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Royal Canadian Mounted Police

Just the facts – sexual assault.

By Mara Shaw

Health and environment

Sexual assault is traumatic. Knowing the facts and options help victims make informed decisions after an incident. Image by Shutterstock

January 18, 2024

Sexual assault is a complex issue in Canada impacting many vulnerable communities. Understanding the definition of sexual assault, who is most affected, and what to do after an incident helps to ensure better outcomes for victims.

What is sexual assault?

• Sexual assault is any non-consensual activity that interferes with a person’s sexual integrity
• It can include forced unwanted kissing, touching, vaginal penetration, anal penetration, and oral sex
• Only 45% of people in Canada fully understand what it means to give consent to sexual activity

Understanding consent

• Consent is the voluntary agreement between people to engage in sexual activity
• A person who is legally able to consent should give a clear "yes" using words or actions
• Even once consent is given, it can be withdrawn at any time. And while someone may consent to one sexual activity, it doesn’t mean that they have consented to others
• A sleeping or unconscious person can’t give consent. If a person consented while awake, that consent ends at the time they become unconscious
• An intoxicated person can give consent if they understand the sexual nature of the intended act, and they realize they don’t have to take part

Age of consent

• The age of consent in Canada is 16 years, with some exceptions
• A minor who is 14 or 15 years old can consent to activity as long as the partner is less than five years older
• A minor who is 12 or 13 years old can consent to activity with a partner who is less than two years older
• No one under the age of 18 can provide consent if the relationship with their partner is one of trust, authority, dependency or is exploitative of the young person

Who is affected?

• While anyone can be a victim of sexual assault regardless of gender, a 2018 report by Statistics Canada revealed that approximately 8% of men have reported sexual assault complaints, compared to 30% of women
• People aged 25 to 34 reported the most sexual assault incidents, representing almost one quarter of all self-reported incidents
• sex workers
• Indigenous women and girls
• racial minorities
• people with disabilities (mental and physical)
• people experiencing poverty or homelessness

Key challenges in Canada

• According to a Justice Canada 2019 General Social Survey on Victimization, only 6% of sexual assaults were reported to police
• Only 42% of sexual assault complaints that were reported resulted in a guilty verdict

Wake-up call for police agencies

• A 2017 investigative series led by the Globe and Mail looked at how police in Canada handle sexual assault complaints. It reported that on average, police investigators classify one in five complaints as unfounded
• Investigators classify complaints as unfounded when the investigation reveals that the reported offence didn’t occur, and wasn’t attempted
• At the time of the series, police reports classified as unfounded were not tracked nor included in crime statistics
• Statistics Canada now includes unfounded cases in sexual-assault reporting to paint a more accurate picture

RCMP interventions

• The RCMP created the National Office of Sexual Offence Investigative Standards ( NOSOIS ) (formerly Sexual Assault Review Team) as the centre of expertise for all investigations related to sexual assault
• In 2017, the RCMP released an action plan to improve how police handle sexual assault complaints. Its progress is highlighted in a 2020 report outlining updates and next steps
• the Canadian Victims Bill of Rights
• Consent Law and Sexual Assault Myths course
• Sexual Offence Investigations course
• Using a Trauma Informed Approach course
• The RCMP updated its Sexual Assault Investigations Best Practice Guide to help officers use a trauma-informed and victim-centred approach when investigating sexual assault cases

After a sexual assault

Tips for victims.

• Keep any items such as clothing and accessories you had during the assault as they may be used for evidence
• If the sexual assault was recent, avoid washing yourself, changing your clothes, or brushing your hair until all evidence has been gathered
• Try to write down, record, or share with someone you trust the details of the assault

Options for victims

• Call 9-1-1 for emergency help
• Contact victim services in your area to receive support
• Make a report at your local police station if you are not in immediate danger
• Choose not to report. If you choose not to report, you should still seek medical and mental health support

Supporting a victim

• Listen. This is often the best way to support a victim of sexual assault
• Avoid victim-blaming and emphasize that the assault was not their fault
• Support them if they want to report the crime to the police or a third party

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Sexual assault is a complex issue that impacts many people and vulnerable communities. Understanding the key facts of sexual assault and how to support victims can help ensure better outcomes.

Understanding the Legal Definition of Sexual Assault in Canada: A Comprehensive Overview

Sexual assault is a serious criminal offense, with significant legal implications for both the accused and the victim. Understanding the legal definition of sexual assault in Canada is crucial for individuals, legal professionals, and the general public to ensure that justice is served, and victims' rights are protected.

Legal Definition of Sexual Assault in Canada

In Canada’s criminal justice system, sexual assault is governed Section 271 of the Criminal Code. The elements of the crime of sexual assault are:

Unwanted Sexual Activity

Sexual assault occurs when a person engages in any sexual activity with another person without their consent. This includes a wide range of acts, such as sexual touching, intercourse, and any other sexual contact.

Recent Articles

Lack of Consent

The core element of sexual assault is the absence of consent. Consent must be informed, voluntary, and ongoing throughout the sexual activity. It is important to note that consent cannot be given if a person is unable to provide it due to factors such as intoxication, incapacity, or coercion.

Age and Capacity

In cases involving minors, the legal definition of sexual assault takes into account the age of consent, which is 16 years in Canada. Engaging in sexual activity with a minor under this age is considered sexual assault unless the individuals are close in age and meet certain conditions.

