “friends and relatives effect” falls to zero once the migrant stock in the United States reaches 8.3% of the source-country population. In addition, social networks alone cannot explain destination choice because their explanatory power is context-dependent. For instance, restrictive immigration policies limiting legal migration channels and family reunification may dampen the effectiveness of networks (Böcker, 1994 ; Collyer, 2006 ). Social networks are not an independent force, but also interact with economic and political realities to produce the global migration patterns we observe.

The Lens of Skill

For ease of presentation, we have up to now treated migrants as a relatively homogeneous group that faces similar push and pull factors throughout the decision-making process. Of course, not all migrants experience the same economic, political, and social incentives in the same way at each stage of the decision-making process. Perhaps the most salient differentiating feature of migrants is skill or education level. Generally, one can discuss a spectrum of skill and education level for current migrants, from relatively less educated (having attained a high school degree or less) to relatively more educated (having attained a college or post-graduate degree). The factors presented here that influence destination choice interact with a migrant’s skill level to produce differing destination choice patterns.

A migrant’s level of education, or human capital, often serves as a filter for the political treatment he or she anticipates in a particular destination country. For instance, the American public has a favorable view of highly educated migrants who hold higher-status jobs, while simultaneously having an opposite view of migrants who have less job training and do not hold a college degree (Hainmueller & Hiscox, 2010 ; Hainmueller & Hopkins, 2015 ). Indeed, the political discourse surrounding migration often emphasizes skill level and education as markers of migrants who “should be” admitted, across both countries and the ideological spectrum. 6 While political tolerance may be a condition of entry for migrants in the aggregate, the relatively privileged status of highly educated and skilled migrants in most destination countries may mean that this condition is not as salient.

While it is still an open question to what extent immigration policy influences international migration, it is clear that not all migrants face evenly applied migration restrictions. Most attractive destination countries have policies that explicitly favor highly skilled migrants, since these individuals often fill labor shortages in advanced industries such as high technology and applied science. Countries such as Australia, Canada, and New Zealand all employ so-called “points-based” immigration systems in which those with advanced degrees and needed skills are institutionally favored for legal entry (Papademetriou & Sumption, 2011 ). Meanwhile, the United States maintains the H-1B visa program, which is restricted by educational attainment and can only be used to fill jobs in which no native talent is available (USCIS). Even if destination countries decide to adopt more restrictive immigration policies, the move toward restriction has typically been focused on low-skilled migrants (Peters, 2017 ). In other words, even if immigration policy worldwide becomes more restrictive, this will almost certainly not occur at the expense of highly skilled migrants and will not prevent them choosing their most preferred destination.

Bring It on Home to Me

This article began by asserting that international labor migration is an important piece of globalization, as significant as cross-border flows of capital, goods, and services. This section argues that migrant flows enhance flows of capital and commodities. Uniquely modern conditions such as advanced telecommunications, affordable and efficient international travel, and the liberalization of financial flows mean that diasporas—populations of migrants living outside their countries of origin—and home countries often re-engage with each other (Vertovec, 2004 ; Waldinger, 2008 ). This section reviews some of the newest and most thought-provoking research on international labor migration, research that explores diaspora re-engagement and how that re-engagement alters international flows of income, portfolio and foreign direct investment (FDI), trade, and migratory flows themselves.

Remittances

As previously argued, migration is often driven by the prospect of higher wages. Rational, utility-maximizing migrants incur the cost of migration in order to earn increased income that they could not earn at home. But when migrants obtain higher wages, this additional increment to income is not always designated for individual consumption. Often, migrants use their new income to send remittances, direct transfers of money from one individual to another across national borders. Once a marginal financial flow, in 2015 remittances totaled $431 billion, far outpacing foreign aid ($135 billion) and nearly passing private debt and portfolio equity ($443 billion). More than 70% of total global remittances flow into developing countries (World Bank, 2016 ). In comparison with other financial flows such as portfolio investment and FDI, remittances are more impervious to economic crises, suggesting that they may be a countercyclical force to global downturns (Leblang, 2017 ).

Remittances represent one of the most common ways in which migrants re-engage with their homeland and alter both global income flows and distribution. Why do migrants surrender large portions of their new income, supposedly the very reason they migrated in the first place, to their families back home? New economics of labor migration (NELM) theory argues that immigration itself is motivated by a family’s need or demand for remittances—that remittances are an integral part of a family’s strategy for diversifying household financial risk (Stark & Bloom, 1985 ). Remittances “are a manifestation of informal contractual agreements between migrants and the households from which they move,” indicating that remitting is not an individual-level or purely altruistic action but rather occurs in a larger social context, that of one’s immediate or extended family (European Asylum Support Office, 2016 , p. 15).

The impact of migrant remittances on countries of origin is multifaceted yet somewhat ambiguous. Most scholarly work focuses on whether remittances positively or negatively influence existing economic conditions. A number of studies find that remittances modestly reduce poverty levels in developing countries (Adams & Page, 2005 ; Yang & Martinez, 2006 ; Acosta, Calderon, Fajnzybler, & Lopez, 2008 ; Lokshin, Bontch-Osmolovski, & Glinskaya, 2010 ). On other measures of economic well-being, such as growth, inequality, and health, the literature is quite mixed and no definitive conclusions can be drawn. For instance, some studies find that remittances encourage investment in human capital (Yang, 2008 ; Adams & Cuecuecha, 2010 ), while others find no such effect and suggest that families typically spend remittances on non-productive consumption goods (Chami, Fullenkamp, & Jahjah, 2003 ). Here we can only scratch the surface of the empirical work on remittances and economic outcomes. 7

Some of the most recent research in the field argues that remittances have a distinct political dimension, affecting regime support in developing countries and altering the conditions in which elections are held. Ahmed ( 2012 ), grouping remittances with foreign aid, argues that increased remittances allow autocratic governments to extend their tenure in office. These governments can strategically channel unearned government and household income to finance political patronage networks, which leads to a reduced likelihood of autocratic turnover, regime collapse, and mass protests against the regime. More recent research posits nearly the exact opposite: remittances are linked to a greater likelihood of democratization under autocratic regimes. Escriba-Folch, Meseguer, and Wright ( 2015 ) argue that since remittances directly increase household incomes, they reduce voter reliance on political patronage networks, undermining a key tool of autocratic stability.

Remittances may also play an important role in countries with democratic institutions, yet more research is needed to fully understand the conditions under which they matter and their substantive impact. Particularly, remittances may alter the dynamics of an election as an additional and external financial flow. There is evidence of political remittance cycles : the value of remittances spikes in the run-up to elections in developing countries. The total value of remittances to the average developing country increases by 6.6% during election years, and by 12% in elections in which no incumbent or named successor is running (O’Mahony, 2012 ). The effect is even larger in the poorest of developing countries. Finer-grained tests of this hypothesis provide additional support: using monthly and quarterly data confirms the existence of political remittance cycles, as well as using subnational rather than cross-national data (Nyblade & O’Mahony, 2014 ). However, these studies do not reveal why remittances spike, or what the effects of that spike are on electoral outcomes such as vote share, campaign financing, and political strategy.

Remittances represent a massive international financial flow that warrants more scholarly attention. While there are numerous studies on the relationship between remittances and key economic indicators, there remains much room for further work on their relationship to political outcomes in developing countries. Do remittances hasten the downfall of autocratic regimes, or do they contribute to autocratic stability? In democratic contexts, do remittances substantively influence electoral outcomes, and if so, which outcomes and how? Finally, do remittances prevent even more migration because they allow one “breadwinner from abroad” to provide for the household that remains in the homeland? While data limitations are formidable, these questions are important to the study of both international and comparative political economy.

Bilateral Trade

The argument that migrant or co-ethnic networks play an important role in international economic exchange is not novel. Greif ( 1989 , 1993 ) illustrates the role that the Maghrebi traders of the 11th century played in providing informal institutional guarantees that facilitated trade. This is but a single example. Cowen’s historical survey identifies not only the Phoenicians but also the “Spanish Jews [who] were indispensable for international commerce in the Middle Ages. The Armenians controlled the overland route between the Orient and Europe as late as the nineteenth century . Lebanese Christians developed trade between the various parts of the Ottoman empire” (Cowen, 1997 , p. 170). Rauch and Trindade ( 2002 ) provide robust empirical evidence linking the Chinese diaspora to patterns of imports and exports with their home country.

A variety of case studies document the importance of migrant networks in helping overcome problems of information asymmetries. In his study of Indian expatriates residing in the United States, Kapur ( 2014 ) documents how that community provides U.S. investors with a signal of the work ethic, labor quality, and business culture that exists in India. Likewise, Weidenbaum and Hughes ( 1996 ) chronicle the Bamboo Network—the linkages between ethnic Chinese living outside mainland China and their homeland—and how these linkages provide superior access to information and opportunities for investment.

Connections between migrant communities across countries affect cross-national investment even when these connections do not provide information about investment opportunities. In his work on the Maghrebi traders of the 11th century , Greif argues that this trading network was effective because it was able to credibly threaten collective punishment by all merchants if even one of them defected (Greif, 1989 , 1993 ). Grief shows that this co-ethnic network was able to share information regarding the past actions of actors (they could communicate a reputation)—something that was essential for the efficient functioning of markets in the absence of formal legal rules. Weidenbaum and Hughes reach a similar conclusion about the effectiveness of the Bamboo Network, remarking that “if a business owner violates an agreement, he is blacklisted. This is far worse than being sued, because the entire Chinese networks will refrain from doing business with the guilty party” (Hughes, 1996 , p. 51).

Migrants not only alter the flow of income by remitting to their countries of origin, but also influence patterns of international portfolio investment and FDI. Most existing literature on international capital allocation emphasizes monadic factors such as the importance of credible commitments and state institutional quality, failing to address explicitly dyadic phenomena that may also drive investment. Diaspora networks, in particular, facilitate cross-border investment in a number of ways. They foster a higher degree of familiarity between home and host countries, leading to a greater preference for investment in specific countries. Diaspora networks can also decrease information asymmetries in highly uncertain international capital markets in two ways. Firstly, they can provide investors with salient information about their homeland, such as consumer tastes, that can influence investment decision-making. Secondly, they can share knowledge about investment opportunities, regulation and procedures, and customs that decrease transaction costs associated with cross-border investment (Leblang, 2010 ). This place of importance for migrants suggests to the broader international political economy literature the importance of non-institutional mechanisms for channeling economic activity.

Although the hypothesized link between migrants and international investment has only recently been identified, the quantitative evidence available supports that hypothesis. Leblang ( 2010 ), using dyadic cross-sectional data, finds that diaspora networks “have both a substantively significant effect and a statistically significant effect on cross-border investment,” including international portfolio investment and FDI (p. 584). The effect of bilateral migratory flows correlates positively with the degree of information asymmetry: when informational imperfections are more pervasive in a dyad, migrants (especially the highly skilled) play a disproportionately large role in international capital allocation (Kugler, Levinthal, & Rapoport, 2017 ). Other quantitative studies find substantively similar results for FDI alone (e.g., Javorcik, Özden, Spatareanu, & Neagu, 2011 ; Aubry, Rapoport, & Reshef, 2016 ).

Many questions still remain unanswered. Firstly, does the effect of migrants on investment follow the waves of the global economy, or is it countercyclical as remittances have been shown to be? Secondly, how does this additional investment, facilitated by migrants, affect socioeconomic outcomes such as inequality, poverty, and economic development (Leblang, 2010 )? Does the participation of migrants lead to more successful FDI projects in developing countries because of their ability to break down information barriers? Within portfolio investment, do migrants lead to a preference for certain asset classes over others, and if so, what are the effects on bilateral and international capital markets? These are just a few directions in an area ripe for additional research.

Return Migration and Dual Citizenship

Besides financial flows, migrants themselves directly contribute to global flows of capital by returning to their countries of origin in large numbers. This phenomenon of return migration—or circular migration—can come in a few temporal forms, including long-term migration followed by a permanent return to a country of origin, or repeat migration in which a migrant regularly moves between destination and origin countries (Dumont & Spielvogel, 2008 ). While comparable data on return migration is scarce, some reports suggest that 20% to 50% of all immigrants leave their destination country within five years after their arrival (e.g., Borjas & Bratsberg, 1996 ; Aydemir & Robinson, 2008 ; Bratsberg, Raaum, & Sørlie, 2007 ; Dustmann & Weiss, 2007 ). An independent theoretical and empirical account of return migration does not yet exist in the literature and is beyond the scope of this paper. But in the rational actor framework, motivations to return home include a failure to realize the expected benefits of migration, changing preferences toward a migrant’s home country, achievement of a savings or other economic goal, or the opening of additional employment opportunities back home due to newly acquired experience or greater levels of economic development (Dumont & Spielvogel, 2008 ).

While most migration literature treats the country of origin as a passive actor that only provides the conditions for migration, new literature on return migration gives home country policies pride of place. Origin countries can craft policies that encourage diaspora re-engagement, incentivizing individuals to return home. Dual citizenship, for example, is an extension of extraterritorial rights, allowing migrants to retain full legal status in their home country. Dual citizenship “decreases the transaction costs associated with entering a host country’s labor market and makes it easier for migrants to return home” (Leblang, 2017 , p. 77). This leads migrants to invest their financial resources in the form of remittances back home as well as their valuable human capital. When states provide such extraterritorial rights, expatriates are 10% more likely to remit and 3% more likely to return home. Dual citizenship is also associated with a doubling of the dollar amount of remittances received by a home country (Leblang, 2017 ). These striking results suggest that in addition to the power of migrants to affect cross-border flows of money and people, countries of origin can also play a significant role.

Conclusion and Future Directions

This brief article has attempted to synthesize a broad range of literature from political science, economics, sociology, migration studies, and more to construct an account of international labor migration. To do so, the migratory process was broken down into distinct stages and decision points, focusing particularly on the decision to migrate, destination choice, and the re-engagement of migrants with their homeland. In doing so, the article also discussed the interlinkages of international migration with other fields of study in international political economy, including cross-border financial flows, trade, and investment. Through a multiplicity of approaches, we have gained a greater understanding of why people decide to move, why they decide to move to one country over another, and how and why they engage with the global economy and their homeland. Despite this intellectual progress, there remain many paths for future research at each stage of the migratory process; we highlight just a few of them here.

We know that income differentials, social ties, and local political conditions are important variables influencing the migration process. Yet the question remains: why do a small but growing number of people choose to leave while the overwhelming majority of people remain in their country of birth? Here, individual- or family-level subjective characteristics may be significant. There are a handful of observational studies that explore the relationship between subjective well-being or life satisfaction and the intention to migrate, with the nascent consensus being that life dissatisfaction increases the intention to migrate (Cai, Esipova, Oppenheimer, & Feng, 2014 ; Otrachshenko & Popova, 2014 ; Nikolova & Graham, 2015 ). But more research on intrinsic or subjective measures is needed to understand (a) their independent importance more fully and (b) how they interact with objective economic, political, and social factors. For instance, do those who are more optimistic migrate in larger numbers? Do minority individuals who feel they live in an environment in which diversity is not accepted feel a greater urge to leave home? Synthesizing these types of subjective variables and perceptions with the more prominent gravity-style models could result in a more complete picture of the international migration process.

For the “typical” migrant, one who is relatively less educated than the population in the chosen destination and does not have specialized skills, social networks are key to minimizing the risk of migrating and quickly tapping into economic opportunities in destination countries. Does this remain true for those who are highly educated? Although little empirical research exists on the topic, greater human capital and often-accompanying financial resources may operate as a substitute for the advantages offered by social networks, such as housing, overcoming linguistic barriers, and finding gainful employment. This would indicate that the “friends and family effect” is not as influential for this subset of migrants. Economic considerations, such as which destination offers the largest relative wage differential, or political considerations, such as the ease of quickly acquiring full citizenship rights, may matter more for the highly skilled. Neoclassical economic models of migration may best capture the behavior of migrants who hold human capital and who have the financial resources to independently migrate in a way that maximizes income or utility more broadly.

Since we have focused on international migration as a series of discrete decision points in this article, we have perhaps underemphasized the complexity of the physical migration process. In reality, migrants often do not pick a country and travel directly there, but travel through (perhaps several) countries of transit such as Mexico, Morocco, or Turkey along the way (Angel Castillo, 2006 ; Natter, 2013 ; Icduygu, 2005 ). There is little existing theoretical work to understand the role of transit countries in the migratory process, with much of it focusing on the potential for cooperation between destination and transit countries in managing primarily illegal immigration (Kahana & Lecker, 2005 ; Djajic & Michael, 2014 ; Djajic & Michael, 2016 ). Another related strand of the literature focuses on how wealthy destination countries are “externalizing” their immigration policy, encompassing a broader part of the migratory process than simply crossing a physically demarcated border (Duvell, 2012 ; Menjivar, 2014 ). But many questions remain, such as the following: how do we understand those who desire to enter, say, the United States, but instead relocate permanently to Mexico along the way? How do countries of transit handle the pressure of transit migrants, and how does this affect economic and political outcomes in these countries?

Finally, the focus of nearly all literature on international migration (and this article as a byproduct) implicitly views advanced economies as the only prominent destinations. However, this belies the fact that 38% of all migration stays within the “Global South” (World Bank, 2016 ). While there is certainly some literature on this phenomenon (see Ratha & Shaw, 2007 ; Gindling, 2009 ; Hujo & Piper, 2007 ), international political economy scholars have yet to sufficiently tackle this topic. The overarching research question here is: do the same push and pull factors that influence the decision to migrate and destination choice apply to those who migrate within the Global South? Do we need to construct new theories of international migration with less emphasis on factors such as wage differentials and political tolerance, or are these sufficient to understand this facet of the phenomenon? If we fail to answer these questions, we may miss explaining a significant proportion of international migration with its own consequences and policy implications.

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1. Our use of the term international labor migration follows academic and legal conventions; we use the term migration to refer to the voluntary movement of people across national borders, either in a temporary or permanent fashion. This excludes any discussion of refugees, asylum seekers, or any other groups that are forced to migrate.

2. We do not have space in this article to delve into the theoretical and empirical work unpacking the effect of demographic characteristics—age, gender, marital status, household size, and so forth on the migration decision and on subsequent flows of migrants. For comprehensive reviews, see Lichter ( 1983 ), Morrison and Lichter ( 1988 ); United Nations Population Division ( 2013 ); and Zaiceva and Zimmerman ( 2014 ).