Use of Force or Threats

Sexual assault may involve the use of force, threats, or the presence of weapons. These factors can further aggravate the offense, potentially leading to additional charges or more severe penalties.

Penalties for Sexual Assault

The penalties for sexual assault in Canada vary depending on the circumstances of the case and the severity of the offense. Sentences may range from fines and probation to imprisonment. Some key considerations include:

Sexual Assault

In cases of sexual assault without the use of a weapon or physical harm, the maximum penalty is 10 years of imprisonment. If the victim is under the age of 16, the maximum penalty increases to 14 years.

Aggravated Sexual Assault

If the sexual assault involves the use of a weapon, threats, or results in bodily harm, the maximum penalty is life imprisonment.

Consent and Evidence

Proving or disproving consent is often a central issue in sexual assault cases. Evidence may include eyewitness accounts, physical evidence, and the testimony of the victim and the accused.

Impact on the Victim

The court considers the impact of the sexual assault on the victim, including their emotional and psychological well-being, when determining the appropriate sentence.

Legal Considerations

Sexual assault is a crime in Canada, but it can also found the basis of many claims in our civil courts and tribunals including claims for damages, claims for breach of contract and a variety of regulatory claims.  In our civil courts and regulatory tribunals, the test for determining whether sexual assault has occurred is different and the burden of proof rather than being proof beyond a reasonable doubt is on a balance of probabilities.  Understanding the criminal charge of sexual assault is vital for anyone involved in civil cases involving sexual assault.  An alleged perpetrator not being charged criminally has no bearing on whether a civil or regulatory proceeding should be brought, likewise a finding of innocent in a criminal court does not preclude civil or regulatory proceedings.  When criminal charges accompany civil proceedings, it adds a layer of complexity in terms of understanding the different nuances in the criminal charge versus what is required to be proven in a civil or regulatory venue and understanding how the evidence in either venue can have an impact or be used in the other venue.

Reporting and Support

Victims of sexual assault are encouraged to report the incident to the police. It is important to understand that a decision of the police to not proceed with criminal charges does not have any bearing on whether an individual should seek out remedies in a civil or regulatory forum.  Be aware of the various victim services and organizations that provide assistance throughout the legal process that may be available to your client.

Statute of Limitations

In Canada, there is no statute of limitations for sexual assault offenses or for claims for damages. This means that charges can be brought at any time after the incident, no matter how much time has passed and a claim for compensation can be brought.  However, there are limitations for bringing claims in venues such as the human rights tribunal.

For anyone practicing in the area of sexual violence, whether before our civil courts or our tribunals, an understanding of the criminal offence of sexual assault is necessary to an understanding of the implications when police have chosen to proceed with criminal charges and when there is either an acquittal or a conviction for sexual assault.  Beyond our legal practices, awareness of the legal framework surrounding sexual assault and the support available to victims is crucial to creating a safer and more just society.

With over 25 years of experience, Rose brings sound judgment and a well-rounded perspective to her broad practice. The guiding principle for Rose is finding the right legal solution for her clients and in doing so nothing is more important than being respectful, compassionate and responsive. She is the Chair of our Critical Injury Group and a prolific member of our Workplace Law Group.

Her general civil litigation practice has provided her with extensive experience in plaintiff’s personal injury matters, workplace law matters and general civil litigation. Her general civil litigation practice has exposed her to a broad spectrum of matters including defamation, misappropriation, contractual breaches and sales of businesses.

On The Site

• social science

Sexual Assault in Canada

Law, Legal Practice and Women’s Activism

Edited by Elizabeth A. Sheehy

Imprint: University of Ottawa Press

• 9780776630441
• Published: September 2012
• 9780776619774
• Description

Sexual Assault in Canada is the first English-language book in almost two decades to assess the state of sexual assault law and legal practice in Canada. Gathering together feminist scholars, lawyers, activists and policy-makers, it presents a picture of the difficult issues that Canadian women face when reporting and prosecuting sexual violence. The volume addresses many themes including the systematic undermining of women who have been sexually assaulted, the experiences of marginalized women, and the role of women’s activism. It explores sexual assault in various contexts, including professional sports, the doctor–patient relationship, and residential schools. And it highlights the influence of certain players in the reporting and litigation of sexual violence, including health care providers, social workers, police, lawyers and judges. Sexual Assault in Canada provides both a multi-faceted assessment of the progress of feminist reforms to Canadian sexual assault law and practice, and articulates a myriad of new ideas, proposed changes to law, and inspired activist strategies. This book was created to celebrate the tenth anniversary of Jane Doe’s remarkable legal victory against the Toronto police for sex discrimination in the policing of rape and for negligence in failing to warn her of a serial rapist. The case made legal history and motivated a new generation of feminist activists. This book honours her pioneering work by reflecting on how law, legal practice and activism have evolved over the past decade and where feminist research and reform should lead in the years to come. Published in English.