3. Zelinsky ( 1971 ) originally identified this relationship and termed it mobility transition curve . A wealth of empirical work supports Zelinsky’s descriptive theory in a number of contexts (see Akerman, 1976 ; Gould, 1979 ; Hatton & Williamson, 1994 ; and Dao et al., 2016 ).

4. For a review of the arguments as well as some empirical tests, see Miller and Peters ( 2018 ) and Docquier, Lodigiani, Rapoport, and Schiff ( 2018 ).

5. Transparency International. “What is corruption?”

6. For example, former United Kingdom Independence Party leader Nigel Farage has called for the United Kingdom to adopt an immigration system that only allows in highly skilled migrants (“UKIP launches immigration policy”). In 2014, US President Barack Obama emphasized that he wanted to attract international students to American universities and that they “create jobs, businesses, and industries right here in America” (USA Today: “Full text: Obama’s immigration speech”). A key issue in Germany’s 2018 government formation was the creation of skill-based migration laws (Severin & Martin, 2018 ).

7. For a more comprehensive review, see Rapoport and Docquier ( 2006 ); and Adams ( 2011 ).

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Essay on Migration

Introduction to Migration

Migration, the movement of people from one place to another, is a defining aspect of human history and contemporary society. From ancient migrations driven by survival instincts to modern-day movements shaped by economic opportunities, migration impacts individuals, communities, and nations worldwide. Understanding migration is crucial for policymakers, academics, and everyone, as it sheds light on the complexities of human behavior, societal dynamics, and global interconnectedness. In this article, we delve into the multifaceted nature of migration, exploring its causes, consequences, types, challenges, solutions, and future trends, aiming to foster a deeper appreciation and comprehension of this fundamental aspect of human existence.

Historical Perspectives on Migration

Migration is as old as humanity, tracing back to the earliest days of human existence. Throughout history, people have moved across vast distances, driven by many factors ranging from the search for food and shelter to conquest and colonization. Understanding the historical context of migration provides valuable insights into its evolution and enduring significance.

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• Early Human Migrations: The story of human migration began thousands of years ago, as early Homo sapiens ventured out of Africa to explore and settle new territories. Ancient people undertook migrations driven by the necessity to adapt to changing environmental conditions, discover new food sources, and establish communities in different world regions. The movement of early humans across continents laid the foundation for the rich tapestry of cultures and civilizations that would emerge over time.
• Migration in Ancient Civilizations: Wide-ranging networks of trade, conquest, and cultural exchange were present in ancient civilizations, including Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece, and Rome, making cross-border migration easier. Migration was pivotal in shaping ancient societies’ political, economic, and cultural landscape, from the Silk Road in Asia to the Mediterranean Sea in Europe. Whether driven by trade, conquest, or the pursuit of knowledge, migration was constantly in people’s lives throughout antiquity.
• Impact of Colonization and Globalization: An important period in the history of migration was the 15th–19th century period of European discovery and colonization. European powers established colonies across the Americas, Africa, and Asia, leading to the forced migration of millions of people through the transatlantic slave trade and other forms of coerced labor. The Columbian Exchange, which facilitated the exchange of goods, ideas, and people between the Old and New World, transformed societies on both sides of the Atlantic.
• Patterns of Migration: A complex interplay of economic, political, social, and environmental factors has shaped migration patterns throughout history. Whether driven by the search for economic opportunity, political freedom, or refuge from persecution, migrants have embarked on journeys of hope and survival in pursuit of a better life. Periods of upheaval and crisis, such as the Irish potato famine and the Dust Bowl migration in the United States, have shaped waves of migration.
• Cultural Exchange and Diversity: Migration has catalyzed cultural exchange and diversity as people from different backgrounds and traditions interact. Blending languages, religions, cuisines, and customs has enriched societies worldwide, contributing to the vibrant tapestry of human civilization. From the spread of Buddhism along the Silk Road to the fusion of African, European, and indigenous cultures in the Americas, migration has been a driving force behind the evolution of human culture.

Types of Migration

Migration manifests in various forms, reflecting the diverse motivations, circumstances, and experiences of migrants. Understanding the different types of migration is crucial for policymakers, researchers, and communities seeking to address the distinct challenges and opportunities affiliated with each category. Here are eight types of migration explained in detail:

1. Internal Migration: Internal migration involves the movement of individuals or groups within the borders of a single country.

• Rural to Urban Migration: People migrate from rural areas to cities for better employment opportunities, education, healthcare, and living standards.
• Urban to Rural Migration: Some individuals migrate from urban centers to rural areas for retirement, lifestyle preferences, or a closer connection to nature.
• Rural to Rural Migration: Migration between rural areas within the same country may occur due to changes in agricultural practices, land ownership, or environmental factors.

Drivers: Economic disparities, urbanization , industrialization, environmental degradation, and social factors contribute to internal migration patterns.

2. International Migration: International migration involves the movement of people across national borders, either temporarily or permanently, with the intention of resettlement in a different country.

• Labor Migration: Individuals migrate to other countries for employment opportunities, often in sectors such as agriculture, construction, healthcare, hospitality, and IT.
• Family Reunification: Family members reunite with loved ones who have migrated previously, often through family-sponsored visa programs or marriage.
• Refugee Migration: Refugees flee persecution, conflict, violence, or human rights abuses in their home countries and seek asylum in other nations.
• Environmental Migration: People migrate due to environmental factors such as natural disasters , climate change, deforestation, or desertification.

Drivers: Economic opportunities, political instability, armed conflict, persecution, environmental degradation, and humanitarian crises influence international migration flows.

3. Forced Migration: Forced migration involves the displacement of individuals or populations against their will, often due to persecution, violence, conflict, or human rights violations.

• Refugees: People who leave their native nations because they have legitimate worries of being persecuted because of their ethnicity, religion, nationality, political beliefs, or social group membership.
• Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs): People who, frequently as a result of violence, natural disasters, or violations of human rights, are forced to leave their homes but stay inside their own nation’s boundaries.
• Trafficking Victims: Individuals who are forcibly transported or recruited for exploitation, including forced labor, sexual exploitation, and organ trafficking.

Drivers: Armed conflict, persecution, human rights abuses, ethnic violence, environmental disasters, and trafficking networks contribute to forced migration.

4. Voluntary Migration: Voluntary migration involves the movement of individuals or groups who relocate for personal, economic, or social reasons.

• Labor Mobility: Individuals migrate voluntarily for better job opportunities, career advancement, higher wages, or improved living conditions.
• Education Migration: Students pursue educational opportunities abroad, seeking access to high-quality universities, specialized programs, or research opportunities.
• Retirement Migration: Older adults migrate to other regions or countries to retire, often seeking warmer climates, lower living costs, or access to healthcare services.

Drivers: Economic incentives, educational opportunities, lifestyle preferences, family considerations, and quality of life influence voluntary migration decisions.

5. Seasonal Migration: Seasonal migration involves the temporary movement of individuals or groups to specific destinations for seasonal work or activities.

• Agricultural Migration: Seasonal workers migrate to rural areas during planting or harvesting seasons to work in agriculture, picking fruits, vegetables, or other crops.
• Tourism Migration: Individuals migrate temporarily to tourist destinations during peak travel seasons, often to work in hospitality, entertainment, or service industries.
• Construction Migration: Migrant workers move to urban centers or construction sites for short-term employment opportunities in the construction industry.

Drivers: Seasonal demand for labor, agricultural cycles, tourism trends, construction projects, and temporary employment opportunities shape seasonal migration patterns.

6. Return Migration: Return migration involves individuals or families returning to their countries of origin or previous places of residence after a migration period.

• Voluntary Returns: Migrants choose to return to their home countries voluntarily due to factors such as job opportunities, family reunification, retirement, or cultural ties.
• Forced Returns: Some migrants involuntarily return to their countries of origin due to deportation, visa expiration, or changes in immigration policies.

Drivers: Economic opportunities, family considerations, cultural ties, legal status, political stability, and integration experiences influence decisions regarding return migration.

7. Circular Migration: Circular migration involves repeated or cyclical movements of individuals or groups between multiple locations, typically involving temporary stays in different destinations.

• Labor Circulation: Migrant workers move back and forth between their home and destination countries in response to seasonal demand for labor or employment opportunities.
• Transnational Migration: Individuals maintain connections and relationships across borders, engaging in business, education, tourism, or cultural activities in multiple locations.
• Student Mobility: Students study abroad or participate in exchange programs, spending semesters or academic years in different countries before returning to their home institutions.

Drivers: Economic incentives, employment opportunities, family ties, educational pursuits, lifestyle preferences, and transnational networks contribute to circular migration patterns.

8. Irregular Migration: Irregular migration involves the movement of individuals who bypass legal channels or migrate without proper authorization, documentation, or visas.

• Undocumented Migration: Individuals enter or reside in a country without legal authorization, often crossing borders clandestinely or overstaying their visas.
• Smuggling: Migrants pay smugglers or human traffickers to facilitate their journey across borders, often risking exploitation, abuse, or dangerous conditions.
• Asylum Seekers: Individuals flee persecution or violence and seek asylum in other countries, sometimes resorting to irregular means of migration due to barriers to legal entry.

Drivers: Economic disparities, political instability, restrictive immigration policies, armed conflicts, persecution, and lack of legal pathways contribute to irregular migration flows.

Causes of Migration

Migration, a complex phenomenon, is driven by many interconnected factors. Understanding the causes behind human movement is essential for crafting effective policies and addressing the challenges associated with migration. We can categorize the primary causes into economic, social, political, and environmental factors.

Economic Factors:

• Employment Opportunities: People often migrate for better job prospects and higher wages.
• Poverty: Individuals residing in economically disadvantaged regions might opt to relocate as a means to break free from poverty and improve their quality of life.
• Entrepreneurship: Some migrants seek opportunities to start businesses or invest in regions with more favorable economic conditions.

Social Factors:

• Education: Migration for educational purposes is common, as individuals seek better educational institutions.
• Family Reunification: People may migrate to join family members already residing in a different location.
• Cultural Influences: Social and cultural factors like religious persecution or discrimination can drive migration.

Political Factors:

• Conflict and Violence: War and political instability forced many to flee their home countries for safety.
• Human Rights Violations: Individuals may migrate to escape persecution and protect their fundamental rights.
• Political Asylum: Seeking political asylum is a common reason for migration among those facing persecution in their home countries.

Environmental Factors:

• Natural Disasters: Climate-related events, like hurricanes, floods, and droughts, can displace populations.
• Environmental Degradation: Long-term environmental changes, such as deforestation or desertification, can make certain areas uninhabitable.
• Resource Scarcity: Migration may occur when essential resources become scarce, leading people to seek more favorable living conditions.

Consequences of Migration

Migration has profound consequences that intersect across various aspects of life:

• Labor Market Dynamics: Migration influences the supply and demand of labor in both destination and origin countries. Migrants often fill essential roles in industries facing labor shortages, contributing to economic growth and productivity. However, their presence can also lead to wage disparities and job competition in specific sectors.
• Cultural Exchange and Diversity: Migration enriches societies by bringing together people from diverse cultural backgrounds, fostering cultural exchange, and promoting tolerance and understanding. This diversity can enhance creativity, innovation, and social cohesion within communities.
• Brain Drain and Gain: While migration can lead to brain drain, where skilled workers leave their home countries, it can also result in brain gain for destination countries, as migrants bring diverse skills, knowledge, and innovation.
• Social Integration and Challenges: While migration promotes social integration by exposing individuals to different perspectives and experiences, migrants may face social challenges. Barriers in language, discrimination, and cultural differences can prevent immigrants from integrating into new communities, causing feelings of exclusion and isolation.
• Family Dynamics and Relationships: Migration often disrupts family structures and relationships as individuals leave behind loved ones to pursue better opportunities elsewhere. Separation from family members can lead to emotional distress and strain familial bonds, highlighting the importance of maintaining connections across borders.
• Political Discourse and National Identity: Migration shapes political discourse and debates surrounding national identity, citizenship, and immigration policies. Governments must navigate complex political landscapes to develop inclusive policies that balance national security concerns with humanitarian considerations and respect for human rights.
• Environmental Impacts and Urbanization: Migration contributes to urbanization as people migrate from rural to urban regions, searching for economic opportunities. This rapid urbanization can strain infrastructure, exacerbate housing shortages, and lead to environmental degradation, highlighting the need for sustainable urban planning and resource management.

Case Studies: Migration Patterns Around the World

Examining migration patterns worldwide offers valuable insights into the diverse drivers, dynamics, and impacts of migration on different regions and populations. Here are several case studies highlighting migration patterns in various parts of the world:

• United States-Mexico Border Migration: The United States-Mexico border is one of the most prominent migration corridors globally. Economic disparities, violence, and political instability in Central America drive significant numbers of migrants to seek asylum or better opportunities in the United States. Migration patterns along this border highlight the challenges of border security, human rights, and immigration policy reform.
• Syrian Refugee Crisis: The Syrian refugee crisis brought attention to migration patterns in Europe, with millions fleeing conflict and persecution in Syria and seeking asylum in European countries. The influx of refugees sparked debates over immigration policies, burden-sharing, integration efforts, and humanitarian responses across the European Union.
• Eastern European Migration: After the European Union expanded in 2004, many people left Eastern European nations for greater economic opportunities in Western European countries like Sweden, Germany, and the United Kingdom. This intra-European migration led to demographic shifts, labor market dynamics, and debates over freedom of movement within the EU.
• Rural-to-Urban Migration in China: China has experienced one of the largest internal migration flows globally, with millions of rural residents moving to urban areas for employment, education, and improved living standards. The rapid urbanization and industrialization in China’s coastal cities have fueled internal migration patterns, presenting challenges related to urban infrastructure, social services, and migrant rights.
• Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Countries: In South and Southeast Asian and African countries, migrant labor is vital to the developing economy of Gulf Cooperation Council nations like Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. The migration patterns in the Gulf region raise concerns about labor rights, human trafficking, and social integration within host societies.
• Sub-Saharan African Migration: A combination of poverty, political instability, conflict, and environmental degradation drives migration within and from sub-Saharan Africa. Many migrants from sub-Saharan Africa seek opportunities in neighboring countries or undertake dangerous journeys to Europe via irregular migration routes across the Mediterranean Sea.
• Internal Displacement in East Africa: East Africa has witnessed significant internal displacement due to conflicts, natural disasters, and environmental changes. Countries such as Somalia, South Sudan, and Ethiopia have experienced large-scale displacement, leading to humanitarian crises, protection challenges, and efforts to promote durable solutions for displaced populations.
• Venezuelan Migration Crisis: Millions of Venezuelans have fled the country in search of safety, economic stability, and access to basics as a result of the socioeconomic and political catastrophe that has led to one of the worst migration crises in Latin American history. The migration patterns in the region have strained neighboring countries’ resources and prompted regional responses to address humanitarian needs and protection concerns.
• Central American Migration to the United States: Central American countries such as Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador experience high levels of violence, poverty, and social instability, leading many individuals and families to undertake perilous journeys to seek asylum or better opportunities in the United States. The migration patterns highlight the complexities of regional migration dynamics, border enforcement policies, and international cooperation on migration issues.

Challenges Faced by Migrants

Migrants face many challenges as they navigate the complexities of relocation, adaptation, and integration into new environments. These challenges stem from various economic, social, legal, and psychological factors, which can significantly impact the well-being and experiences of migrants. Some of the key challenges faced by migrants include:

• Legal Challenges: Migration lawyers can assist migrants in navigating the legal barriers and complexities they face, including immigration policies, residency status, work permits, and access to essential services. Immigration laws and bureaucratic processes may restrict migrants’ rights and opportunities, resulting in uncertainty, vulnerability, and potential exploitation.
• Socio-cultural Challenges: Cultural differences, language barriers, and social norms present significant challenges for migrants seeking to navigate unfamiliar social landscapes and establish meaningful connections with host communities. Discrimination, prejudice, and xenophobia may exacerbate feelings of isolation, marginalization, and identity struggles among migrants.
• Economic Challenges: Migrants face economic hardships, including limited employment opportunities, low wages, precarious work conditions, and financial instability. Economic disparities between migrants and host populations can perpetuate cycles of poverty and inequality, hindering migrants’ ability to achieve economic stability and social mobility.
• Psychological Challenges: The experience of migration can take a toll on migrants’ mental health and emotional well-being as they contend with stress, trauma, homesickness, and social isolation. The loss of social support networks, family separation, and cultural dislocation may contribute to feelings of loneliness, anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among migrants.
• Healthcare Access: Migrants often face barriers to accessing healthcare services, including language barriers, cultural differences, lack of insurance coverage, and limited availability of culturally sensitive care. Migrants may experience disparities in healthcare access and quality, exacerbating existing health issues and preventing timely diagnosis and treatment of medical conditions.
• Education and Skills Recognition: Migrant children and adults may encounter challenges in accessing quality education, obtaining academic credentials, and having their professional qualifications recognized in their new country. Educational barriers and credentialing processes can hinder migrants’ educational and career aspirations, limiting their ability to integrate and contribute to their host societies fully.

Solutions and Policies

Addressing the complex challenges associated with migration requires implementing comprehensive solutions and effective policies at local, national, and international levels. These solutions should prioritize human rights, social justice, and the well-being of migrants while also promoting inclusive and sustainable development. Here are some key solutions and policies to address migration:

• Comprehensive Immigration Reform: Implement comprehensive immigration reforms that provide legal residency and citizenship pathways for migrants, including undocumented immigrants. Streamline immigration processes, reduce bureaucratic barriers, and ensure fair and transparent procedures for asylum seekers, refugees, and migrants seeking legal status.
• Labor Market Integration: Develop policies and programs to facilitate the integration of migrant workers into host country labor markets, including language training, skills development, and recognition of foreign qualifications. Ensure equal access to employment opportunities, fair wages, and labor rights for all workers, regardless of their migration status.
• Social Inclusion and Integration: Promote social inclusion and integration of migrants into host communities through education, cultural exchange programs, and community-based initiatives. Combat discrimination, xenophobia, and hate crimes against migrants through public awareness campaigns, anti-discrimination laws, and community engagement efforts.
• Access to Services: Assure that, regardless of immigration status, migrants have equitable access to necessities like housing, healthcare, education, and social assistance programs. To meet the various demands of migrant populations and advance their well-being, provide services suited to their culture and language.
• Humanitarian Protection: International cooperation and solidarity must be reinforced to tackle humanitarian crises and offer support and protection to refugees, asylum seekers, and internally displaced persons (IDPs). Support host countries and communities hosting many refugees through financial assistance, capacity building, and burden-sharing initiatives.
• Addressing Root Causes: Through targeted development strategies, conflict resolution efforts, and sustainable development initiatives, address the core reasons for migration, which include poverty, inequality, conflict, persecution, human rights abuses, and environmental degradation. To establish the conditions necessary for displaced populations to safely and voluntarily return, prioritize peacebuilding, conflict prevention, and human rights protection.
• International Cooperation: Strengthen international cooperation and multilateral frameworks for managing migration, including the United Nations GCM (Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration) and the GCR (Global Compact on Refugees). Foster dialogue, collaboration, and information sharing among countries of origin, transit, and destination to address common challenges and promote shared responsibility for managing migration.
• Community Engagement and Empowerment: Foster partnerships between governments, civil society organizations, faith-based groups, and migrant communities to promote community engagement, empowerment, and social cohesion. Empower migrants to participate in decision-making processes, advocate for their rights, and contribute to developing policies and programs that affect their lives.