Related Books

Survivors’ Stories of Sexual Assault on Campus

• Erin E. Davidson University of British Columbia
• Marla J. Buchanan University of British Columbia

Sexual assault is a common experience, with nearly 460,000 occurrences happening each year in Canada. Research suggests that women attending university are sexually assaulted at a higher frequency than the general population. Sexual assault (SA) has wide-ranging harmful physical, financial, social, and psychological impacts. Prevalence rates of SA are higher among women than men (30% versus 8%). Given the prevalence rates of SA, there is an urgent need for more research into the experiences of sexual assault, particularly in terms of knowledge from survivors of sexual assault on campus. A narrative research method was chosen for this study because it affords survivors of sexual assault the opportunity to construct a personal narrative and to give voice to their experiences. The research question for this study was: “What narratives are constructed by survivors of sexual assault on campus?” All the survivors were current students at a university in British Columbia and had experienced a sexual assault within the past 5 years. Six narrative themes emerged: (a) difficulty considering the experience as sexual assault, (b) harmful emotional consequences, (c) a hesitation to report and disclose experiences, (d) a placating or freeze response, (e) a desire to reconnect with the perpetrator, and (f) the need for education, resources, and policy changes on campus. The findings have significance for university sexual assault policies and procedures and offer valuable information for sexual assault counsellors in their practice.

Author Biographies

Erin e. davidson, university of british columbia.

Erin E. Davidson is a graduate of the master’s program in counselling psychology at the University of British Columbia and is a registered clinical counsellor in private practice in the province of British Columbia. She is the author of Break Through the Breakup and Thriving in Non-Monogamy. Her areas of interest include sexuality, self-compassion, and relationships.

Marla J. Buchanan, University of British Columbia

Marla J. Buchanan is a professor of counselling psychology in the Faculty of Education at the University of British Columbia. Her research interests involve studies in the field of traumatic stress, including intergenerational trauma, military trauma, sexual trauma, and childhood trauma.

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The Facts About Sexual Assault and Harassment

What is sexual violence.

Sexual violence refers to any form of unwanted sexual contact. That includes sexual assault and sexual harassment.

Sexual assault refers to unwanted sexual activity (e.g. touching, kissing someone without consent, rape). Sexual harassment can include comments, behaviour, and unwanted sexual contact. It can take the form of jokes, threats, and discriminatory remarks about someone’s gender or sexuality. It can happen in person or online .

Sexual violence is a form of gender-based violence rooted in gender inequality and injustice. It can happen between people in romantic relationships. It can happen in families, at work, and between friends and acquaintances and strangers. It often occurs in private places between people who know each other.

Anybody can experience this violence, no matter their background, identity, or circumstance. But women, girls, and gender-diverse people are at high risk of sexual violence. Some are at even higher risk due to the additional discrimination and barriers they face. This includes women with disabilities, Indigenous women, and women who are homeless or underhoused. Those facing sexual violence may not have access to services that meet their needs (e.g. people in rural or remote areas).

More Definitions

Draw-The-Line.ca says: “sexual violence is a lot more than rape. Everything from sexist jokes to stalking, harassment and assault contributes to a culture that condones and supports sexual violence.”

The Government of Ontario says, “sexual violence is a broad term that describes any violence, physical or psychological, carried out through sexual means or by targeting sexuality.” It can include: sexual abuse, sexual assault, rape, incest, sexual harassment, stalking, indecent or sexualized exposure, cyber harassment, trafficking, and sexual exploitation ( Ministry of Children, Community and Social Services, 2021 ).

The Criminal Code of Canada includes different types of sexual offences ( Shannon Brennan and Andrea Taylor-Butts, Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics, Statistics Canada, 2008 ).

• Sexual assault level 1 (s.271): An assault committed in circumstances of a sexual nature such that the sexual integrity of the victim is violated. Level 1 involves minor physical injuries or no injuries to the victim.
• Sexual assault level 2 (s.272): Sexual assault with a weapon, threats, or causing bodily harm.
• Aggravated sexual assault (level 3): Sexual assault that results in wounding, maiming, disfiguring or endangering the life of the victim.
• Other sexual offences: A group of offences that are meant to primarily address incidents of sexual abuse directed at children. The Criminal Code offences included in this category are: Sexual interference (s.151), Invitation to sexual touching (s.152), Sexual exploitation (s.153), Incest (s.155), Anal intercourse (s.159), and Bestiality (s.160). The Code also includes indecent acts (s.173) and corrupting morals (s.163).

Why is ending sexual violence so urgent?

• The harm of this preventable violence is significant and has long-lasting, widespread impacts on those who experience it ( Lori Haskell and Melanie Randall, 2019 ).
• Sexual assault is the only violent crime in Canada not on a decline ( Samuel Perreault, Statistics Canada, 2014 ).
• It costs billions of dollars: in 2009, dealing with sexual assault and related offenses cost an estimated $4.8 billion ( Department of Justice, 2009 ).

Understanding the facts and urgency of sexual assault and harassment is crucial in addressing this pervasive issue. Sexual violence encompasses unwanted sexual contact, including sexual assault and harassment, which can take various forms and occur in diverse settings. It is deeply rooted in gender inequality and can affect anyone, regardless of their background or circumstances. Urgent action is required to end sexual violence due to its significant and long-lasting harm, societal impact, and substantial financial costs.

Once you are informed about the realities of sexual assault and harassment, it’s time to take action. Raise awareness, support survivors, and advocate for change in your community and beyond.

By working together, we can combat sexual violence, promote equality, and create a safer world for all. Learn how you can get involved today to help end sexual violence. Together, we can make a difference.