Future Trends in Migration

As we look ahead, several key trends are likely to influence patterns of migration globally:

• Climate-Induced Migration: Climate change worsens environmental pressures, including rising sea levels, extreme weather events, droughts, desertification, and increasing displacement and migration. Climate-induced migration will likely occur within and across borders as communities seek refuge from environmental hazards and resource scarcity in more hospitable regions.
• Urbanization and Internal Migration: Urbanization trends will continue to drive internal migration as people move from rural to urban areas, searching for employment opportunities, education, healthcare, and improved living standards. Megacities and urban centers will attract large populations, posing challenges to infrastructure, housing, transportation, and social services.
• Technological Innovations and Digital Mobility: Technological advancements, including digital platforms, remote work technologies, and telecommunication networks, will facilitate mobility and connectivity for migrants. Digital mobility will enable migrants to access information, resources, and support networks while posing challenges related to data privacy, cybersecurity, and digital exclusion.
• Demographic Changes and Aging Populations: The need for migrant workers in the healthcare, elder care, and skilled labor industries will rise due to workforce shortages brought on by aging populations and falling birth rates in many nations. Migrant populations will be increasingly important in addressing demographic imbalances and supporting economic growth in aging societies.
• Policy Responses and Global Governance: Governments and international organizations will face growing pressure to develop coherent and comprehensive policies to manage migration effectively, address humanitarian needs, and protect the rights of migrants and refugees. Multilateral frameworks, such as the United Nations Global Compact for Migration (GCM) and the Global Compact on Refugees (GCR), will provide guidance and principles for international cooperation and governance of migration.
• Rising Protectionism and Migration Restrictions: Rising nationalism, populism, and anti-immigrant sentiments in some countries may lead to increased border controls, migration restrictions, and restrictive immigration policies. Migrants and refugees may face heightened discrimination, xenophobia, and barriers to integration in host societies, posing challenges to social cohesion and inclusion.
• Health Pandemics and Mobility Restrictions: Health pandemics, such as COVID-19, have highlighted the vulnerabilities and risks associated with global mobility and migration. Future pandemics and public health crises may prompt governments to implement stricter border controls, mobility restrictions, and quarantine measures, affecting migration patterns and travel flows.
• Humanitarian Crises and Forced Displacement: Ongoing conflicts, political instability, and humanitarian crises will continue to drive forced displacement, refugee flows, and internal displacement, particularly in conflict-affected regions such as the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia. Addressing the underlying causes of forced displacement will require international solidarity, humanitarian assistance, and conflict resolution initiatives to protect and aid impacted communities.

Migration stands as a multifaceted phenomenon deeply intertwined with the human experience. Migration involves navigating a complex landscape of economic, environmental, and social challenges in pursuit of a better life. As we peer into the future, climate-induced displacement, demographic shifts, and technological innovations will reshape migration dynamics worldwide. However, amidst these changes, one constant remains: the imperative to uphold the rights, dignity, and well-being of migrants. By fostering inclusive policies, promoting social cohesion, and addressing root causes, we can forge a future where migration catalyzes positive change, enriching societies and fostering global solidarity.

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Essay on Migration | Causes and Effects of Migration

December 3, 2017 by Study Mentor Leave a Comment

Animals and man have been ever travelling. From grassy plains to fertile land, in search of better food, better opportunities. ‘Migration’ means the movement of population from one place to another for better opportunities.

Table of Contents

What is Migration?

Everyone wishes to lead a happy and secure life. A place where they can offer security to their family and a better future both for themselves and family. Migration many be of two types- permanent and temporary. Some migration may also occur annually, seasonally, or diurnally. According to certain census it has been found that migration mostly happens in three stages- (a) rural to rural , (b) rural to urban , (c) urban to urban , and (d) urban to rural

Maximum migration is from rural to urban, especially in developing countries like India. Even urban to urban migration happens quite a lot. But migration of the type (a), (d) is very rare. Migration of type (a) happens only when a person goes from another village to sell his items during bazaar or Melas. Some migration also happens from rural to small then from small town to urban. Such type of migration is called step wise migration.

In India there is a crazy race of the population travelling from the rural areas to the metropolitan cities like Mumbai, Kolkata, Chennai, Delhi, Bangalore etc, seeking for better employment and better work opportunities. And this craze is increasing more and more in the coming years.

That is why competition in the job sector is increasing in the urban sphere. Metropolitan cities act a crowd puller. People are attracted to the vibrant colours of life in the cities. They fall in the wrong notion that they can pull up something big or great in the cities and earn a living but not everyone gets equal opportunities. Some end up rag-pickers, some end up as street dwellers, and some end up beggars who don’t get any means of livelihood.

Another term that comes along with migration is commutation. Commutation is the means of travelling on a daily schedule of the people to cities from the neighbouring towns and villages for the purpose of job and other works. This is a type of temporary migration.

Some people commute seasonally- incase or family gathering or wedding ceremonies. While some immigrants migrate annually. Migration is not just a re-location of human resources and settlements but it is a process which has three-fold impact:

(a) On the area experiencing immigration,

(b) On the area experiencing out-migration, and

(c) On the migrants themselves, the purpose of migration may be employment, business, education, family movement, marriage, calamity, etc.

These migrants have very little skill and professional expertise, moreover they lack literacy. They mostly get involved in the low grade activities and fields of manual labour, where there is not much sophistication or use of literary capabilities.

Very few are in administrative, professional or technical sphere. The condition of women migrants is worse. Majority of them are illiterate or have very little literacy. Such people take up even lower grade of jobs like the domestic maid servants, hawkers or vendors. This change has been termed by many as ‘evolutionary urbanization’.

This sudden migration burst has led in detoriation in the look of the city and spreading of cities. Rapid human pressure has led to the unprecedented growth of shabby towns, slums and bastees and squatter settlements. Cities are spreading far beyond its boundary limits.

There are also other evils like the overflow of urban unemployment, rapid exploitation of the items of daily necessity like- food, clothing and shelter and their unavailability and there is a very sharp decline of human values and moral and it is increasing over the years( as observed its increase from 1981-1999 and will steadily increase over the 21st century).

Hence the metropolitan cities are becoming like blown-up urban villages which fail to offer basic necessities of life to the people residing in it. Due to unchecked or unprecedented human growth the cities lack in urban functions, characteristics, urban infrastructure and services, and without a strong economic base.

They are slowly stepping towards what is called as ‘degeneration’ or ‘decay’.

The urban areas not only attract the poor and the illiterate class but it has become a place for the educated and elite class to earn a living and lead a comfortable and relaxed life. There have been many cases where students from villages have come in cities to get higher education, managed with a good job and become a part of the city itself.

Even some big landlords and rich farmers have shown their interest in investing a good part of their agricultural profits in the different businesses that goes on in the city and also commercial activities. Hence the cities of developing countries like India are developing on the plunder or the remains of the rural parts (both natural and human). Unless this exploitation of blood-sucking trend is terminated for once and for all, the development or the revival of the ‘desi’ villages is a farfetched dream.

Not just there are rural immigrants to deal with. There are international migrants as well. Majority of the international migrants to India come from Asian countries, which are in turn followed by Europeans, Africans, etc. The neighbouring countries like Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Russia etc. have contributed large number of migrants to India.

Since there is no restriction along Indo-Nepal international boundary large numbers of Nepali people come to India for seeking employment, education, business etc. Assam, West Bengal and north eastern states attract large number of legal and illegal migrants from Bangladesh.

This has created a number of social, economic and political problems in these areas. Nepalese are seen in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh, Maharashtra and Delhi. Similarly migrants from Sri Lanka are most frequented in South India especially in Tamil Nadu

Migration not only creates confusion and commotion, but also an ill-growth of cities. That does not mean that we will shun away the immigrants.

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Chapter 10: Conclusion

Can resettled families hold strong and proud cultural identities while also enduring the adverse residual impacts of displacement in a new society that may replicate much of the oppression they hoped to leave behind? When immigrants and refugees first arrive in the United States, their unique status tends to be quite apparent. Customs and language set them apart (see the chapter on acculturation). They are likely to face many barriers to services, housing, and employment (see the immigration policy and economics chapters). Over time, however, families settle into new patterns in the new community. Individuals learn language and employment skills that allow them to promote their community’s interests. Families learn how to reach and/or modify their goals in the new country. Over time, they join with others to create community and may even establish organizations that address their needs.

So, when does someone stop being a refugee or an immigrant? Some individuals want to retain the label “immigrant” or “refugee”; it represents their struggles and resilience and has become a part of their cultural identity.  Others do not want to be so labeled; it no longer represents their identity. They may reject the negative associations with the label, they may have moved beyond that initial identity, or they have found alternative meaningful ways to express who they are in the new country.

Consistent with our history of immigration, the United States continues to have families coming from all over the world who are beginning a new phase of life in their country of destination. As we conclude this textbook, we would like to offer some possible next steps as individuals and as professionals, to facilitate and support their journey.

How can we help as individuals?

While editing this textbook, I (Jaime) looked through hundreds of photos of displaced children and families. Some of these photos captured the strength and forward momentum of families. Others captured families in their most despairing or terrifying moments. It tore at my heart. I started to look at my toddler son, and to wonder what kind of help I would want others to offer him if we were suddenly displaced. Liz and Cathy have been working with immigrants and refugee families for over a decade and have shaped their scholarship and much of their personal identities around working in close collaboration with immigrant communities.

We feel what many people feel – an urge to help. If you want to find a way to support refugee or immigrant families, here are a few ideas:

• Volunteer with local organizations. Refugee Council USA maintains a directory of volunteer opportunities with organizations assisting refugees. Go to http://www.rcusa.org/volunteer . Volunteer opportunities can be involved (such as meeting weekly with refugees for several months and helping them with transportation, English practice, and job interview practice) or a much smaller commitment, such as spending an afternoon setting up furniture for a refugee’s new home. Volunteers are also needed to tutor English, math, basic computer and employment skills.
• Donate to organizations responding to humanitarian needs. One way to alleviate the refugee crisis is to donate money to the organizations providing for refugees’ basic needs. USAID.gov maintains lists of organizations in need of donations (for example, the list of organizations working with Syrian refugees: https://www.usaid.gov/crisis/syria ). When considering which organization to donate to and how to donate, consider the guidelines for effective giving available at http://www.cidi.org.
• Connect with local immigrants and refugees. We can connect with the immigrants and refugees in our communities in every day ways. Try out a restaurant and try food from a part of the world that’s new to you. Ask the owners or staff about their food and culture. Attend a cultural festival in your area and learn about different customs. Many museums and government offices have events or exhibits that promote multicultural understanding. For example, the Minnesota History Museum has a “We are Hmong” exhibit that displays the political, social, and economic contributions the Hmong have made to Minnesota since their arrival several decades ago. The more connected we can become with another culture and people, the more understanding we can have.

Next Steps in Family Theory Approaches

When we (Liz and Cathy) first taught a graduate course on immigrants and refugee families a few years ago, we found that the research studies on immigrants and refugees were framed primarily within sociology, demography, and anthropology perspectives; these often missed the inclusion of a family perspective. This textbook provides a glimpse of the centrality and importance of understanding immigrants and refugees family experiences as part of the displacement and resettlement global discourse. Family cohesion and support is one of the strongest components of immigrant resilience (see chapter on immigrant resilience), and separation from family can be a profoundly distressing experience for immigrants and refugees (see chapter on mental health).

There are many conceptual frameworks and theories within family and social science fields that address the complexities of immigrant and refugee experiences. Ecological systems theory (and its adaptation – ecodevelopmental theory), biopsychosocial theory, family systems theory, family stress and coping theory, and historical trauma perspectives are all frameworks that highlight the role of the family during stressful transitions. Researchers who use these approaches to conceptualize research with immigrants and refugees will be better equipped to assess and address the role of the family in successfully transitioning to a new country.

Next Steps in Research

As immigrant and refugee groups develop their own capacity to process and lead research, they will be able to design studies that best fit the needs of their communities. As professionals, we can support this journey by using a collaborative research process. Involving local community members and leaders to participate in research design and execution strengthens the relevance of our research, and also builds research capacity within the community. Developing deep and sustainable collaboration across immigrant and refugee communities is also a critical part of raising our ethical standards of research.

We must incorporate multiple methodological approaches when appropriate and use culturally validated instruments. In some cases, we must create these instruments! As we described in the mental health and substance use chapters, much of the research with immigrants and refugees has not paid adequate attention to differences in cultural contexts and language. A survey that asks only about substance use in the past week, for example, will be heavily skewed in cultures where drinking occurs primarily during holiday weeks. As we choose what questions to ask in our research, we must review these questions with cultural informants and attempt to select or design culturally validated instruments.

In addition to these research processes, there are some key content areas that must be addressed in research on immigrant and refugee families. In this textbook, we were unable to fully address LGBT issues, the practice of religion, and changes across the lifecourse in immigrant and refugee families. We hope that future research will thoroughly address these areas.

Next Steps in Practice

As practitioners (whether in mental health therapy, financial counseling, substance abuse counseling, etc.), we should carefully consider the role of relationships and family in our clients’ lives. The client’s goals, supports, and struggles may be greatly influenced by family both living in the same room and/or living thousands of miles away. We can ask about the role of family in our clients’ mental health, financial choices and struggles, substance use habits, assimilation, and resilience. When feasible, we can incorporate Skype, Google hangouts, and phone conferencing to talk with family members and invoke or increase their support.

Next Steps in Advocacy

In the struggle to promote social equity and the successful integration of resettled communities, we must act bravely to combat social ignorance and discrimination, inadequate community infrastructures, ineffective governmental policies, and a range of complex global disparities that often create the very conditions for mass displacement. Advocacy for vulnerable peoples comes in endless forms and we believe we must work collectively to address them in order to bring about social change. We hope that in some way this book has affirmed, inspired, or motivated you to find your role/s in supporting the wellbeing of immigrant and refugee families.

We are excited to contribute our voices to the research, teaching, and practice scholarship related to immigrant and refugee family resettlement. As we stated in our introduction, we hope this book has deepened your understanding of the lives of these families, sparked an interest in continuing to follow ever-changing global migration patterns, and developed and/or strengthened your commitment to supporting families whose life circumstances propel them to relocate, adjust, and thrive in their new homes.

Immigrant and Refugee Families, 2nd Ed. Copyright © 2019 by Jaime Ballard, Elizabeth Wieling, Catherine Solheim, and Lekie Dwanyen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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Essay: Migration

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Migration is a phenomenon that is fairly well known, but its implications are rarely well understood. The total migrant population has increased from 2.8% in 2000 to 3.4% in 2017, with the number of migrants worldwide increasing from 173 million to 258 million (“International Migration Report”1-5). The effects of the outflow of people on their countries of origin are several. This paper primarily aims to outline the economic impact, while also exploring the socio-political consequences of voluntary migration on the source country.

First, it is important to understand the motivation behind migration. In recent years, developed nations have been faced with two population challenges: an aging demographic and a lack of labour in several sectors. To fulfill such needs, these nations have opened their borders. Since the people who tend to migrate are young students and job seekers, they help balance these issues in several of these countries. Along with the revision of migration policies, there exists an enticing promise of a better life. People from originating nations move in search of better job security, higher standards of living, better education and healthcare, amongst a variety of other factors (“International Migration Report”).

The sheer income gap between the developed and developing countries incentivizes citizens of poorer regions to emigrate. In fact, a wider gap creates more economic pressure for people to migrate (Collier). According to the United Nations Population Division, in 2017 the United States had the largest number of international migrants (19% of the global total) while India experienced maximum immigration (16.6 million people living abroad)(2-3). The GDP per capita in USA is $65 thousand, whereas in India the figure is a mere $2.19 thousand (IMF). The vast gap between these figures creates an undeniable incentive for migration. Undoubtedly, the costs of relocating are high, but the presence of migrant communities— diasporas— of one’s own nationality makes the transition easier.

While it is easy to anticipate the reasons for migration, its economic impact is harder to analyze.

The first significant area of impact is a phenomenon popularly termed as brain-drain. Brain drain is the emigration of highly trained, talented and skilled individuals in search for better opportunities (Srivastava). This issue concerns several low and middle-income countries, since it is these skilled people that raise the productivity— and in turn wages and standards of living— of the unskilled labour in a region. Better trained people are able to improve institutions and are more innovative. This innovation and efficiency leads to better practices for work and increases productivity of even the unskilled labour— thus, giving the economy a boost. The lack of such people— who are often better educated due to their initial financial positions— leads to the creation of a void at the top of the economic chain.

Historically, data and studies conducted indicate that countries can be affected in two ways. They can experience a net brain-drain— the direct effect of migration that obviously reduces the stock of talented individuals in an economy. In other situations, they can experience a positive flow of talent—a net brain-gain (Collier). Contingent on the size of the source country amongst other factors, an indirect effect is often one that augments talent. This is because migration leads to the creation of diasporas and also incentivizes the citizens to educate themselves well in order to capitalize on the opportunities and benefits presented by it. Not all people who equip themselves with skills necessarily migrate. Additionally, there is reverse brain-drain when students return after receiving education abroad. In some countries, over time, these indirect forces combine and lead to an economically and socially favorable phenomenon— brain gain. This can be observed in large developing countries such as India and China (Collier). The better equipped population tend to contribute to development and institutional changes that eventually lead to greater economic output. They have better ideas, more exposure and experience that they have gathered in their time abroad and can implement for the betterment of their home countries.