Frequently asked questions about sexual violence

What is the scope of sexual violence and who is at risk.

Approximately 4.7 million women – or 30% of all women aged 15 and older – have been sexually assaulted outside of an intimate relationships at least once since age 15 ( Statistics Canada, 2019 ).

According to self-reported data, there were 22 incidents of sexual assault for every 1,000 people in Canada aged 15 and older. Of all sexual assault incidents, the vast majority (87%) were committed against women ( Shana Conroy and Adam Cotter, Statistics Canada, 2017 ).

Women are five times more likely than men to be a victim of a self-reported sexual assault ( Adam Cotter, Statistics Canada, 2021 ).

Overall, women are more likely than men to be sexually assaulted or experience unwanted sexual behaviour in public, unwanted behaviour online, or unwanted behaviour in the workplace. Not only are women more likely to experience these behaviours, the impact of them is greater. They are more likely to change routines or behaviours and face negative emotional consequences ( Adam Cotter and Laura Savage, 2019, Statistics Canada ).

Sexual assault offenders are often known to those they victimize. Of self-reported sexual assaults, Friends, acquaintances, and neighbours represent 52%. Friends, acquaintances, and neighbours are more often the perpetrator for men than for women (62% versus 51%) ( Adam Cotter and Laura Savage, Statistics Canada, 2019 ).

Women account for 92% of police reported sexual assaults. Police-reported data shows that rates of intimate partner sexual assault are over 30 times higher for women than men (33 incidents versus one per 100,000 population) ( Shana Conroy, Canadian Centre for Justice and Community Safety Statistics, Statistics Canada, 2021 ).

The rate of self-reported sexual assault in 2014 remained unchanged from 2004; however, declines were noted over the same time period for all other types of violent and non-violent crime measured by the General Social Survey on Victimization ( Shana Conroy and Adam Cotter, Statistics Canada, 2017 ).

The impact of sexual assault goes far beyond individuals. In 2009, dealing with sexual assault and related offenses cost an estimated $4.8 billion in Canada ( Department of Justice, 2009 ).

Some populations are at higher risk of sexual assault.

• Of all sexual assault incidences, 47% are committed against young women aged 15 to 24 ( Shana Conroy and Adam Cotter, Statistics Canada, 2017 ).
• The rate of sexual assault against indigenous women is approximately three times higher than among non-Indigenous women ( Shana Conroy and Adam Cotter, Statistics Canada, 2017 ). “Indigenous women are at an increased risk of violent victimization and are frequently dismissed by the justice system. This is consistent with ongoing structural violence resulting from colonization, and may be associated with unconscious or conscious racial discrimination” ( Jodie Murphy-Oikonen et al., Violence Against Women, 2021 ).
• The rate of sexual assault is higher among those who are single. Single women report a rate of sexual assault nine times higher than the rate among married or common-law women and among single men ( Shana Conroy and Adam Cotter, Statistics Canada, 2017 ).
• “Homelessness is uniquely dangerous for women and gender diverse peoples.” While on the street, 37.4% of young women and 41.3% of trans and gender non-binary youth experience sexual assault compared to 8.2% of young men ( Kaitlin Schwan et al., 2020 ).
• People who identify as homosexual or bisexual have a rate of sexual assault was six times higher than those who identify as heterosexual ( Shana Conroy and Adam Cotter, Statistics Canada, 2017 ). More than triple the proportion of people who identify as “sexual minorities” (7%) report being sexually assaulted than heterosexual people (2%). Sexual minority refers to people who identify as “lesbian, gay, bisexual, pansexual, asexual, or otherwise not heterosexual.” Transgender people report higher rates of both physical and sexual assault in their lifetimes compared to cisgender people ( Brianna Jaffray, Canadian Centre for Justice and Community Safety Statistics, 2020 ).
• “[People] with disabilities – particularly women and those with mental disabilities – are at greater risk of sexual violence, which may be partially attributed to greater vulnerability, negative social attitudes and perceptions, and abuses of trust.” The rate of sexual assault among those with a disability are approximately two times higher than those with no disability ( Shana Conroy and Adam Cotter, Statistics Canada, 2017 ).
• People, especially women, who are sexually victimized in childhood are more likely to be victimized in the future. Those who experienced sexual abuse as children report sexual and physical assault at rates three times higher than those who did not experience childhood sexual abuse ( Adam Cotter, Statistics Canada, 2021 ).

What is sexual harassment?

Sexual harassment can include discriminatory comments, behaviour, and touching. It may take the form of jokes, threats, comments about sex, or discriminatory remarks about someone’s gender ( Ontario Human Rights Commission ).

Fifty-two per cent of women in Canada have been subject to sexual harassment in the workplace. Twenty-eight per cent have experienced non-consensual sexual touching at work ( Angus Reid Institute, 2018 ).

One in four women have been personally targeted with sexualized behaviours in their workplace, compared to 17% of men. Most women who had been targeted said that a man was always responsible. For women, personal experiences of inappropriate sexualized behaviour are most common for those working in occupations historically dominated by men: trades, transportation, equipment operation, and related occupations. Among women working in occupations historically filled by women such as sales and service, those who experience inappropriate sexualized behaviour often say that at least one incident is perpetrated by a customer or client ( Marta Burczycka, Canadian Centre for Justice and Community Safety Statistics, Statistics Canada, 2021 ).