The chart below (Figure 1) helps understand the change in levels of education, over a period of 10 years across the world. As we can see, middle and low-income countries which typically experience the highest rates of migration have seen a significant increase in education, and hence, talent and skill levels. Thus, migration also acts a catalyst for talent augmentation. While such a scenario makes a pressing case in favor of migration, this favorable outcome is not always achieved. Migration is a powerful concept, that can result in major set backs for source countries who are already in a disadvantageous position by creating a major impediment to their growth. Say, the initial outflow of talent from a poor country is large. These countries are unable to regain their original position through just talent building, because the gap left is far too wide (Collier). When the people left behind are those who could barely make ends meet, and proper education was a distant dream. In scenarios like these, the impact of brain drain is severely adverse. Thus, the impact of talent outflow is not straightforward and cannot be generalized across all nations. There are always two sides to the same coin, and for the purpose of this paper let them be the cases of Ireland and Uganda.

We can contrast the two different outcomes looking at two examples, Uganda and Ireland, in the same sector— healthcare. The World Health Organisation carried out case studies in both these countries and published the reports on their website. First, the case of Ireland, which experiences brain gain in this sector. The Irish medical workforce experienced a substantial outflow as those students and professionals trained within the country started seeking better opportunities and employment in other English speaking countries (“Ireland”) However, the government implemented a program— International Medical Graduate Training Initiative (IMGTI)— to attract and retain more foreign students, especially Pakistani and Sudanese Nationals. The program now also attracts professionals from eastern and central European countries. The number of students enrolled has increased from outside EU increased from 552 in 2014 to 1,095 in 2015. At the same time, about 6.4% doctors also exited the country. However, the brain-drain issue has not caused any major adverse effects on the Irish healthcare centre (“Ireland”). The Government must now strive to work towards retaining the talent they train.

The Ugandan case, unfortunately, has not been as remarkable. There exists a severe shortage of practitioners, especially in rural areas. Even though unemployment in the sector persists, professionals find these positions unattractive due to their conditions. During the period of 2010-2015, on average, 9% of these practitioners migrated out of Uganda (Omaswa et. Al.,4). More pressing is the fact that 89% of the migrants are young professionals under the age of 40. Over the course of the study, 192 professionals migrated, while only 71 returned to work or after studying abroad. These numbers could be especially worrying, and indicative of the lack of retention incentive in the country (Omaswa et. Al.,4).

Educated individuals are attracted to efficient and modern working conditions, in areas with progressive institutions and infrastructure. The absence of these exacerbates the problems associated with brain drain. Not only are less people immigrating to these countries, but their top talent is leaving with no incentive to come back.

The second area of impact is remittances —the sums of money, compensation and transfers that migrants send back to their families in their home countries. They form a large portion of the economic benefits offered by emigration. In 2017 alone, migrants had sent $466 billion back to their origin countries as remittances (World Bank). However, whether these remittances actually contribute to economic growth or not, is a separate matter altogether.

On international platforms, concerns have been raised regarding the viability of remittances as an alternative to employment within the country itself. Some argue, that even if migrants had chosen to stay back, they would be able to work and earn. This argument lays on an unsteady premise. In claiming so, we would have to assume that there are equal and sufficient opportunities present in the home countries of these migrants— the very lack of which entices people to relocate.

Undoubtedly, migration leads to a loss of productivity and decrease in the labour force in the source economy. But remittances offset these losses in the long run. Households receive adequate sums of money, which leads to an increase in both consumption expenditure and investments, which in turn fuels the economy. Above this, emigrants are more keen on investing in new real estate, institutions, technology and better infrastructure— education and healthcare facilities— in their home countries. Remittances also substantially increase the inflow of foreign exchange and help tide over periods of income shocks for families. When the financial troubles are greater, remittances increase, and tend to decrease by a lesser degree during times of financial stability. In this way, it acts as a form of insurance and encourages activities that are imperative for long term economic growth (Collier 211). These activities include entrepreneurial ventures and better human capital development, factors that are key to increase the GDP of a country in the long run (Ratha).

Trends over several years indicate that these foreign remittances actually exceed the sums received as portfolio investments and official development assistance, and are only second to foreign direct investments in low and middle income countries (Figure 2) (“Migration and Development Brief 30”). Remittances help maintain foreign exchange reserves in the country, which become vital for trade.

Despite its advantages, a highly pressing issue that accompanies these remittances is the pressure it puts on economic inequalities within the source country. Migration in itself is a large investment, that only those who are relatively better off can make. This in turn means that remittances only reach the already well to do households, which increases the gap between the rich and the poor. Development activities fueled by remittances do provide greater employment, but this is rarely sufficient to narrow an already widening gap (Ratha).

From the above discourse, stems certain socio-political consequences of migration. When oppressive political regimes and poor economic conditions overlap, emigration means the loss of those people who are affluent and have the influential positions in society. On the other hand, when these migrants return after receiving foreign education or understanding the economic and social systems of their host countries, they have the power of knowledge and new ideas. They can put this to use in their own countries by taking on new ventures and roles in top positions of governance.

Over the course of the paper, the two most prominent economic impacts of migration have become more evident. Undoubtedly, it has fueled economic growth and opened several avenues for development. In several senses, it also creates a need for better infrastructure and institutions, enabling citizens to attain higher levels of education and access better amenities within their home countries. On the contrary, those countries in the most dire positions, and people grappling with grave poverty are the ones left worse off yet again. The question we are now faced with is— are current policy measures adequate in distributing the benefits of migration,

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Apr 10, 2023

How To Write Essays About Immigration (With Examples)

Immigrants bring diverse perspectives and skills that can enrich our societies and economies. If you want to gain insight into the impact of immigration on society and culture, keep reading!

Immigration, a subject deeply woven into the fabric of global discussions, touches on political, economic, and social nuances. As globalization propels many to seek new horizons, understanding the multifaceted impacts of migration is crucial. Crafting a compelling essay on such a vast topic requires more than just research; it demands the delicate weaving of insights into a coherent narrative. For those keen on delivering a polished essay on immigration, considering assistance from a reliable essay writing tool can be a game-changer. This tool not only refines the craft of writing but ensures your perspectives on immigration are articulated with clarity and precision.

Here are our Top 5 Essay Examples and Ideas about Immigration:

The economic impact of immigration on host countries, introduction.

In many nations, immigration has been a hotly debated issue, with supporters and opponents disputing how it would affect the home nation. The economic impact of immigration on host countries is one of the essential components of this discussion. Immigration's economic effects may be favorable or harmful, depending on many circumstances.

This article will examine the economic effects of immigration on the receiving nations, examining both the advantages and disadvantages that immigration may have. You will better know how immigration impacts a nation's economy and the variables that influence it after this article.

Immigration's effects on labor markets

An essential component of the total economic impact of immigration is how it affects labor markets. Immigration may affect labor markets, including shifting labor supply and demand, opening new job possibilities, and perhaps affecting local employees' earnings and prospects. This section will examine how immigration affects labor markets in receiving nations.

The shift in the labor supply is one of immigration's most apparent effects on labor markets. When more employees are available in the host nation due to immigration, there may be more competition for open positions. In fields that serve immigrant populations, such as ethnic food shops or language schools, immigrants can also generate new jobs.

Another significant impact of immigration on labor markets is its effect on wages and income distribution. Some studies have suggested that immigration can reduce wages for native workers, particularly those who are less educated or have lower skill levels. 

Immigrants can also contribute to economic growth and innovation, which can positively impact labor markets. Immigrants often have unique skills, experiences, and perspectives that can help drive innovation and create new job opportunities in the host country. Furthermore, immigrants are often more entrepreneurial and more likely to start businesses, which can generate new jobs and contribute to economic growth.

The effect of immigration on wages and income distribution

The effect of immigration on wages and income distribution is a crucial area of concern in the overall economic impact of immigration. Immigration can affect wages and income distribution in various ways, which can have significant implications for both native workers and immigrants. In this section, we will explore the effect of immigration on wages and income distribution in host countries.

One of the primary ways that immigration can impact wages and income distribution is by changing the supply and demand of labor. With an influx of immigrants, the labor supply increases, which can lead to increased competition for jobs. Some studies suggest that immigration harms wages for native workers, while others offer no significant effect.

Another way that immigration can impact wages and income distribution is through its effect on the composition of the workforce. Immigrants often fill low-skilled jobs in industries such as agriculture, construction, and hospitality, which tend to pay lower wages. 

Immigration can also impact income distribution by contributing to the overall level of economic inequality in a host country. While immigration can lead to lower wages for some native workers, it can also lead to higher wages and increased economic mobility for some immigrants. Furthermore, immigrants may face various barriers to upward mobility, such as discrimination or lack of access to education and training. This can lead to increased income inequality between native and immigrant workers.

The contribution of immigrants to economic growth and innovation

Immigrants have historically played a significant role in driving economic growth and innovation in host countries. In this section, we will explore the contribution of immigrants to economic growth and innovation and the factors that enable them to do so.

One of the primary ways that immigrants contribute to economic growth is through their entrepreneurial activities. Immigrants are often more likely to start their businesses than native-born individuals, and these businesses can create jobs and drive economic growth. Immigrant entrepreneurs have contributed to developing industries such as technology, healthcare, and hospitality. Additionally, immigrants are often overrepresented in STEM fields, which is critical to driving innovation and economic growth.

Another way that immigrants contribute to economic growth is through their impact on the labor force. Immigrants tend to be more mobile than native-born individuals, which can lead to a more flexible and adaptable workforce. Immigrants also tend to fill critical roles in industries such as healthcare and agriculture, which are essential to maintaining the functioning of the economy. By filling these roles, immigrants contribute to the overall productivity and growth of the economy.

The costs and benefits of social welfare programs for immigrants

The issue of social welfare programs for immigrants has been a controversial topic in many host countries. In this section, we will explore the costs and benefits of social welfare programs for immigrants and the policy implications.

One of the primary benefits of social welfare programs for immigrants is that they can help reduce poverty and promote social inclusion. Immigrants often face significant barriers to economic mobility, such as language barriers and discrimination. Social welfare programs can help provide a safety net for those struggling to make ends meet and promote social cohesion by reducing inequalities.

However, social welfare programs for immigrants also come with costs. One concern is that these programs may attract immigrants primarily seeking to access social welfare benefits rather than contributing to the economy. This can strain public finances and create resentment among native-born individuals who feel their tax dollars are being used to support immigrants.

Another concern is that social welfare programs may create disincentives for immigrants to work and contribute to the economy. If the benefits of social welfare programs are too generous, some immigrants may choose to rely on them rather than seek employment. This can create long-term dependence and reduce overall economic productivity.

The impact of immigration on public finances and fiscal policies

The effect of immigration on public finances and fiscal policies is a topic of significant interest and debate. This section will explore how immigration affects public finances and how host countries can implement budgetary policies to manage the impact.

One way that immigration can impact public finances is through taxes. Immigrants who are employed and pay taxes can contribute to the tax base of the host country, which can provide additional revenue for public services and infrastructure. However, immigrants who are not employed or earn low wages may contribute fewer taxes, which can strain public finances. 

Fiscal policies can be used to manage the impact of immigration on public finances. One guideline is to increase taxes on immigrants to offset the costs of public services they use. However, this can create a disincentive for highly skilled and educated immigrants to migrate to the host country. Another policy is to increase spending on public services to accommodate the needs of immigrants. However, this can strain public finances and lead to resentment among native-born individuals who feel their tax dollars are being used to support immigrants.

In conclusion, the economic impact of immigration is a complex issue with both costs and benefits for host countries. Immigration can impact labor markets, wages and income distribution, economic growth and innovation, social welfare programs, public finances, and fiscal policies. 

The social and cultural implications of immigration

Immigration has social and cultural implications that affect both immigrants and host countries. The movement of people from one place to another can result in a blending of cultures, traditions, and ideas. At the same time, immigration can also result in social and cultural tensions as different groups struggle to integrate and adjust to new environments. 

The social and cultural implications of immigration have become increasingly important in today's globalized world as the movement of people across borders has become more common. In this article, we will explore the various social and cultural implications of immigration and how they impact immigrants and host communities.

The impact of immigration on social cohesion and integration

Immigration has a significant impact on social cohesion and integration in host countries. Social cohesion refers to the degree to which members of a society feel connected and share a sense of belonging. In contrast, integration refers to the process by which immigrants become a part of the host society. Immigration can either enhance or hinder social cohesion and integration, depending on how it is managed and perceived by the host society.

Another factor that can impact social cohesion and integration is the level of diversity within the host society. Increased diversity can lead to greater cultural exchange and understanding but also social tensions and the formation of segregated communities. Promoting social interaction and cooperation among diverse groups can help mitigate these tensions and promote social cohesion.

The perception of immigrants by the host society also plays a significant role in social cohesion and integration. Negative stereotypes and discriminatory attitudes can hinder integration and create barriers to social cohesion. On the other hand, positive attitudes towards immigrants and their contributions to society can facilitate integration and promote social cohesion.

The role of language and communication in the integration of immigrants

Language and communication play a crucial role in integrating immigrants into host societies. Immigrants may need the ability to communicate effectively with others to overcome significant barriers to social and economic integration. Language and communication skills are essential for accessing education, finding employment, and participating in civic life.

Language is one of the primary barriers immigrants face when integrating into a new society. Without proficiency in the host country's language, immigrants may struggle to understand instructions, participate in conversations, and access essential services. This can lead to social isolation and hinder economic opportunities.

Language training programs are one way to address this issue. Effective language training programs can help immigrants learn the host country's language and develop the communication skills necessary for successful integration. These programs can also give immigrants the cultural knowledge and understanding essential to navigate the host society.

The effect of immigration on cultural diversity and identity

Immigration can significantly impact the cultural diversity and identity of both host societies and immigrant communities. The cultural exchange resulting from immigration can enrich societies and provide opportunities for learning and growth. However, immigration can also pose challenges to preserving cultural identities and maintaining social cohesion.

One of the primary ways in which immigration affects cultural diversity and identity is through the introduction of new customs, traditions, and beliefs. Immigrant communities often bring unique cultural practices, such as food, music, and art, that can enhance the cultural landscape of the host society. Exposure to new cultures can broaden the perspectives of individuals and communities, leading to greater tolerance and understanding.

The challenges and benefits of multiculturalism in host countries

Multiculturalism refers to the coexistence of different cultural groups within a society. It is a concept that has become increasingly important in modern societies characterized by race, ethnicity, religion, and language diversity. 

Multiculturalism is often promoted to promote tolerance, social cohesion, and the celebration of diversity. 

Challenges of multiculturalism

Multiculturalism presents a range of challenges that can impact host societies. These challenges include social division, discrimination, language barriers, and cultural clashes. For example, when immigrants share different values or traditions than the host society, this can lead to misunderstandings and conflict. Similarly, language barriers can limit communication and make it difficult for immigrants to integrate into the host society.

Benefits of multiculturalism

Multiculturalism can also bring a range of benefits to host societies. These benefits include increased cultural awareness and sensitivity, economic growth, and exchanging ideas and perspectives. For example, cultural diversity can provide opportunities for host societies to learn from different cultural practices and approaches to problem-solving. This can lead to innovation and growth.

Social cohesion

Social cohesion refers to the ability of a society to function harmoniously despite differences in culture, ethnicity, religion, and language. Multiculturalism can pose a challenge to social cohesion, but it can also promote it. Host societies can foster social cohesion by promoting the acceptance and understanding of different cultural groups. This can be achieved through policies and programs that promote intercultural dialogue, education, and community-building.

Discrimination and prejudice

Multiculturalism can also increase the risk of discrimination and prejudice. Discrimination can take many forms, including racial, religious, and cultural bias. Host societies can combat discrimination by implementing anti-discrimination laws and policies and promoting diversity and inclusion.

Economic benefits

Multiculturalism can also bring economic benefits to host societies. The presence of a diverse range of skills and talents can lead to innovation and economic growth. Immigrants can also get various skills and experiences contributing to the host society's economic development.

In conclusion, immigration has significant social and cultural implications for both host countries and immigrants. It affects social cohesion, integration, cultural diversity, and identity. Host countries face challenges and benefits of multiculturalism, including economic growth, innovation, and social change.

The role of immigration in shaping national identity

Immigration has always been a significant driver of cultural and social change, with immigrants often bringing their unique identities, values, and traditions to their new homes. As a result, immigration can play a crucial role in shaping national identity, as it challenges existing cultural norms and values and introduces new ideas and perspectives. 

In this article, we will explore the role of immigration in shaping national identity, including its effects on cultural diversity, social cohesion, and political discourse. We will also discuss the challenges and opportunities presented by immigration to national identity and the importance of embracing a diverse and inclusive national identity in today's globalized world.

Immigration and the evolution of national identity

The relationship between immigration and national identity is complex, as immigration can challenge and reinforce existing national identities. As immigrants bring new cultural practices and values, they challenge the existing norms and values of the host society, prompting a re-evaluation of what it means to be part of that society. This can create a more inclusive and diverse national identity as different cultural traditions and practices are recognized and celebrated.

At the same time, the influx of new immigrants can also create a sense of fear and anxiety among some members of the host society, who may view the changes brought about by immigration as a threat to their cultural identity. This can lead to calls for stricter immigration policies and a more limited definition of national identity, which can exclude or marginalize certain groups.

The role of immigrants in shaping cultural diversity

Immigrants have played a significant role in shaping cultural diversity in many countries. Their arrival in a new land brings their customs, traditions, beliefs, and practices, which contribute to society's richness and vibrancy. 

One of the key ways in which immigrants have shaped cultural diversity is through their contributions to the local community. Immigrants bring a wealth of knowledge, skills, and talents that can benefit the societies they move to. For example, they may introduce new cuisines, music, art, and literature that add to the cultural landscape of their new home. This can create a more diverse and inclusive society where different cultures are celebrated and appreciated.

Another important aspect of cultural diversity is the challenges immigrants face when adapting to a new culture. Moving to a new country can be a daunting experience, especially if the culture is vastly different from one's own. Immigrants may struggle with language barriers, cultural norms, and social customs that are unfamiliar to them. This can lead to feelings of isolation and exclusion, which can negatively impact their mental health and well-being.

The challenges of maintaining social cohesion amidst diversity

Strengthening social cohesion amidst diversity is a complex challenge many societies face today. Cultural, ethnic, religious, and language diversity can lead to tensions and conflicts if managed poorly. 

One of the main challenges of maintaining social cohesion amidst diversity is the need to balance the interests of different groups. This involves recognizing and respecting the cultural, religious, and linguistic diversity of society while also promoting a sense of shared identity and common values. This can be particularly challenging in contexts with competing interests and power imbalances between different groups.

Another challenge is the need to address discrimination and prejudice. Discrimination can take many forms, including unequal access to education, employment, housing, hate speech, and violence. Prejudice and stereotypes can also lead to social exclusion and marginalization of certain groups. Addressing these issues requires a concerted effort from the government, civil society, and individuals to promote tolerance and respect for diversity.