One in three women aged 15 to 24 experience unwanted sexual behaviour online and were twice as likely to experience this behaviour compared to those 35 or older. First Nations and Métis women of all ages report unwanted behaviour online at a higher rate than non-Indigenous women. Fifty per cent of bisexual women experience online harassment, compared to 21% of lesbian women and 18% of heterosexual women. “Sexual minority” women are 1.8 times more likely to experience online harassment. Women with disabilities are 2.3 times more likely to experience online harassment than women without a disability ( Adam Cotter and Laura Savage, Statistics Canada, 2018 ).

What does it mean to “blame the victim” for sexual violence?

Only one party is responsible for sexual violence: the perpetrator. Blaming the person who is abused is victim-blaming. It’s unfair and dangerous. It can make people believe abuse is their fault and makes them less likely to seek help and report what happened ( Canadian Resource Centre for Victims of Crime, 2016 ). One in five women report being made to feel responsible for their own sexual victimization ( Statistics Canada, 2020 ).

Research links alcohol to sexual assault, but the impact of variables such as a perpetrator’s negative views about women and a sense of peer support for forced sex are stronger predictors of sexual violence ( Maggie Koerth, 2018 ). Still, there’s often a double standard in play: alcohol consumption and substance use are sometimes used to excuse an abuser’s behaviour, but they are used to blame the person who is victimized for the abuse.

“Sexual assault is never your fault. It does not matter what you were wearing, what you were doing, who you were with, or where you were. Sexual assault is the fault of the person who commits the crime” ( Government of Canada, 2021 ).

Why does sexual violence happen?

Like other forms of gender-based violence, sexual assault as a social issue is rooted in gender inequality and unequal power relationships ( World Health Organization, 2012 ). It’s driven by widespread sexist social-cultural ideas and structures that reinforce that the needs, feelings, rights, or beliefs of men are more correct and important than those of women, girls, gender-diverse people, and children. Other forms of discrimination such as racism, homophobia, classism, ageism, and ableism combine with sexism and increase sexual violence risks for women and gender-diverse people.

Individuals who commit sexual assault perceive the person they are victimizing as unequal. That creates a rationale for their control, humiliation, intimidation, and abuse.

In our society, gender inequality is present in many areas, including politics, religion, media, cultural norms, and the workplace ( Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, 2014 ). Everyone receives powerful messages — both overt and covert — that is it natural and right for men to have more social power. This leads to abusive gendered dynamics in relationships, families, and communities. It reinforces victim-blaming and enables abusers to defend and continue their actions.

Hyper-masculinity – the idea that masculinity is determined by hostility and aggression – is damaging for everyone. It promotes violence and entitlement. Men who demonstrate hyper-masculine attitudes are more likely to self-report sexual aggression against women ( Sarah K. Murnen, Psychology of Men & Masculinities, 2015 ).

What is consent?

Without consent for sexual activity, any sexual contact is sexual assault. Consent is enthusiastic and ongoing. It is given with a clear “yes”, affirmative words, and positive body language. People can change their minds and withdraw consent at any time. It is important for partners to communicate and pay attention to each other’s body language.

Based on the Canadian legal definition, consent cannot be given in a situation that involves an abuse of trust, power, or authority. Anyone who is unconscious cannot legally give consent ( Department of Justice, 2021 ). Anyone who is under the age of consent cannot give consent ( Department of Justice, 2017 ).

A 2015 study by the Canadian Women’s Foundation indicated that consent not well understood. Almost all people in Canada (96%) believe all sexual activities should be consensual, but only one in three understands what it means to give consent. There is also a blurred understanding of consent when it comes to online activity: one in five people in Canada between the ages of 18 to 34 believe that if a woman sends an explicit photo through email or text, this always means she is giving consent to a sexual activity. And some think there’s no need for consent in long-term relationships. One in 10 believe consent to sexual activity is not needed between long-term partners and spouses.

A 2022 study from the Canadian Women’s Foundation reveals that 55 per cent of people in Canada do not fully understand consent when it comes to sexual activity.

What is trafficking?

Trafficking is a term used in law to describe recruiting, transporting, and holding people for the purpose of exploitation. Trafficking is a criminal offence ( Public Safety Canada, 2021 ). It is a gendered form of violence. Men who are trafficked are often exploited for physical labour like construction work. Women who are trafficked are often subject to sexual coercion to force them into other kinds of labour such as domestic labour or commercial sexual activity ( Fay Faraday, 2019 ).

Coercion in situations of trafficking can take physical and/or psychological forms. It can take the form of threats or abuse of trust or power ( Public Safety Canada, 2021 ).

It is important not to equate trafficking for sexual exploitation with voluntary sex work: “adult individuals who voluntarily engage in sex work are not, according to the Canadian Criminal Code and UN protocol, being trafficked … While experiencers of human trafficking may be forced into sexual exploitation, it does not follow that all sex workers are exploited or that their activities constitute a form of human trafficking” ( Robert Nonomura, 2020 ).

Women and girls are at higher risk of trafficking. People who are 2SLGBTQI+, homeless and marginalized youth, Indigenous women and girls, and people living with addiction, mental illness, and developmental disabilities are also at higher risk ( Ministry of Children, Community and Social Services, 2021 ).