Promoting inclusive policies is another crucial factor in maintaining social cohesion amidst diversity. This includes policies promoting equal opportunities for all, regardless of background. This can involve affirmative action programs, targeted social policies, and support for minority groups. Inclusive policies can also create a sense of belonging and ownership among different groups, which helps foster social cohesion.

In conclusion, immigration profoundly influences the formation of national identity. As individuals from various backgrounds merge into a new country, they not only introduce their distinct cultural and ethnic traits but also embark on a journey of personal growth and adaptation. This process mirrors the development of key skills such as leadership, character, and community service, essential for thriving in diverse environments. These attributes are not only vital for immigrants as they integrate into society but are also exemplified in successful National Honor Society essays , where personal growth and societal contribution are celebrated. Thus, the experiences of immigrants significantly enrich the societal tapestry, reflecting in our collective values, beliefs, and practices.

To sum it all up:

To recapitulate writing a five-paragraph essay about immigration can be challenging, but with the right approach and resources, it can be a rewarding experience. Throughout this article, we have discussed the various aspects of immigration that one can explore in such an essay, including the economic impact, social and cultural implications, and the evolution of national identity. 

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5 Essays about Immigration

According to the UN, the number of international migrants surpassed 270 million in 2019. This represents an increase of 51 million since 2010. Nearly half of all international migrants moved to one of 10 countries. 19% of the world’s total immigrant population lives in the United States. One of every seven international migrants is younger than 20 years old. What are the stories behind these statistics? What does the world think of immigrants? To start answering these questions, here are five essays about immigration:

“Out of Eden Walk” (2013-present) – Paul Salopek

At the time of this 2019 essay, Paul Salopek has been walking for seven years. In 2013, he started from an ancient fossil site north of Ethiopia. His plan? Cover 21,000 miles over ten years, retracing humankind’s walk out of Africa. While he’s walking through the past, his project is also timely. Numbers-wise, we’re living with the largest diaspora in human history. More than 1 billion people are on the move, both within their own countries and beyond borders. During his journey, Salopek covers climate change, technological innovation, mass migration, and more. Through essays, photographs, audio, and video, he creates a vivid tapestry of stories from people rarely heard from. This essay is a great introduction to Salopek’s “slow journalism.” You can find more at OutofEdenWalk.org.

Journalist and writer Paul Salopek is a two-time Pulitzer Prize winner. He has reported for publications like The Atlantic and National Geographic Magazine. John Stanmeyer, who took the photos for this essay, is an Emmy-nominated filmmaker and photographer.

“Mohsin Hamid: why migration is a fundamental human right” (2014)

Author Mohsin Hamid was born in Pakistan and educated in the US. He lives in the UK. In this essay, he explains how he wishes for “a world without borders.” He believes the right to migrate (which includes emigration and immigration) is as vital as other human rights, like freedom of expression. People have always moved, crossing borders and sharing cultures. Humans are also migrants in that simply by living, we move through time. Unfortunately, this human right has been denied all over the world. Hamid looks forward to a day when migration is respected and welcomed.

Mohsin Hamid is the author of several books, including Discontent and Its Civilizations: Dispatches from Lahore, New York, and London. He writes both fiction and nonfiction.

“I’m a Dreamer. Ask my 80+ Employees if I should be deported.” (2020) – Victor Santos

Young and brilliant, Victor Santos is the founder of Airfox, a Boston-based tech startup. On the surface, Santos is living the American Dream. In this essay in the Boston Globe, he describes that for the past 10 years, he’s worried about ICE taking him away. He’s an undocumented immigrant dependent on DACA. Santos briefly describes his experience growing up in the US, working through college, and getting opportunities because of DACA. Following the publication of this piece, the Supreme Court ruled that the Trump administration cannot immediately end DACA. For now, Santos and the other hundreds of thousands of Dreamers are protected.

Victor Santos is the founder and CEO of Airfox, a loan app that uses mobile data to estimate credit risk. He was on the list of MIT Technology Review in Spanish’s Innovators Under 35 Latin America 2018.

“My Life As An Undocumented Immigrant” (2011) – Jose Antonio Vargas

Vargas opens this essay describing how, at 12-years old, he left the Philippines for the US in 1993. At 16, while going to get his driver’s permit, he was told his green card was fake. He realized he was undocumented. In this essay from 2011, partially inspired by four students who walked from Miami to Washington to lobby for the DREAM Act, he spoke out. The essay describes Vargas’ life and career in America, navigating the system with his secret. It’s a vivid, personal look at Vargas’ experience of “hiding” in plain sight and an act of courage as he owns his story.

Jose Antonio Vargas is a former reporter for the Washington Post. He shared a Pulitzer Prize for coverage of the Virginia Tech shooting. He is also a filmmaker, writer, and immigrant rights activist. He founded Define American, a nonprofit that strives for dialogue about immigration, in 2011.

“A Young Immigrant Has Mental Illness, And That’s Raising His Risk of Being Deported” – Christine Herman

Immigrants, especially undocumented immigrants, deal with a variety of challenges. One of them is the mental health care system. Those with untreated mental illnesses are at higher risk of getting in trouble with the law. When the person who is mentally ill is also undocumented, things get even more complicated. Deportation to a country with an even worse mental healthcare system could be a death sentence. This story from NPR is about a specific family, but it highlights issues that affect many.

Christine Herman is Ph.D. chemist and award-winning audio journalist. She’s a 2018-2019 recipient of a Rosalyn Carter fellowship for mental health journalism.

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About the author, emmaline soken-huberty.

Emmaline Soken-Huberty is a freelance writer based in Portland, Oregon. She started to become interested in human rights while attending college, eventually getting a concentration in human rights and humanitarianism. LGBTQ+ rights, women’s rights, and climate change are of special concern to her. In her spare time, she can be found reading or enjoying Oregon’s natural beauty with her husband and dog.

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1 Today there is hardly any locality untouched by globalization and migration. Although the term “globalization” may seem rather vague to some 1 , for migrant workers, it acquires meaning in their everyday lives. In fact, migrants’ mobility prospects are embedded in larger social structures that bridge different localities across the globe. Migration routes may be determined by historical, cultural, economic, social and political linkages between those localities, but also by migrant institutions, targeted services and industries, as well as by the mass media and the work of imagination. Some of these bridged localities constitute specific migration systems. The contemporary organization of the neoliberal global economy that promotes privatization, de-regulation and liberalization affects all the localities connected in any given system. Because those systems are embedded in power and economic structural imbalances, some localities yield more benefits than others from the circulation and transfer of labor and other resources within the system. However, all the hubs of a system, whether in a more privileged or disadvantaged position, remain subjected to the neoliberal restructuring of the economy and face differing, yet shared pressures imposed by that process. At the subject-level, despite the various opportunities and resources engendered through mobility, low-wage migrant workers are often reminded that movement is a stratifying factor of our contemporary societies, and that not everyone is entitled to enjoy the benefits of capital accumulation.

2 In my research, I set out to gain a better understanding of the ways in which the neoliberal restructuring processes shape the constitution of a specific low-status workforce. I have argued that care and farm migrant workers in Ragusa share much more than their condition as low-wage laborers. I have analyzed their processes of subjectification as they enter a particular nation-state and labor market, as they relate to specific social networks, as they cope with their conditions of work, and as they negotiate with their employers their social positions and identities in the receiving context.

3 First, I situated my understanding of the experiences of migrant farm and care workers within the context of the structural forces that underlie contemporary labor migration flows to Ragusa, linking it to specific migrant-sending localities. Second, I have traced the constitution of farm and care migrant workers as they navigate two institutions that shape their labor market outcomes and social standing in Ragusa: the receiving state and social networks. Third, I situated migrant workers’ subjectification processes in their relations with their employers.

4 Methodologically, the choice of taking care and farm migrant workers as analytical units has proven to be useful in order to balance out the ethnic approach prevailing in the literature concerned with migrants’ incorporation. By concentrating on a bounded field-site I gained a deeper understanding of the practices and relations that develop among specific actors, especially between employers and workers. I was also able to identify some processes of subject formation at the intersections of class, gender, ethnicity, nationality and morality within a specific spatial location. In terms of theory, I benefitted from the insights of anthropologists, sociologists, political scientists, as well as scholars specialized in the study of migration, globalization and domestic labor.

5 My findings point to various similarities between migrant farm and care workers in Ragusa, such as their shared structural position as low-wage laborers in today’s world economy. The participation of low-wage laborers, who fill low-status jobs in local labor markets, contributes to the accumulation of capital, wealth and welfare even in societies that not many see as affluent, or as deserving of the label of “global cities” such those depicted by Saskia Sassen (1991). This has called for an attempt to understand the specific structural needs that generate a demand for foreign labor in a location such as Ragusa. At the same time, it became necessary to problematize the North-South development divide in order to understand the contradictory position of the province, often portrayed as a backward area that has managed nonetheless to meet its demographic challenges and labor imbalances, and respond to the pressures of a highly competitive global economy by relying on migrant labor. Adopting a more flexible approach towards the innovative articulations of market calculations and local contexts allows us to gain a better understanding of such an apparently contradictory position.

6 As shown in Chapter 1, there are not necessarily strong and weak states, but rather more affluent areas and marginal areas that may be bridged though migration. This means that sending countries as a whole should not be regarded as peripheries. My research shows that specific localities share common pressures linked to the demands of the neoliberal economy, regardless of their territorial location in any given nation-state. Similarly, migrant workers’ experiences are situated within the larger framework of the global expansion of the market economy. Many farm and care workers contribute to the accumulation of wealth in distant places because a neoliberal restructuring has rendered their sources of livelihood (especially subsistence or small farming) unviable, or narrowed their employment opportunities in their usual place of residence. At the same time, migration has opened up new possibilities for these workers to deploy strategies of self-improvement and claim their share of capital accumulation, as self-enterprising subjects who have developed a neoliberal ethos along with other ethical regimes and identities.

7 Another dimension in which the experiences of migrant farm and care workers seem to converge relates to their entry into a local labor market and their labor market outcomes. As shown in Chapter 3, these processes are strongly influenced by their participation in networks that shape their migration trajectories and influence their job search paths and the dissemination of place-based-knowledge. Indeed, besides guiding the invisible hand of the market to match labor supply and demand, networks contribute to the constitution of a supply of self-recruiting and self-disciplining migrant labor force, reducing the material and non-material costs (and risks) of recruitment processes. Network mediation has the potential to reduce the anxieties and reservations that employers and workers may have prior to establishing an employment relationship. Networks contain screening and enforcement mechanisms that are likely to guarantee the satisfaction of employers. At the same time, rotation mechanisms may enable workers to build resilience towards the hard conditions of work that characterize their occupations, by allowing them to temporarily detach from their subordinate positions in the receiving context. My study further confirms the findings of other scholars (e.g. Goss and Lindquist 1995 and Salazar Parreñas 2001) according to which social networks are embedded in power relations, and both solidarity and self-interest coexist within them. In fact, the intervention of (illegal) recruitment-for-profit organizations and the commodification of certain services and ‘favors’ exemplify the extent to which a market ideology pervades social relations. Ultimately, while the premise of embeddedness suggests that all economic action is socially oriented, it would be worthwhile looking at how the market ideology affects social relations influencing the formation of strong or weak ties within migrant groups. This would be an interesting area for future research.

8 Moreover, migrants’ labor market integration implies a relationship with the receiving state. European female care workers and non-European male farm workers relate in distinct ways to the receiving state, owing to their dissimilar positioning and political treatment as members of, or outsiders to the European common space. In stressing the similar processes of incorporation whereby employers and workers jointly interpret the administrative norms and either meet or circumvent them, I have not ignored migrants’ distinct experiences and strategies of entry, sojourn and employment, as well as the dissimilar treatment they receive as European or non-European workers. Yet, both care and farm migrant workers navigate a spectrum of regularity/irregularity and formality/informality concerning their migratory and employment status. As discussed in Chapter 2, their shifting positions in such a continuum provide them with different resources and opportunities, and may or may not enhance their bargaining power to negotiate better conditions of work and pay. The human face of migration complexifies the implementation of labor migration policy as entrusted to private enforcers such as self-disciplining employers and workers. The de-personalization of foreign labor understood simply in market terms is offset by a re-personalization of the employment relationship at the micro-level. Ultimately, the development of mutual dependencies (material or non-material), complicity and loyalty between employers and workers shows that policies addressing migration in technical terms do not fully capture the human dimension of employment relations. This raises important questions with regard to the ‘manageability’ of migration, and labor migration governance.

9 A neuralgic point in my study is the examination of the flexible articulations of market calculations with migration institutions, from the state to the constitution of migrant worker subjects. The analysis of these processes is particularly relevant in an era when migration has become an issue of high politics owing to economic and security concerns that call for integrated policy approaches to labor migration and international cooperation. Indeed, there seems to be a renewed interest on the part of a wide range of actors in ‘harnessing’ the benefits of migration for (economic) development, which differs little from the concerns underlying the foreign recruitment programs of the 1960s. My study problematizes political assumptions that merge the macro-economic concerns of countries of origin and destination with the micro-maximization interests of migrant workers into triple-win scenarios. This is not to say that migration does not carry any benefits. On the contrary, the economies of sending and receiving countries would certainly suffer without the financial and social transfers rendered possible by labor migration, and many households would not be able to enjoy certain welfare standards if their members did not work abroad.

10 My findings indicate, however, that policy goals are not always in line with the ambitions and concrete practices of the persons whose lives they seek to optimize. Along these lines, my inquiry into the constitution of low-wage farm and domestic migrant workers opened up more questions than initially foreseen. Some obvious, and yet tricky questions include: Who manages what? At what level? And, most importantly, to what extent is labor migration actually manageable? While these are not new questions they point to interesting areas in which to pursue further empirical research to gain a deeper understanding of the implications of the flexible articulations of market and policy in the arena of international migration. Will this allow us to identify more effective policies and practices of labor migration management? This remains to be seen. It would be interesting to craft a research agenda that traces the different aspects of the effects of the market, from shaping of labor migration politics, to international migration governance processes, to the effects the former may have on specific local contexts, including on the construction and perception of self.

11 I have introduced neoliberalism as an analytical category in the study of labor migration politics. In the future, it would be worthwhile to attempt a broader theorization of labor migration management as a neoliberal technology of governing migration, to gain a deeper understanding of the articulation of market calculations and political migration-related concerns that seek to harness and optimize the mobility of labor, and of migrant workers. The conceptualization of labor migration management proposed in Chapter 3 is a small but compelling contribution to address recent concerns of migration scholars about the need to adopt more comprehensive approaches to analyze the flexible modes of capital accumulation and the contemporary neoliberal restructuring of space, identity formation, and society. In particular, it offers a small window to understand “the way in which the neo-liberal restructuring of specific localities shapes the way in which migrants live in a specific place” (Glick Schiller 2009: 12).

12 Another similarity between migrant care and farm workers relates to their shared processes of subjectification. Introducing the notion of neoliberalism as a technology of governing at the subject level of analysis, I have argued that the processes of subject-making of care and farm migrant workers include the construction of a sense of self-improvement that articulates issues such as capital accumulation in migration projects. The subject level of analysis of labor migration is a key gateway to understanding the processes that reproduce global structural inequalities including at the level of the subjectivities of migrant workers themselves. This is not to suggest that migrant workers passively internalize certain cultural forms, market or consumerist ideals. Rather, I have argued in Chapter 5 that migration projects are part of unique self-engineering processes inherent in the construction of self that depend upon many factors (class, gender, age, family status, etc.), and that the construction of a neoliberal ethos may co-exist with other ethical regimes. One of the most interesting findings of my study is that the classic representation of the young (male or female) economic migrant is being challenged by the participation of an increasing number of senior migrant women in international labor migration, mainly related to the provision of care in Ragusa. The issue of aging migrants has not been sufficiently investigated in international migration studies. My research opens up another small window in this regard, but there is still much more to be done to understand how migration and the life cycle affect one another. For example, future research could look into the effects of the migration of senior women or men on transnational households; or focus on the linkages between aging migrant populations and the welfare systems of countries of origin and destination, for example in terms of retirement benefits. (Some interviewees in my study were entitled to retirement benefits in their countries of origin and yet migrated in order to gain supplementary income.) In short, there is a need for further empirical research to uncover the implications of the migration of more senior persons, articulating the structural, institutional and subject-level.

13 Finally, my research is directly concerned with issues of class and identity construction. The subject-level of analysis reveals that in pursuing their projects of capital accumulation and self-improvement, migrants may be confronted with multiple dimensions of exclusion from the benefits of capitalism (or exceptions to neoliberalism, to take up Aiwa Ong's expression). The processes and intersecting forces that intervene in their constitution as low-wage laborers provide multiple examples. As shown in Chapter 4, employers ascribe specific criteria to foreign workers, and essentialize and gender their manageability and suitability to perform female- or male-dominated low-status jobs. Indeed, the constitution of migrant workers as low-wage laborers in the receiving society implies the construction of social boundaries along the lines of class, gender, ethnicity, nationality, etc. The implications of these practices are multiple, and they go from the reproduction of the local sexual division of labor, to the configuration of ethnic hierarchies in the agricultural and domestic sectors, to raising questions about the professionalization of care and farm jobs, as it appears that both require tangible (language proficiency, technical or practical know-how) as well as intangible emotional and interpersonal skills.

14 Furthermore, the conflation of home and workplace in care and farm jobs in Ragusa is a major point for comparison of the experiences and processes of subjectification of these emblematic figures of migration. Proximity with employers, isolation, lack of privacy and the strategies employers deploy to affirm their superior standing denote the multiple ways in which live-in jobs allow for the optimization of migrants as living resources. In addition, migrants may be tacitly excluded from the public space, and they may be denied a different social status (e.g. as consumer or parent) other than that of low-wage laborer in the receiving context. This is particularly evident in the difficulties that some migrants face in reuniting with their families, owing to their subordinate status in the receiving society. Migrant workers are aware of their low status in Ragusa and adopt strategies to conceal or contest it, including by denying class hierarchies, highlighting their professionalism and cosmopolitanism, underlining their material achievements, and distancing themselves from other workers. In so doing, ironically, they may embrace some stereotypes and boundary work deployed by employers and turn them into resources for redressing momentarily their subordinate position without challenging, however, the larger structures of inequality in which they remain embedded. One interesting finding shows that the market also influences the way in which different migrant groups relate to one another in a given context. Competition among migrant workers in the receiving labor market may influence the ways in which migrants try to maintain their dignity. By embracing the criteria used by their employers to build the image of the good worker they may contribute to reproducing the local sectorial ethnic hierarchies. In addition, the construction of otherness as a strategy to contest their subordinate position may heighten distance and distrust among workers of different origins, whose constitution as low-status workers occurs, nonetheless, at the intersection of similar axes of domination. Competition among migrant workers may thus hinder the emergence of joint strategies of resistance. This is another interesting area that would deserve closer scrutiny in future studies.

15 In sum, my research has dealt with two emblematic figures of migration, care and farm migrant workers, offering some reflections on the shared experiences and constitution of these workers as part of a low-status local, yet global workforce that participates actively in the processes of neoliberal restructuring. Contemporary labor migration in Ragusa is not only about optimization. It is about people who sustain several globalized lives through their personhood and their work. They do so whatever the category ascribed to them: as labor power, as tools of capital accumulation, as policy targets, or as self-disciplining subjects and enforcers of migration management policy.

Notes de bas de page

1 There is a debate around three key issues of “globalization”: first, when the process began (i.e. since the beginning of human history; five hundred years ago, or in the second half of the twentieth century); second, what factors underlie its development (i.e. economic, political, cultural); and third, where the process is ultimately leading (i.e. homogenization or heterogenization) (Appelrouth and Edles 2012: 750-751). Although enriched by this discussion, I simply intend to highlight the consensus around the fact that human mobility is a key aspect of contemporary globalization. For Appadurai, for example, “ethnoscapes” (global flows of people including tourists, immigrants, refugees, exiles, guest workers) are an essential feature of the world. Together with electronic mass mediation migrations, ethnoscapes can create “a new sense of the global as modern and the modern as global” (Appadurai 1996: 10). For Bauman too, mobility is a key feature of globalization. Yet, as the freedom to move is a scarce, unevenly distributed commodity, for Baumann it is the main stratifying factor of postmodern times (1998: 2). For Eriksen (2007) globalization is characterized by different streams of people from diplomats to South-South migrants. Migration is a central element of transnational processes (e.g. transnational economics, minority creation, border control, long-distance nationalism), and tends to reproduce global inequalities.

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• Migration is defined as the regular movement of animals each year between separate breeding and wintering grounds.
• There are many different types of migratory behaviour, ranging from completely sedentary populations to populations that are completely migratory (obligate migrants).
• There are three kinds of natural selection that can cause evolutionary change: directional selection, disruptive selection and stabilizing selection.
• The study of Darwin's finches illustrates how rapidly natural selection can result in a change in phenotype.
• Homeostasis is an important mechanism for maintaining internal balance. In achieving homeostasis, animals maintain a relatively constant internal environment even when the external environment changes significantly.
• Birds use both internal maps and compasses to find their way during migration.
• Olfactory maps and magnetic maps are believed to help birds locate themselves in space.
• Three internal compasses allow birds to sense the direction in which they are flying. These are the Sun compass, the star compass and the magnetic compass.
• The mechanisms used by birds to orientate during migration are still largely unknown and are currently the subject of ongoing research.

Factors That Lead to Migration Essay

• To find inspiration for your paper and overcome writer’s block
• As a source of information (ensure proper referencing)
• As a template for you assignment

Introduction

Job /economic opportunities, war/conflicts, family links, reference list.

Human migration refers to the movement of individuals from one place to another. Humans have migrated throughout the history of mankind for different reasons, some of these reasons include the intention to settle permanently or temporarily in a particular place which is regarded as offering more advantages for a better life. There are two main types of human migration; the first one is voluntary while the other type is forced migration.

Human migration also takes place at different levels which are the intercontinental level, the intracontinental level, and between the countries. This essay explores three important factors that contribute to emigrants taking permanent residence in countries that are not their original home. These factors are seeking jobs or opportunities, the effects of conflict or wars, and the need to maintain family links.

A statement by Apple yard, 2001, p.6 explains that since the end of the Second World War, numerous transformations have occurred in human society. These e transformations pertain to the economic, social, and political situations of different countries and have been greatly responsible for the changing nature and composition of international migration. The industrial revolution led many individuals in Europe to move and settle in new areas that crossed the political boundaries of their home countries.

Appleyard further explains in the recent past, the pressures of globalization have led to an increased demand for skilled labor and professionals due to the integration of the world’s major economies. It is reasonable to imagine that these professionals and skilled workers move from their home countries to search for a job and better career opportunities that are not available in their home countries.

Lucas, 2008, p.2, adds that labor emigrants are known to move from their home countries to other countries where they can earn more money than in their home countries. Therefore it can be said of this category of emigrants that they move and settle in other countries because of the differences in the wages paid in foreign countries which are better when they are compared with those paid in their home country. For some, the main reason why they travel and settle in other countries is that they could be living in areas they consider to have limited opportunities to enable them to advance economically.Moving and settling in a foreign country enables them to live a more decent life

Lucas,2008,p.3 explains that the number of people who became residents of the united states had been increasing from 1981 until the year 2001. Lucas furthers notes that the greatest increase in emigrants seeking employment opportunities in the US was recorded among the temporary workers. Other individuals, especially those skilled in various fields of business, move and settle in another country so that they can be able to either start new enterprises or expand their already existing businesses. Many persons travel to Malaysia from across Asia seeking jobs and other economic opportunities as well.

The majority of the emigrants to Malaysia in the year 1997 came from Indonesia (27%), Bangladesh (23%), Nepal (22%), Vietnam (13%), and Myanmar (11%).In this year alone the estimated number of emigrants in Malaysia were 751,500 (Fair labor Association,2008, Para.8)

The negative effects of armed conflict and war in different parts of the world have also strongly influenced human emigration. Communities that have been caught up in a conflict situation often move to other countries in search of peace and other opportunities that will enable them to undertake their normal daily tasks without disruption of any kind. Sirkeci, 2005, p.197, cites the situation of war in Iraq as a good example of how war and conflict can contribute to international permanent migration.

This war has caused a break in the economic and social life of the Iraqi community. The persisting hostilities between various ethnic groupings like the Kurds, Turkmen, Shiites, and Sunnis and the American forces have persisted for a long time without the war being resolved. Iraqis in turn have established strong migration networks with most of them moving and settling in the west.

Wars are known to result in deaths either intended or by accident. Either way, the loss of human life hurts the life of a community in one way or another. The death of combatants in a war could result in family members of the dead soldiers leaving and settle in another country (winter, 2006 p.162). A large number of civilian causalities in various wars is a strong compelling factor that results in people opting to settle permanently in different countries. At times when a war ends, a community may have lost the land on which they lived; this is the exact situation that has forced a great number of women and children to move from Darfur and settled in Chad (Senker, 2007, p.6).

There is an inherent need among humans to keep close contact with their kin since man is a social being. Some individuals travel to foreign countries to join their family members who have settled there to be in their company. At times, they extend their stay and may opt to settle there altogether. Akuei, 2005, p.4, explains that the UNHCR which works with refugees may relocate individuals to another country if there is enough evidence to support that their lives are in danger if they continue to live in their home country, these individuals strive very much to be reunited with their other family members and help them to get foreign citizenship in the country they have relocated to.

Chen, n.d, p.1, explains that the increasing number of cross-cultural marriages has also contributed greatly to more individuals relocating and settling in foreign countries. This comes about when one of the partners in marriage moves from their mother county to that of their partners never to return to the mother country at all, in case they do go back to their mother countries, it would be for the sole reason of checking on their friends or relatives. Chen cites the increased number of cross-cultural marriages between Taiwan and Viet Nam. About 90,000 spouses in Taiwan come from the following countries: Vietnam, Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines, and Cambodia.

Human migration is due to a complex of factors that compel individuals or communities to move from one pace to another. The major motivation that compels communities and individuals to migrate from one place to the other is the search for comfort and avoiding situations that bring suffering. The existence of Job opportunities, economic advancement, and close family ties create comfort for the individuals while conflict or war brings losses and suffering hence the need for people to settle in peaceful countries.

Akuei, S.K.2005. Remittances as unforeseen burdens: the livelihoods and social obligations of Sudanese refugees. Web.

Appleyard, R. 2001. International Migration Policies: 1950-2000. International Migration , [e-journal], Volume 39, Issue 6, p.7-20. Abstract only. Web.

Chen, P.Y.n.d. Cross-Cultural Marriages between Taiwan and Vietnam Issues, Controversies and Implications. Web.

Fair labor association. 2008. Migrant workers. Web.

Lucas, R.E.B. 2008. International labor migration in a globalizing economy . Web.

Senker, C. 2007. The Debate about Immigration. New York: The Rosen Publishing Group.

Sirkeci,I, I. 2005. War in Iraq: Environment of Insecurity and International Migration, [e-journal], International Migration , Volume 43, Issue 4 , pp. 197-214. Web.

Winter, J.M. 2006. Remembering war: the Great War between memory and history in the twentieth century. Connecticut:Yale University Press.

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IvyPanda. (2021, December 19). Factors That Lead to Migration. https://ivypanda.com/essays/factors-that-lead-to-migration/

"Factors That Lead to Migration." IvyPanda , 19 Dec. 2021, ivypanda.com/essays/factors-that-lead-to-migration/.

IvyPanda . (2021) 'Factors That Lead to Migration'. 19 December.

IvyPanda . 2021. "Factors That Lead to Migration." December 19, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/factors-that-lead-to-migration/.

1. IvyPanda . "Factors That Lead to Migration." December 19, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/factors-that-lead-to-migration/.

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IvyPanda . "Factors That Lead to Migration." December 19, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/factors-that-lead-to-migration/.

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• How Americans View the Situation at the U.S.-Mexico Border, Its Causes and Consequences

2. What Americans say is causing a migration surge at the U.S.-Mexico border

Table of contents.

• How is the U.S. government doing in handling the situation at the border?
• Wide age, partisan differences in attention to border situation
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Americans see several factors as reasons why there are so many people seeking to migrate to the United States at the southwestern border.

Large bipartisan majorities point to economic factors as major reasons for the surge, with 75% of Americans saying bad economic conditions in migrants’ home countries are a major reason, and 71% saying the same about good economic opportunities in the U.S.

Smaller majorities also say violence in migrants’ home countries (65%), and migrants’ belief that U.S. policies allow for them to easily stay once they arrive (58%) are major factors. But there are wide partisan differences in views about the importance of these two factors.

Less than half of adults (44%) view greater political freedoms in the U.S. as a major reason for why people are seeking to migrate to the U.S.

Very few Americans say any of these factors is not a reason at all – fewer than two-in-ten say this about any of the five reasons asked about in the survey.

U.S. immigration policy

Roughly three-quarters of Republicans and GOP leaners (76%) point to a belief among migrants that U.S. immigration policies will make it easy to stay in the country as a major reason for the situation at the U.S.-Mexico border. Of the five reasons asked about in this survey, this ranks highest among Republicans.

By contrast, a far smaller share of Democrats (39%) point to this as a major reason for the large number of migrants seeking to enter at the U.S.-Mexico border. It is the lowest-ranked item among Democrats.   

Still, an additional 39% of Democrats say this is a minor reason. Another 21% say it is not a reason (compared with just 7% of Republicans).

Violence in home countries

Nearly eight-in-ten Democrats (79%) say violence in migrants’ home countries is a major reason for the number of migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border. This is among the top reasons (alongside economic factors) Democrats see for the migration surge.

Republicans are far less likely to see this as a major factor for the surge in migrants, though about half (49%) say that it is.

Economic factors

Large majorities in both parties identify good economic opportunities in the U.S. and bad economic conditions in migrants’ home countries as major reasons for the migrant situation at the border.

Democrats are slightly more likely than Republicans to say each of these are major reasons.

Political freedoms

About four-in-ten Republicans (41%) and nearly half of Democrats (47%) view greater political freedoms in the U.S. as a major reason for why large numbers of people are seeking to migrate to the U.S. at the southwestern border. More than a third in both parties view this as a minor reason.

Conservative Republicans (81%) overwhelming say that migrants’ beliefs that U.S. policy will make it easy to stay in the country once they arrive is a major reason for the large number of migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border.

A smaller – though still substantial – majority of moderate and liberal Republicans (67%) also see this as a major reason for the buildup of migrants.

But Democrats – particularly liberal Democrats – are not nearly as likely to see the belief that U.S. immigration policy is loose as a factor. Just 29% of liberal Democrats say it is a major reason why migrants are seeking to enter, while another 42% say it is a minor factor. Nearly three-in-ten (28%) say this is not a reason at all.

By comparison, more than eight-in-ten liberal Democrats point to violence in the countries migrants are coming from as a major reason for their migration.

About three-quarters of conservative and moderate Democrats (73%), and roughly six-in-ten moderate and liberal Republicans (58%) also view violence as a major factor behind why migrants are coming to the U.S.

But conservative Republicans are less likely to see this as a significant contributing factor: 44% say it is a major reason why migrants at the southwest border seek to enter the U.S., while another 42% say it is a minor reason.

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U.s. christians more likely than ‘nones’ to say situation at the border is a crisis, migrant encounters at the u.s.-mexico border hit a record high at the end of 2023, americans remain critical of government’s handling of situation at u.s.-mexico border, republicans and democrats have different top priorities for u.s. immigration policy, most popular, report materials.

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Ordering the Disorderly

Ellie’s essay skillfully uses the topic of entropy as an extended metaphor. Through it, we see reflections about who they are and who they aspire to be.

Pack Light, But Be Prepared

In Pablo’s essay, the act of packing for a pilgrimage becomes a metaphor for the way humans accumulate experiences in their life’s journey and what we can learn from them. As we join Pablo through the diverse phases of their life, we gain insights into their character and values.

Tikkun Olam

Julieta illustrates how the concept of Tikkun Olam, “a desire to help repair the world,” has shaped their passions and drives them to pursue experiences at Hopkins.

Kashvi’s essay encapsulates a heartfelt journey of self-discovery and the invaluable teachings of Rock, their 10-year-old dog. Through the lens of their companionship, Kashvi walked us through valuable lessons on responsibility, friendship, patience, and unconditional love.

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Nell Irvin Painter’s understanding of America is beautiful and bracing. We should listen.

“I Just Keep Talking” brings together wide-ranging and pointed essays by the author of “The History of White People.”

From the opening sentences of her new collection, “ I Just Keep Talking: A Life in Essays ,” historian Nell Irvin Painter addresses readers in a voice brimming with knowledge, clarity and, most delightfully, confidence. As she writes, it would have been a terrible thing had she died young, “during the full-blown era of White-male-default segregation, discrimination, and disappearance that wound down only yesterday. I would have disappeared from memory, just another forgotten Black woman scholar, invisible to history and to histography.” And poor readers would have been deprived of her droll wit and self-assured wisdom.

It’s no small thing that in an era filled with grievances based on injuries that are sometimes profound and often perceived, Painter makes it clear that she has not come to this memoir to reclaim a lost or damaged part of herself. She recounts her response to an admirer who once inquired about what she did for healing. “‘Nothing,’ I said. ‘I’m not broken.’ Not broken, but on occasion frustrated, indignant — self-righteously — pissed off with cause, often exhausted, but mostly and permanently grateful for the people who have protected me, mentored me, supported me over so many decades.” This is an invigorating introduction, full of certainty and strength. Painter has moved through her professional life always knowing her worth, never doubting her intelligence and believing that those who might refuse to listen to her insight would be lesser for their decision.

Perhaps it requires a historian to fully grasp the importance — or at least the impact — of telling one’s own story with a certain brio. Painter, 81, is an esteemed historian retired from Princeton University who studied painting later in life, including at the Rhode Island School of Design. (She wrote about that experience in an earlier memoir, “ Old in Art School .”) The essays in “I Just Keep Talking,” which reflect upon the meaning of “Whiteness,” our understanding of enslavement and the power of nuance, among other subjects, are accompanied by her artwork, which sometimes amplifies her words and sometimes stands in their stead. It is a beautiful book. But its power ultimately rests in the sentences, not the pictures.

In some cases, Painter turns her attention to long-ago history, such as the legacy of Sojourner Truth. She informs readers that the 19th-century abolitionist and women’s rights activist did not utter the most famous phrase attributed to her: “Ain’t I a woman?” If Truth had, in fact, asked the question, Painter says, society’s answer would have been “no.” The answer not only would have reflected the circumstances of the times but would have undercut the way in which Truth understood her power and the skill with which she used it.

The Truth sketched by Painter, in an essay from 1994, is more complex than the one who has been reduced to a misattributed slogan. Truth eschewed the trappings of intellectualism and freedom as used by orator Frederick Douglass, and built her “public persona to establish that what had happened to her — her enslavement, rather than her reason — lent her a unique wisdom.”

Painter’s assessment of Truth is searing, sad and deeply revealing to a lay reader. Truth understood a reality of her time, which is that “in the eyes of most nineteenth-century Americans to be both memorable and woman at the same time simply was not possible. Black women’s individual experience had either to be reconstructed as something emblematically Negro — that is, as enslaved — or to be erased.”

As always, understanding our history means understanding ourselves. We carry our history with us: what we’ve learned in textbooks, what has been burnished in familial oral histories and what has been prettied up by politicians. Painter reminds us of history’s complications and subtleties. She encourages civilians — not just activists or academics — to ask all the pertinent questions, even the uncomfortable ones or those that are contrary to our individual politics and preferences.

What did slavery do to those who were in bondage? But also, what did it do to those who enforced it? Painter is insistent in her refusal to cave to the “national hunger for simplifying history.” She is a dogged corrector of the public record. She has even included in this book a letter to the editor she had published in the New Yorker in 2022, in which she carefully disentangles Truth from the famous slogan.

Painter does not limit her sharp critiques to distant ancestors and abolished institutions; she considers still-vibrant personalities and more recent upheavals. She takes us back to the Supreme Court confirmation hearings of Clarence Thomas in 1991, during which Anita Hill, in the pre-#MeToo era, testified to Thomas’s sexual harassment of her. Painter highlights the way in which Thomas forced Hill into the role of spoiler of circumstances that were not yet a fait accompli.

“In a struggle between himself and a woman of his same race, Thomas executed a deft strategy,” Painter writes. “He erected a tableau of White-Black racism that allowed him to occupy the position of the race . By reintroducing concepts of White power, Thomas made himself into the Black person in his story. Then, in the first move of a two-step strategy, he cast Anita Hill into the role of Black woman as traitor to the race .”

Painter continues: “The most common formula expressing minority status is ‘women and Blacks.’ As the emblematic woman is White and the emblematic Black is male, Black women generally are not as easy to comprehend symbolically.”