In Canada, trafficking and exploitation cannot be pulled apart from colonialism and systemic racism, both of which have led to high rates of sexual violence against Indigenous, Black, and racialized women and youth, 2SLGBTQI+ people, and undocumented people, to name a few ( Robert Nonomura, 2020 ).

Current data about the scope and nature of trafficking in Canada should be used with caution.

• The main sources of data are the police and the courts. But there may be many barriers to reporting for those being victimized and police-reported cases of trafficking may not be charged or processed in the legal system as such ( House of Commons Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights, 2018 ; Adam Cotter, Statistics Canada, 2020 ).
• The term “trafficking” can be confusing. It is a specific legal term that may not match how people who experience exploitation describe what happens to them.
• When trafficking is conflated with sex work in the research, it can skew data analysis and understanding of the issue ( House of Commons Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights, 2018 ). It can contribute to the targeting of sex workers and creates barriers to their rights, safety, services, and supports ( HIV Legal Network, 2019 ).

Keeping these caveats in mind, data from 2009 to 2018 show that in 97 per cent of trafficking cases reported to police, survivors are women or girls, and the majority of those are young women (45% are 18 to 24) or girls (28% are under 18) ( Adam Cotter, 2020 ).

Why might people not speak up or report sexual violence?

The odds of sexual assault being reported to police are about 80% lower than for other violent crimes. Only six percent of sexual assaults are reported to police, making it the most underreported crime measured in the General Social Survey on Victimization ( Adam Cotter, Canadian Centre for Justice and Community Safety Statistics, Statistics Canada, 2019 ). It is estimated that less than one per cent of sexual assaults experienced by women lead to an offender being convicted ( Holly Johnson, 2012 ).

Some believe that many sexual assault reports are false, but a review of international research on false reporting suggests that it happens in only two to 8% of cases ( Kimberly Lonsway et al., The National Center for the Prosecution of Violence Against Women, 2009 ). In Canada, 9% of sexual assaults in 2020 were classified as unfounded ( Statistics Canada, 2020 ).

In addition to “fight or flight” responses to fear and stress, “freezing” is another uncontrollable reaction. When freezing occurs in a situation of sexual violence, a person becomes physically incapable of resisting or speaking up ( Brian P. Marx et al., Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice, 2008 ).

Many sexual assaults are committed in homes by someone known to the person being assaulted. Shock of such unexpected danger can paralyze. “Preparatory kinds of feelings and thoughts are totally submerged because they should not be needed,” says Charlene Senn, a social psychologist at the University of Windsor ( Sheryl Ubelacker, The Canadian Press, 2016 ). Survivors of an assault may struggle to comprehend how someone they know could hurt them, and they may not want to get that person in trouble.

From childhood, girls are often socialized to “be nice” and to behave passively in response to conflict. The pressure to be polite can be so ingrained that it can make speaking up about assault or harassment very difficult ( Zosia Bielski, Globe and Mail, 2016 ).

If an abuser is in a position of authority in their workplace, school, sports team, family, or community, it can be especially difficult to report. Survivors may be afraid they won’t be believed and that abuser’s status means their word will be believed more. Many survivors fear that speaking up will jeopardize their goals, career, or reputation ( Marie Deschamps, 2015 ).

Reasons for not reporting violence victimization to police differ between men and women: 43% of women believe that the offender will not be adequately punished (versus 25% of men); 38% of women don’t think it could be reported to police (versus 6% of men); 34% of women report feeling shame or embarrassment (versus 6% of men); 25% of women feel they won’t be believed (versus 7% of men); and 19% of women feel reporting would bring shame and dishonour to their family (versus 4% of men). These differences are reflective of the fact that women are more likely to be sexually assaulted. Not wanting to deal with police (57%) or the court process (42%) are more commonly cited by those who experience sexual assault ( Adam Cotter, Canadian Centre for Justice and Community Safety Statistics, Statistics Canada, 2019 ).

“Women often suffer secondary victimization when they turn to the police, social services, friends, or family if, as can happen, they are not believed, blamed or made to feel responsible for the violence, or subjected to callous or insensitive treatment, when police fail to take evidence, or when their cases are dropped arbitrarily” ( Holly Johnson et al., 2013 ).

Complaints of sexual assault from women with mental disabilities are often disbelieved or discounted in the legal system ( Janine Benedet and Isabel Grant, McGill Law Journal, 2007 ).

Immigrant women who arrive in Canada traumatized by war or oppressive governments may be less likely to report physical or sexual violence to the authorities for fear of further victimization or even deportation ( Rupaleem Bhuyan et al., 2014 ).

Studies suggest that when women of colour report violence, particularly rape, their experiences are often taken less seriously within the criminal justice system ( Rakhi Ruparelia, in Elizabeth Sheehy, ed. Sexual Assault in Canada: Law, Legal Practice and Women’s Activism, 2012 ).

What are the impacts of sexual violence?