The racial and gender dynamics that were evident during that 20th-century Shakespearean drama continue to resonate in this century. Black music mogul Sean Combs faces accusations of harassment and violence by women over whom he wielded power. Thomas remains a controversial figure, facing scrutiny over his ethics on the bench and questions about potential conflicts of interest . And Hill has become a revered standard-bearer of a new generation of women who have spoken their truth under daunting circumstances, including Christine Blasey Ford during the 2018 confirmation hearings of Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh.

History simply refuses to remain in the past.

Painter is also the author of “The History of White People” (2010), an exploration of how and why certain individuals were sorted into that racial category. Its sweeping audacity left some observers bemused, not by what it said about our construction of race but by the skin color of the woman who wrote it. Painter has swagger. And in this memoir, she takes advantage of all the privileges of a historian to take an arm’s-distance look at a people, not just those who look like her . She explains Whiteness and how the concept politically evolved during the presidency of Donald Trump .

Whiteness had always been the default, the standard against which all others were measured. Social and political acceptability were based on how closely one hewed to the White ideal. To claim Whiteness as an identity, however, was problematic, because those who did so were white nationalists and supremacists. They were members of the Ku Klux Klan. White pride was a political hand grenade.

“What the time of Trump does for us now is make White Americans visible as raced Americans, as raced counterparts to Black Americans. Long-standing assumptions — that only non-Whites have racial identities, that White Americans are individuals who only have race if they’re Nazis or White nationalists — those assumptions no longer hold,” Painter writes in an essay from 2018. “I’m turning the glass around to focus on what living in a slave society did to non-Black Americans and to the society as a whole.”

Painter puts muscle and heart into history so that her readers can easily, but thoughtfully, draw the lines between past and present. Her history is inclusive, not in a pandering or self-consciously correct way, but because her artful telling of it is full of complexity that’s both beautiful and bracing.

“Once we can write the words ‘trauma’ and ‘slavery’ in the same sentence, we will have enriched our understanding of slavery’s human costs, for enslaved, enslavers, and bystanders,” she writes.

In her memoir, Painter offers an intellectual history of herself, but also a history of us. We’re lucky that she continues to talk. What she has to say can help us more fully understand ourselves — but only if we’re willing to listen.

I Just Keep Talking

A Life in Essays

By Nell Irvin Painter

Doubleday. 418 pp. $35

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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Human Migration — Push and Pull Factors of Migration

Push and Pull Factors of Migration

• Categories: Human Migration

About this sample

Words: 694 |

Published: Jan 30, 2024

Words: 694 | Pages: 2 | 4 min read

Table of contents

Definition and explanation of push and pull factors, examples and case studies, impact of push and pull factors on migration trends, push factors of migration, pull factors of migration.

• International Labour Organization. "World Employment and Social Outlook: Trends 2019." International Labour Organization, 2019.
• United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. "Global Trends: Forced Displacement in 2019." UNHCR, 2020.
• World Bank. "Groundswell: Preparing for Internal Climate Migration." World Bank Group, 2018.
• Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. "Migration Outlook 2020." OECD Publishing, 2020.
• United Nations Development Programme. "Human Development Report 2019." UNDP, 2019.
• International Organization for Migration. "World Migration Report 2020." IOM, 2020.

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UPSC Essays Simplified: Ideation and Brainstorming of the topics – the second step

How can the 12 qc technique help you to write a good essay our expert takes you through the second stage of writing an essay in upsc essentials' new series. don't miss the essay exercise towards the end of the article..

How to write essays for UPSC Civil Services Exams?   This is one of the most popular questions among aspirants. In UPSC Essentials’ special series  UPSC Essays Simplified , we take you through various steps of writing a good essay. While there is no set formula or fixed criteria prescribed,  Manas Srivastava  talks to  Ravi Kapoor , our expert, in this new series who guides the aspirants with a simplified framework on how to write a good essay.

Don’t miss  ‘The Essay Exercise’  towards the end of the article. Ravi Kapoor focuses on the following steps of pre-writing and writing stages which will help aspirants to write a ‘good essay’.

Today, we will focus on Step 2. 

About our Expert:   Ravi Kapoor, an IRS officer , has now ditched his coveted rank of deputy commissioner and has offered free quality mentorship to UPSC aspirants, drawing upon his ten years of experience to create customised and productive curriculum. Through a free mentorship programme, he integrates tailored educational materials, psychological principles, visual learning techniques, and a strong emphasis on mental well-being into his teaching skills granting aspirants a chance to learn from his expertise.

What is the second step to write a ‘good essay’ and techniques to achieve it? 

Once you have deconstructed the essay topic into its core themes and have understood its essence, the next step is to brainstorm and create the content required for writing the essay.

Needless to say, ideation and brainstorming should be done in the pre-writing stage before you put pen to paper and write the actual essay.

Here is what all to consider while doing so:

1. Everyone has a few content ideas about an essay topic, but this does not mean that those ideas will be enough. There are times when we miss critical dimensions of an essay.

For instance, consider a recently asked essay topic:

Poets are the unacknowledged legislators of the world.

While this essay topic can be written about in a generic sense but is perhaps not ideal unless Indian poets who raised awareness about British oppression during the Indian National Movement are mentioned.

2. Ideation and brainstorming are not only about examples and anecdotes, they form the basis of arguments and counter-arguments that form the most substantive part of the essay and should therefore be done systematically.

3. Systematic ideation helps organise your thoughts which later aids in creating superior structure and adds flow to your writing.

What follows are techniques and strategies to brainstorm and ideate most systematically and comprehensively as possible.

12 QC technique

As the title suggests, these questions are 12 Question based clues (12 QC) that lead you to the important content ideas about a topic.

The 12QC is designed to force you to think widely about any topic by stimulating your knowledge networks in a structured way.

1. Where have you heard or read about the core concept of the essay before?

2. What is the importance of the concept for human beings?

3. Is the word made up of smaller words? What do they mean?

4. What is the opposite of the word?

5. What do you already know about it?

6. Is there an Ethical question or debate associated with it? What could it be?

7. What is the pessimistic side of the word? Can you use the word in a sentence to express something negative and depressing?

8. What happened in the past which is a good example of it?

9. Who does it affect? Why should anyone care about it?

10. Can you Think of an Indian example associated with it?

11. Is there something happening in the world right now which is an example of it?

12. What is the optimistic side? Can you use the word in a sentence to express something positive and hopeful?

Simply ask the 12 questions listed below about the core themes in the essay topic (Refer to Deconstruction – the first step article ) and write down one or two words which come to your mind as possible answers to the questions.

Here are some things to remember before putting this technique into practice:

– Please note that this exercise should be done for each of the main themes of an essay topic.

– Consider the theme in isolation while ideating, ignoring the essay topic for the time being.

– There may be more than 1 core theme in an essay topic.

–  Not every single question in the list needs to be answered. Remember that the questions are to stimulate thinking to generate ideas from what you already know. It’s not a quiz.

–  Not all ideas you generate need to be included in the essay.

The Essay Exercise

The 12 QC technique above may help you in brainstorming after deconstruction. Here is an exercise to put this into practice:

Important points to note: 

1. Don’t worry about a bit of repetition. If a word is being repeated, it is probably central to the topic you are brainstorming about.

2. Your ideas and examples are your own and will be different from those of others. The only important thing is how well you use them to strengthen your arguments in your essay-answers.

3. You can also disagree with points mentioned in these articles and think of other ones. The only thing to take care of is to give reasons and examples for your opinions in the essay because that is what will fetch you a good score at the end of the day.

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The UPSC articles of  Indian Express  is now on Telegram.  Join our Telegram channel-  Indian Express  UPSC Hub and stay updated with the latest Updates. For your answers, queries and suggestions write at  manas.srivastava@ indianexpress.com .

Manas Srivastava is currently working as Deputy Copy Editor with The Indian Express (digital) and majorly writes for UPSC-related projects leading a unique initiative known as UPSC Essentials. In the past, Manas has represented India at the G-20 Youth Summit in Mexico. He is a former member of the Youth Council, GOI. A two-time topper/gold medallist in History (both in graduation and post-graduation) from Delhi University, he has mentored and taught UPSC aspirants for more than four years. His diverse role in The Indian Express consists of writing, editing, anchoring/ hosting, interviewing experts, and curating and simplifying news for the benefit of students. He hosts the YouTube talk show called ‘Art and Culture with Devdutt Pattanaik’ and a LIVE series on Instagram and YouTube called ‘You Ask We Answer’.His talks on ‘How to read a newspaper’ focus on newspaper reading as an essential habit for students. His articles and videos aim at finding solutions to the general queries of students and hence he believes in being students' editor, preparing them not just for any exam but helping them to become informed citizens. This is where he makes his teaching profession meet journalism. He is also currently working on a monthly magazine for UPSC Aspirants. He is a recipient of the Dip Chand Memorial Award, the Lala Ram Mohan Prize and Prof. Papiya Ghosh Memorial Prize for academic excellence. He was also awarded the University’s Post-Graduate Scholarship for pursuing M.A. in History where he chose to specialise in Ancient India due to his keen interest in Archaeology. He has also successfully completed a Certificate course on Women’s Studies by the Women’s Studies Development Centre, DU. As a part of N.S.S in the past, Manas has worked with national and international organisations and has shown keen interest and active participation in Social Service. He has led and been a part of projects involving areas such as gender sensitisation, persons with disability, helping slum dwellers, environment, adopting our heritage programme. He has also presented a case study on ‘Psychological stress among students’ at ICSQCC- Sri Lanka. As a compere for seminars and other events he likes to keep his orating hobby alive. His interests also lie in International Relations, Governance, Social issues, Essays and poetry. ... Read More

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An Essayist Who Revels in Glorious Chaos

In her third essay collection, the poet and critic Elisa Gabbert celebrates literature and life through a voracious engagement with the world.

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By Lily Meyer

Lily Meyer is a writer, critic and translator. Her debut novel, “Short War,” came out in April.

ANY PERSON IS THE ONLY SELF: Essays , by Elisa Gabbert

“Any Person Is the Only Self,” the poet and critic Elisa Gabbert’s third collection of nonfiction, opens with an essay that should be, but isn’t quite, a mission statement. She starts by describing the Denver Public Library’s shelf for recent returns, a miscellaneous display of disconnected works she habitually browsed in the years she lived in Colorado. In part, Gabbert (who is also the Book Review’s poetry columnist) was drawn to the shelf for its “negative hype,” its opposition to the churn of literary publicity. But mainly, she enjoyed playing the odds. “Randomness is interesting,” she writes; “randomness looks beautiful to me.” At the essay’s end, she declares, “I need randomness to be happy.”

So does her prose. When “Any Person Is the Only Self” embraces the random, it’s terrific. When Gabbert neatens or narrows her essays, though, they can feel more dutiful.

“Any Person Is the Only Self” — a seemingly random title, and one to ignore; it’s fussier and vaguer than any of Gabbert’s actual prose — is primarily a collection about reading, akin to Anne Fadiman’s “Ex Libris” or Alejandro Zambra’s “Not to Read.” But it is also a loose meditation on the coronavirus pandemic and its impact on Gabbert’s life. During lockdown, she found herself yearning for the “subconscious energy” she gets “from strangers and from crowds, a complicating energy that produces ideas,” and relying on literature as a replacement. She developed a habit of listening to many hours of author interviews, seeking the social life she couldn’t have in person.

Unsurprisingly, this led to some soul-searching on the subject of writing, which appears in the gloriously scattershot “Somethingness (or, Why Write?).” In this essay, Gabbert is at her best. She strings together more than 30 writers’ reasons for writing, variously testing, mocking, admiring and relating to them. In doing this, she gives readers a kaleidoscopic view of ambition and inspiration, always looking toward the random or inexplicable elements of both. In her own case, she adds, she’s become obsessed with leaving behind a body of work, which, she’s decided, is “seven books, even short, minor books. … When I finish, if I finish, seven books I can retire from writing, or die.”

“Any Person Is the Only Self” is Gabbert’s seventh book, and although nothing about it is morbid, death shadows the text throughout. Of course, reflecting on Covid invites thoughts of mortality, but she also writes about her father-in-law’s passing, Sylvia Plath’s suicide and the recent trend of denouncing books by dead writers, as if it were “poor form to die.” (Gabbert, rightly, judges this both tacky and strange.)

But in literature, Gabbert finds not only life after death — she talks about the “metalife” of writing — but also a reason to live and engage with the world. “Any Person Is the Only Self” seems decidedly unlike the work of somebody who plans to retire from writing. Rather, it feels like an expression of gratitude for both the act of reading in itself and for reading as a route to conversation, a means of socializing, a way to connect.

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The Latest | Group of Seven summit turns to migration after promising tens of billions to Ukraine

Leaders of the Group of Seven industrialized nations posed for a family photo in Bari, Italy on Thursday ahead of their annual summit. Italy is hosting the summit in the wake of the European Parliament election that saw a surge in support for the far right in places like G7 members France and Germany.

World leaders watched a skydiving demonstration at the G7 (Group of Seven) summit in Italy Thursday. The parachutists landed carrying the various flags of the G7 nations.

President Joe Biden and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy sign a long-term security agreement designed to bolster Ukraine’s defenses against Russia’s invasion. Zelensky thanked Biden but asked how long “the unity will last?”

Negotiators for the Group of Seven summit in Italy have reached an agreement on how to provide Ukraine with up to $50 billion backed by frozen Russian assets.

G7 world leaders and other leaders from guest nations attend a working session on Artificial Intelligence (AI), Energy, Africa-Mediterranean, on day two of the 50th G7 summit at Borgo Egnazia, southern Italy, on Friday, June 14, 2024. (Christopher Furlong/Pool Photo via AP)

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Pope Francis attends a working session on Artificial Intelligence (AI), Energy, Africa-Mediterranean, on day two of the 50th G7 summit at Borgo Egnazia, southern Italy, on Friday, June 14, 2024. (Christopher Furlong/Pool Photo via AP)

Pope Francis speaks during a working session on Artificial Intelligence (AI), Energy, Africa-Mediterranean, on day two of the 50th G7 summit at Borgo Egnazia, southern Italy, on Friday, June 14, 2024. U.S. President Joe Biden is seen with back to camera. (Christopher Furlong/Pool Photo via AP)

Pope Francis speaks during a working session on Artificial Intelligence (AI), Energy, Africa-Mediterranean, on day two of the 50th G7 summit at Borgo Egnazia, southern Italy, on Friday, June 14, 2024. U.S. President Joe Biden is seen with back to camera at left, and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan at right. (Christopher Furlong/Pool Photo via AP)

U.S. President Joe Biden, right, greets Pope Francis ahead of a working session on Artificial Intelligence (AI), Energy, Africa-Mediterranean, on day two of the 50th G7 summit at Borgo Egnazia, southern Italy, on Friday, June 14, 2024. (Christopher Furlong/Pool Photo via AP)

British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak welcomes Pope Francis ahead of a working session on Artificial Intelligence (AI), Energy, Africa-Mediterranean, on day two of the 50th G7 summit at Borgo Egnazia, southern Italy, on Friday, June 14, 2024. (Christopher Furlong/Pool Photo via AP)

From left, United Arab Emirates President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan and French President Emmanuel Macron listens as Pope Francis, right, speaks during a working session on Artificial Intelligence (AI), Energy, Africa-Mediterranean, on day two of the 50th G7 summit at Borgo Egnazia, southern Italy, on Friday, June 14, 2024. (Christopher Furlong/Pool Photo via AP)

Pope Francis, left, greets Jordan’s King Abdullah II during a working session on AI, Energy, Africa and Mideast at the G7 summit, in Borgo Egnazia, near Bari in southern Italy, Friday, June 14, 2024. (AP Photo/Andrew Medichini)

El papa Francisco habla durante una sesión sobre la inteligencia artificial, la energía, África y Oriente Medio durante la cumbre del G7, en Borgo Egnazia, en el sur de Italia, el viernes 14 de junio de 2024. (AP Foto/Alex Brandon)

Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, left, is welcomed by Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni at the G7 in Borgo Egnazia, near Bari in southern Italy, Friday, June 14, 2024. (AP Photo/Luca Bruno)

Mauritania President and African Union Chairperson Mohamed Ould Ghazouani, left, is welcomed by Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni at the G7 in Borgo Egnazia, near Bari in southern Italy, Friday, June 14, 2024. (AP Photo/Luca Bruno)

Jordan’s King Abdullah II talks to Head of the International Monetary Fund, Kristalina Georgieva during a working session on AI, Energy, Africa and Mideast at the G7 summit, in Borgo Egnazia, near Bari in southern Italy, Friday, June 14, 2024. (AP Photo/Andrew Medichini)

Secretary-General of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Mathias Cormann, left, is welcomed by Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni at the G7 in Borgo Egnazia, near Bari in southern Italy, Friday, June 14, 2024. (AP Photo/Luca Bruno)

British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, left, attends a meeting with Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi, center, on the sidelines of day two of the 50th G7 summit, in Borgo Egnazia, southern Italy, Friday, June 14, 2024. (Christopher Furlong/Pool Photo via AP)

British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, right, hugs Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi on the sidelines of day two of the 50th G7 summit, in Borgo Egnazia, southern Italy, Friday, June 14, 2024. (Christopher Furlong/Pool Photo via AP)

U.S. President Joe Biden and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, center right, meet for bilateral talks at the G7, Friday, June 14, 2024, in Borgo Egnazia, near Bari, southern Italy. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)

U.S. President Joe Biden and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni arrive for bilateral talks at the G7, Friday, June 14, 2024, in Borgo Egnazia, near Bari, southern Italy. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)

FILE -Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, right, gather to watch a parachute drop at San Domenico Golf Club on the first day of a G7 world leaders summit, at Borgo Egnazia, southern Italy, Thursday, June 13, 2024. Leaders of the Group of Seven leading industrialized nations are turning their attention to migration on the second day of their summit Friday. (Christopher Furlong/Pool Photo via AP, File)

FILE -From right, U.S. President Joe Biden, French President Emmanuel Macron, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, Canada’s Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, Britain’s Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and European Council President Charles Michel watch a skydiving demo during the G7 world leaders summit at Borgo Egnazia, Italy, Thursday, June 13, 2024. Leaders of the Group of Seven leading industrialized nations are turning their attention to migration on the second day of their summit Friday. (AP Photo/Domenico Stinellis, File)

French President Emmanuel Macron, speaks to journalists at the G7 in Borgo Egnazia near Bari in southern Italy, Thursday, June 13, 2024. (AP Photo/Domenico Stinellis)