Impacts include shock and anger, fear and anxiety, hyper-alertness and hypervigilance, irritability and anger, disrupted sleep, nightmares, rumination and other reliving responses, increased need for control, tendency to minimize or deny the experience as a way of coping, tendency to isolate oneself, feelings of detachment, emotional constriction, feelings of betrayal, and a sense of shame. “The sexualized nature of the violation of sexual assault adds a particularly traumatic aspect to the experience. In fact, being sexually assaulted or raped can be one of the most traumatizing experiences a woman can go through. When the victim knows the offender, especially a person the woman believes should be trustworthy and safe, and who she never believed would violate her, her sense of betrayal is a profound element of the harm and the trauma she experiences. This only compounds her sense of shame and self-blame, along with her reluctance to disclose what happened, all of which increase trauma” ( Haskell and Randall, 2019 ).

When people who are abused internalize victim-blaming, they might experience psychological responses to trauma including: denial or telling themselves that they are overreacting or the assault wasn’t a big deal; guilt and shame, questioning their own actions and behaviour; and embarrassment, blaming themselves for the abuse, or feeling like they didn’t do enough to resist it ( Government of Alberta, 2013 ).

Sexual violence can be traumatic. Many people experience post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and the process of reporting an incident can be re-traumatizing ( Avina and O’Donohue, Journal of Traumatic Stress, 2002 ).

Sexual abuse in childhood is a major factor for future suicidal behaviour and can also be a source of post-traumatic stress disorder ( Centre for Suicide Prevention ).

Among adult women, there is strong evidence of significant associations between child sexual abuse and depression, PTSD, panic disorder, drug and alcohol dependence and suicide attempts ( Department of Justice, 2012 ).

How can sexual violence be stopped?

Sexual violence is preventable ( Kathleen C. Basile, New England Journal of Medicine, 2016 ).

Research shows that high school violence prevention programs are highly effective. The Canadian Women’s Foundation supports teen healthy relationship programs across the country that teach participants how to recognize abusive relationships, and how to develop healthy relationships.

Even years after attending one of our funded programs, students experience long-term benefits such as better dating relationships, the ability to recognize and leave an unhealthy relationship, and increased self-confidence, assertiveness, and leadership.

Recognize and challenge victim-blaming, and let survivors and victims know that sexual assault is not their fault.

Hold perpetrators accountable for their actions. If we don’t, we reinforce the notion that abuse and assault are acceptable. It allows abusers to defend and continue their actions.

Address systemic barriers in the legal system to allow for better access to justice for those who experience sexual assault and harassment.

Challenge gender inequality wherever you see it. Identify and resist the idea that the needs, feelings, or beliefs of one person/group are more correct or important than those of another person/group.

If you or someone you know is seeking support for abuse or violence, please visit our support services page .

Last Update: November 22, 2022

Data Snapshot

30% of all women age 15 or older report experiencing sexual assault at least once

3 times The rate of sexual assault against Indigenous women is approximately three times higher than among non-Indigenous women

2 times The rate of sexual assault against people with disabilities is about two times higher than those with no disabilities

Only 45% of people in Canada fully understand what it means to give consent to sexual activity

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Sexual assault: women’s voices on the health impacts of not being believed by police

Karen mcqueen.

1 School of Nursing, Lakehead University, 955 Oliver Rd, Thunder Bay, ON P7B5E1 Canada

Jodie Murphy-Oikonen

2 School of Social Work, Lakehead University, Thunder Bay, Canada

Ainsley Miller

Lori chambers.

3 Lakehead University, Gender and Women’s Studies, Thunder Bay, Canada

Associated Data

Data used in this paper are not publicly available due to the sensitive nature of the topic and the risk of breaching confidentiality. The data are available on reasonable request from the lead author.

Sexual assault is a prevalent crime against women globally with known negative effects on health. Recent media reports in Canada indicate that many sexual assault reports are not believed by police. Negative reporting experiences of sexual assault have been associated with secondary victimization and trauma among survivors. However, little is known about the impact that being sexually assaulted and not believed by police has on a survivor’s health and well-being. The purpose of this study was to explore women’s experiences of not being believed by police after sexual assault and their perceived impact on health.

We conducted open-ended and semi-structured interviews with 23 sexual assault survivors who were sexually assaulted and not believed by police. The interviews explored the self-reported health impacts of not being believed by police and were conducted from April to July, 2019. All interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, and entered into NVIVO for analysis. Data were analyzed using Colaizzi’s analytic method.

Analysis revealed three salient themes regarding the health and social impact of not being believed by police on survivors of sexual assault: (1) Broken Expectations which resulted in loss of trust and secondary victimization, (2) Loss of Self, and (3) Cumulative Health and Social Effects. The findings showed that not being believed by police resulted in additional mental and social burdens beyond that of the sexual assault. Many survivors felt further victimized by police at a time when they needed support, leading to the use taking of alcohol and/or drugs as a coping strategy.

Reporting a sexual assault and not being believed by police has negative health outcomes for survivors. Improving the disclosure experience is needed to mitigate the negative health and social impacts and promote healing. This is important for police, health, and social service providers who receive sexual assault disclosures and may be able to positively influence the reporting experience and overall health effects.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s12905-021-01358-6.

The high rate of sexual violence against women is a concerning public health issue as approximately one in three women in North America experience sexual assault in their lifetime [ 1 , 2 ]. While sexual assault is a pervasive social issue that does not discriminate against age, gender, ability or status, research indicates that certain groups are at greater risk [ 1 , 3 , 4 ]. This includes women who are of colour [ 1 ], Indigenous, [ 3 , 5 , 6 ], employed in the military, living and working in underprivileged environments [ 3 ], have a disability [ 7 ], and student populations [ 3 , 8 ].