El presidente de Estados Unidos y los líderes del Grupo de los Siete, durante una reunión sobre infraestructura e inversión global, durante la cumbre del G7 en Borgo Egnazia, Italia, el 13 de junio de 2024. (AP Foto/Domenico Stinellis)

FILE - From left, European Council President Charles Michel, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, Canada’s Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, French President Emmanuel Macron, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, U.S. President Joe Biden, Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, Britain’s Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen stand for a group photo at the G7, Thursday, June 13, 2024, in Borgo Egnazia, Italy. Pope Francis is taking his call for artificial intelligence to be developed and used according to ethical lines to the Group of Seven nations’ meeting in Puglia. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon, File)

A skydiver flies with a G7 Italia flag as the Italian skydiving team puts on an exhibition for world leaders during the G7 Summit in Borgo Egnazia, Italy on Thursday, June 13, 2024. (Sean Kilpatrick/The Canadian Press via AP)

A skydiver flies with a Canada flag as the Italian skydiving team puts on an exhibition for world leaders during the G7 Summit in Borgo Egnazia, Italy, on Thursday, June 13, 2024. (Sean Kilpatrick/The Canadian Press via AP)

FILE -Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, middle, President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen, left, and U.S. President Joe Biden talk as they wait for the start of a skydiving exhibition during the G7 Summit in Savelletri di Fasano, Italy on Thursday, June 13, 2024. Leaders of the Group of Seven leading industrialized nations are turning their attention to migration on the second day of their summit Friday. (Sean Kilpatrick/The Canadian Press via AP, File)

Prickly pear trees frame the entrance of the site hosting the G7 summit, Thursday, June 13, 2024, in Borgo Egnazia, Italy. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)

Italian security force members take positions during a G7 summit at Borgo Egnazia, Italy, Thursday, June 13, 2024. (AP Photo/Andrew Medichini)

Journalists arrive to Borgo Egnazia luxury complex prior to a G7 world leaders summit at Borgo Egnazia, Italy, Thursday, June 13, 2024. (AP Photo/Luca Bruno)

Workers give the last touch to the illumination set for the Patron Saint feast in Fasano, near Borgo Egnazia, southern Italy, Wednesday, June 12, 2024. A Group of Seven summit aiming to consolidate support for Ukraine opens Thursday under a vastly different political landscape than even a few days ago, after European Parliament elections jolted the leaders of France and Germany and emboldened Italian Premier Giorgia Meloni. (AP Photo/Gregorio Borgia)

President Joe Biden and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, left, meet the media after signing a bilateral security agreement on the sidelines of the G7, Thursday, June 13, 2024, in Savelletri, Italy. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)

U.S. national security adviser Jake Sullivan, left, and Secretary of State Antony Blinken, wait for President Joe Biden and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to sign a bilateral security agreement on the sidelines of the G7, Thursday, June 13, 2024, in Savelletri, Italy. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)

President Joe Biden and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, left, shake hands after signing a security agreement on the sidelines of the G7, Thursday, June 13, 2024, in Savelletri, Italy. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)

U.S. President Joe Biden, left, and Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy leave after they signed a bilateral security agreement during the sidelines of the G7 summit at Savelletri, Italy, Thursday, June 13, 2024. (AP Photo/Andrew Medichini)

President Joe Biden meets the media after signing a bilateral security agreement with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, on the sidelines of the G7, Thursday, June 13, 2024, in Savelletri, Italy. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)

BORGO EGNAZIA, Italy (AP) — A summit meeting of the Group of Seven leading industrialized nations focused on migration on Friday, the second and final day of the gathering in southern Italy, seeking ways to combat trafficking and increase investment in countries from where migrants start out on often life-threatening journeys .

Migration is a priority for summit host Italy and its right-wing Premier Giorgia Meloni, who’s seeking to increase investment and funding for African nations as a means of reducing migratory pressure on Europe.

The summit in a luxury resort in Italy’s southern Puglia region also focused on global conflicts and the spread of artificial intelligence. Perennial issues such as climate change and China were also discussed. On the first day of the summit, the attendees promised tens of billions of dollars in aid for Ukraine.

But some divisions also emerged over the wording of the summit’s final declaration, with disagreement over the inclusion of a reference to abortion.

The G7 is an informal forum with an annual summit to discuss economic policy and security issues. The members are Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States.

— Italian Premier Meloni opens G7 summit with agreement to back a $50 billion loan to Ukraine

— G7 leaders tackle migration and Artificial Intelligence in the second day of their summit

— In Italy’s Puglia region, women take the lead in challenging the local mafia at great personal risk

— US pushes for Ukraine aid, united front against China’s trade practices at G7 finance meeting

— Biden and Meloni meet on summit sidelines but abortion wasn’t on the agenda

Here’s the latest:

G7 final statement renews pledge of support to Ukraine, calls for Gaza cease-fire, announces launch of initiatives to fight people smuggling, harness AI to create jobs

The Group of Seven leading industrialized democracies have renewed their pledge to support Ukraine’s “fight for freedom and its reconstruction for as long as it takes.”

In the final communique of their summit in Italy released Friday, G7 leaders affirmed their decision to make available around $50 billion to Ukraine by leveraging “the extraordinary revenues” of frozen Russian assets, sending “an unmistakable signal” to Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Regarding the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza, the leaders said the stand united in supporting a deal that would lead to an immediate ceasefire, the release of all hostages and a pathway leading to a two-state solution. They also called for a sharp increase in humanitarian aid to the Palestinian territory.

The leaders affirmed the launching of the Energy for Growth in Africa that aims to spur clean energy investments across the continent.

On migration, G7 leaders said they would work with countries of origin and transit to deal with the root causes of irregular migration, enhance border management, fight people smuggling rings through the launch of the G7 coalition while creating “safe and regular pathways for migration.”

Turning to climate change and the environment. the leaders said each G7 member would submit “ambitious” national plans aimed at keeping the target of a limiting the rise in global temperatures to 1.5 degrees Celsius.

The G7 will unlock at least $20 billion over three years in investment to boost women’s empowerment.

According to the communique, the G7 said it would work to “harness the benefits and manage the risks” of Artificial Intelligence while launching an action plan on the use of AI to help create jobs and protect workers’ rights.

As was expected however, the communique made no mention of abortion after Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s right-wing government worked to water down references to the medical procedure.

The communique omits the word “abortion” but does reference the need to promote “reproductive health and rights.”

US says all other G7 countries will send billions to Ukraine funded by seized Russian assets

WASHINGTON — The U.S. will be joined by all the other Group of Seven partners in sending tens of billions of dollars to Ukraine funded by seized Russian assets.

The White House announced Friday that the rest of the group of wealthy democracies will either help contribute to or facilitate the unprecedented transaction.

The U.S. has said it stands ready to send Ukraine up to $50 billion. Canada will loan Ukraine up to $5 billion, the White House said, while European countries have expressed interest in sending as much as half of the total package.

Japan has also said it intends to help fund Ukraine — though its laws require the money to go to Ukraine’s budget, not its war effort.

Technocrats are expected to work through the final details in the coming weeks and months, with the money set to flow to Ukraine by the end of the year.

Pope tells G7 countries to keep humanity first and foremost in developing, using AI

BARI, Italy — Pope Francis is challenging leaders of the world’s wealthy democracies to keep human dignity foremost in developing and using artificial intelligence.

Addressing a special session of the Group of Seven annual summit in Italy Friday, the pontiff warned that such powerful technology risks turning human relations themselves into mere algorithms.

Francis became the first pope to attend the G7 and urged politicians to take the lead in making sure AI remains centered around humans so that decisions about when to use weapons or even less-lethal tools always remain made by humans and not machines.

Francis is joining a chorus of countries and global bodies pushing for stronger guardrails on AI following the boom in generative artificial intelligence kickstarted by OpenAI’s ChatGPT chatbot.

G7 warns Israel against actions that could weaken the Palestinian Authority in the occupied West Bank

The G7 nations on Friday warned Israel to stop any “actions that weaken the Palestinian Authority,” after far-right Israeli leaders moved to withhold tax funds from the fledgling Palestinian government in the West Bank.

The statement was part of the final communique from the G7 summit in Italy. Under the 1990s interim peace accords, Israel collects tax revenue on behalf of the Palestinians. It has used the money as a tool to pressure the Palestinian Authority, which administers some parts of the West Bank. Hamas violently expelled the PA from Gaza in 2007.

The G7 called on Israel to release tax revenues in light of the PA’s “urgent fiscal needs.” The leaders also demanded Israel “remove or relax other measures to avoid further exacerbating the economic situation in the West Bank.”

On Thursday, Israel’s firebrand finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, said he would reroute some of the funds earmarked for the PA to “victims of terrorism” in Israel.

After the Oct. 7 Hamas attack that triggered the war in Gaza, Smotrich froze the tax revenue transfers, but Israel agreed to send the money to Norway, which transferred it to the PA. Smotrich has said he is ending that arrangement and is pursuing other financial measures that would handicap the PA’s already-waning ability to pay salaries to thousands of employees.

G7 to launch initiative spurring clean energy investments across Africa

BARI, Italy - The Group of Seven leading industrialized nations says it’s launching an initiative to spur clean energy investments across Africa.

According to a draft statement seen by the Associated Press, the Energy for Growth in Africa initiative currently involves the Ivory Coast, Ethiopia, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, Republic of Congo and South Africa.

The initiative aims to help Africa fulfill its potential to become a global sustainable energy hub by developing “adequate clean energy infrastructure and supply chains.”

The statement, to be released at the conclusion of the three-day summit, also commits G7 countries to submitting “ambitious” national plans for investments aiming to keep within the global temperature rise limit of 1.5 degrees Celsius.

G7 leaders also say they’ll commit to meeting the global goal of deploying 1,500 GW of energy storage in the power sector by 2030 while phasing out coal power generation by the first half of 2035 or in a “timeline consistent with keeping a limit of 1.5 degrees temperature rise within reach.”

The leaders say they’ll intensify efforts to cut methane emissions in line with the global reduction level of at least 35% by 2035.

They also underscored the important role that increased deliveries of liquefied natural gas can currently play in quickly reducing the dependency on Russian gas imports.

G7 leaders to launch AI action plan aimed at creating quality jobs, empower workers

BARI, Italy — Leaders from the Group of Seven leading industrialized nations say they’ll launch an action plan on the use of Artificial Intelligence in the workforce to help increase productivity, create “quality jobs and decent work” and to empower workers.

The G7 leaders said in a draft statement seen by the Associated Press that they will ask their labor ministers to develop the plan fully leveraging the potential of AI “to enable decent work and worker’s rights and full access to adequate reskilling and upskilling” while addressing “potential challenges and risks” to labour markets.

The draft, which will be released at the conclusion of the three-day summit, said the G7 encourage “adherence to international workers’ rights and labour standards at each stage of the AI supply chain.”

G7 to set up information sharing mechanism to counter migrant smuggling rings

BARI, Italy — G7 leaders say they will launch a “coalition” designed to counter migrant smuggling by boosting the investigative capacities of countries of origin, transit and destination.

In a draft statement seen by the Associated Press, G7 leaders say they will work to improve “reliable data exchanges” between countries that are crucial for joint enforcement actions against smuggling and trafficking networks.

The draft said the G7 will utilize a “follow the money” approach to identify, investigate and disrupt organize crime while enhancing cooperation on seizing criminal assets.

According to the draft statement set to be released at Saturday’s conclusion of the summit, these steps are part of a three-pronged approach to tackling migration.

That approach includes getting to the root causes of irregular migration and remedying them through “sustainable development initiatives, economic investment and stabilization efforts.”

The G7 will also work to “support the safe and dignified return of persons not eligible to remain” in third countries as well as to support “sustainable reintegration efforts in countries of origin.”

G7 leaders to step up efforts countering foreign information manipulation against democracies

BARI, Italy — A draft statement says the Group of Seven leading industrialized nations will set up by the end of the year a framework designed to counter “foreign threats to democracies, including publicly exposing foreign operations of information manipulation.”

The draft statement seen by the Associated Press says G7 leaders are “more concerned than ever” about Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference (FIMI) in democratic institutions and processes in light of the rapid evolution of emerging technology.

That concern extends to “how attempted interference campaigns, malicious cyber activities and transnational repression collectively undermine sovereignty and democratic values.

The leaders also call on tech companies and social media platforms to step up efforts preventing and countering FIMI campaigns “and the potential abuse of AI for this purpose.”

G7 leaders concerned over what they say are China’s unfair business practices

BARI, Italy — The Group of Seven leading industrialized nations are expressing concern over what they said were China’s unfair business practices, according to a draft of a statement to be issued at the end of a summit being held in southern Italy.

The G7 said they “recognize the importance of China in global trade” and said they were committed to “advancing free and fair trade, a level playing field, and balanced economic relations,” according to a draft of the final statement seen by the Associated Press.

“We are not trying to harm China or thwart its economic development,” the statement said.

But the seven nations expressed concern “about China’s persistent industrial targeting and comprehensive non-market policies and practices that are leading to global spillovers, market distortions and harmful overcapacity in a growing range of sectors.”

The seven called on China to “refrain from adopting export control measures, particularly on critical minerals, that could lead to significant global supply chain disruptions.” They also expressed “deep concern” over Beijing’s support to Russia, and called on China to press Moscow to halt its war in Ukraine.

Biden, fellow G7 leaders discuss policies from China affecting the global economy

BORGO EGNAZI, Italy — President Joe Biden and other Group of Seven leaders are discussing additional steps to address policies from China that they say affect the global economy.

In May, Biden announced higher tariffs on critical manufacturing and mining sectors, including steel and aluminum, semiconductors, electric vehicles, batteries, solar cells and certain critical minerals in an effort to counter over-manufacturing by China.

A senior Biden administration official says the U.S. president and the leaders of Italy, France, Germany, Britain, Japan and Canada discussed the issue Friday during a private session at the annual Group of Seven summit, being held in southern Italy.

The official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, says concerns about China’s practices aren’t just for the U.S. The official says China’s practices are affecting partners around the world, from advanced economies to developing countries and emerging markets.

By Darlene Superville

Draft G7 statement warns Iran to halt uranium enrichment, repeats Tehran must not get nuke weapon

BARI, Italy — A draft statement says the Group of Seven leading industrialized nations are warning Iran to halt its uranium enrichment activities “that have no credible civilian justification.”

According to the draft seen Friday by the Associated Press, which will be issued at the end of the summit, the G7 “reiterate our determination that (Iran) must never develop or acquire a nuclear weapon.”

The G7 leaders also said they were prepared to “respond in a swift and coordinated matter, including with new and significant measures” if Tehran transferred ballistic missiles and related technology to Russia.

Doing so “would represent a substantive material escalation and a direct threat to European security,” the draft communique said.

The statement also said the G7 were prepared to adopt further sanctions if Iran did not “cease its malicious activities and destabilizing actions in the Middle East,” while also expressing “deep concern” over Iran’s human rights violations, particularly against women, girls and minorities.

Putin denounc

Es the freezing of russian assets as theft, vows retaliation.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has denounced the freezing of Russian assets by the West as “theft” and vowed that it “will not go unpunished.”

Putin’s remarks at the Russian Foreign Ministry Friday came on the heels of a deal by the Group of Seven industrialized nations for a $50 billion loan package for Ukraine using frozen Russian assets.

Putin accused Western countries of “now thinking about some kind of legal basis in order to completely appropriate” frozen assets and foreign exchange reserves. The Russian president said ”despite all the scheming, theft will remain theft, and it will not go unpunished.”

He added that the move made it “obvious to all countries and companies, sovereign funds that their assets and reserves are far from safe” in the West.

The G7 agreed on Thursday to lock up sanctioned Russian assets until Moscow pays reparations for invading Ukraine. That paves the way for the announcement of the loan agreement that will leverage interest and income from the more than $260 billion in frozen Russian assets, largely held in Europe to secure the $50 billion sum.

A U.S. official, speaking on condition of anonymity to preview the agreement, said the first disbursements will be made this year.

Biden and Zelenskyy sign security agreement at G7 summit

BORGO EGNAZIA, Italy — U.S. President Joe Biden and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed a security agreement on Thursday during the Group of Seven summit, sending what they described as a message of unified opposition to Russian President Vladimir Putin.

“He cannot wait us out,” Biden said. “He cannot divide us.”

Zelenskyy said the agreement demonstrated the “credibility of American support for our Ukrainian independence.”

Ukraine has been eager for fresh assistance to hold the line against Russia, which has recently made gains on the battlefield during a bloody war that’s in its third year.

Leaders of Ukraine and Japan sign 10-year agreement on security, defense, humanitarian aid

BARI, Italy — The leaders of Ukraine and Japan have signed a 10-year agreement under which Japan will provide assistance in the fields of security, defense, humanitarian aid, reconstruction and technical and financial support.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Japanese Prime Minister Kishida Fumio signed the accord on the sidelines of the Group of Seven summit in southern Italy on Thursday.

Zelenskyy said Japan would provide $4.5 billion for Ukraine this year. A text of the deal released by the Japanese Embassy in Italy said Japan has committed and provided more than $12 billion in financial, humanitarian and other assistance since March 2022.

Under the agreement, Japan will support Ukraine with the provision of non-lethal equipment and goods, cooperate in the field of intelligence and provide support in reconstruction and recovery, as well as providing assistance in the medical and health fields, among others.

“For Japan, this type of agreement and this level of support is a breakthrough,” Zelenskyy wrote on the social media platform X. “We see this and thank Japan for its unwavering solidarity with our country and people.”

Britain announces new sanctions aimed at degrading Russia’s ability to wage war in Ukraine

LONDON — Britain has announced new sanctions designed to degrade Russia’s ability to wage war in Ukraine, targeting entities based in China, Israel, Kyrgyzstan and Turkey, as well as the Russian energy industry.

The sanctions announced at the start of Thursday’s G7 summit apply to 50 companies and individuals involved in supplying munitions, machine tools, microelectronics, and logistics to the Russian military, together with ships transporting military goods from North Korea to Russia.

Britain also said it was targeting the “shadow fleet” of ships used to circumvent G7 sanctions on the Russia oil and natural gas industry. The U.K. Foreign Office said this is particularly important because taxes on oil production accounted for 31% of the Russian government’s revenue last year.

British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak said in a statement that the U.K. “will always stand shoulder to shoulder with Ukraine in its fight for freedom.’’

Sunak added that Russian President Vladimir Putin “must lose, and cutting off his ability to fund a prolonged conflict is absolutely vital.”