Sexual assault, defined as any type of forced or coerced sexual contact or behavior that happens without consent [ 9 ], violates the sexual integrity of individuals and exposes them to a variety of negative health outcomes [ 10 ]. These may include, but are not limited to social, psychological [ 10 – 13 ], sexual [ 12 – 14 ], and physical health outcomes [ 15 – 17 ] that may have lifelong deleterious effects on survivors.

In North America, police response to sexual assault has been highly criticized based on a culture of victim blaming and stereotyping which result in disbelief of sexual assault reports [ 18 , 19 ]. Rape myths also perpetuate the belief that many women lie about assault [ 4 , 20 ] and that rape only occurs to women who choose to live risky or chaotic lifestyles [ 21 ]. Recent Canadian media reports indicate that these societal myths are abundant in law enforcement, as a high number of sexual assault reports are not validated, and many sexual assault cases have been classified as “unfounded” [ 22 ]. According to the criminal code of Canada, when a case is classified as “unfounded” by the police, it is determined that a crime neither occurred nor was it attempted in the first place [ 23 ]. This contrasts with sexual assaults classified as unsubstantiated, as this classification is reserved for cases in which evidence is lacking and validation of the crime cannot be determined [ 23 ]. As such, the code “unfounded” is indicative of the victim not being believed and interpreted as lying. However, a meta-analysis of 7 studies found that the actual rate of false reporting (e.g., lying) about sexual assaults was low (approximately 5%) and typically reflected mental health concerns, misunderstanding of what constitutes sexual assault, and altered memory due to drug and alcohol use [ 24 ]. The findings from the meta-analysis suggest that many cases are inappropriately labelled as unfounded or not believed by police. A positive step was recently taken to remove minimize the use of the term “unfounded” from through expanded Canadian crime reporting option statistics; however, the change in codes does not automatically translate into increased belief of women’s sexual assault reports to the police. While the term unfounded is specific to Canadian reporting, evidence exists that not being believed by police is a widespread issue and not unique to Canada [ 25 , 26 ].

The experience of sexual assault and not being believed by police has not been explored from women’s first-hand accounts. Research has identified that many sexual assault survivors have had negative reporting experiences with police that can negatively impact well-being [ 27 ]. Other studies report that negative experiences may lead to secondary victimization [ 28 ] or trauma [ 29 , 30 ]. Given the known negative health effects that sexual assault has on survivors, coupled with the potential detrimental effects of a negative reporting experience, there is a need for a better understanding of how not being believed by police impacts women’s health. This is important for police, health, and social service providers who work with women who have been sexually assaulted, as a multidisciplinary response [ 31 ] to sexual assault is needed across the health, social, and legal sectors. The guiding principles of a multi-disciplinary approach are to ensure the survivors are safe, that their voices are heard, and that they have the autonomy to decide what they need for healing [ 32 ]. Thus, the purpose of this study was to understand the health impacts for women who were sexually assaulted and not believed by the police. For our study, health was broadly defined as a state of physical, mental and social well-being [ 33 ].

Study design

The study involved qualitative research and explored the lived experience of women who were sexually assaulted and not believed by the police [ 34 ]. It particularly explored the self-reported health impacts of study participants. It used a phenomenological approach to capture the lived experiences of participants [ 35 ]. The consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research (COREQ) guided the conduct of this study [ 36 ].

Sampling and recruitment of participants

Purposive sampling was used to recruit a sample of participants from a large geographic area in northwestern Ontario, Canada, between April 13th and July 21st, 2019. Recruitment strategies included social media advertising (e.g., Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram) and through word of mouth from social service providers who had been informed of the research. Individuals wishing to learn more about the research study were invited to contact a member of the research team via cellular telephone or email. During the initial contact, the research process was explained and potential participants were invited to ask questions.

The eligibility criteria to participate in the study included: (a) being an English-speaking female 16 years of age or older, having experienced a sexual assault, which was reported to police, (b) self-report that the sexual assault was not believed by the police, and (c) ability to provide consent and participate in interviews within the designated study region. Participants were excluded from the research if: (a) the police laid charges and/or the perpetrator was taken to court, (b) the survivor of the sexual assault did not wish to pursue charges, or (c) the survivor self-identified that they were unsure whether a sexual assault occurred (unclear events or memories). A research assistant screened prospective participants by telephone to ensure they met the inclusion criteria for the research. The Principal Investigator or Co-Investigator provided a full explanation of the study, re-assessed eligibility and obtained informed consent before commencing the interview. Written consent was obtained for all in-person interviews. Two participants who were interviewed through telephone provided verbal consent. The informed consent process included providing information on the purpose of the research, risks and benefits of participation, anticipated outcomes and dissemination of the information gathered through the research. All participants were informed of their rights including not answering questions, asking for clarification, requesting a break and/or ending the interview at any time. All participants who provided written consent were provided with a copy. The consent process (written and verbal) was approved by the research ethics board.

Thirty-seven women expressed interest in the research. Twenty-three women met the inclusion criteria of having experienced a sexual assault, reported the assault to the police, and perceived that they were not believed by police. Participant’s perceptions of police disbelief were determined by various factors such as the short duration of police report with little or no note taking, location of the reporting (not at the police station), no incident numbers provided, blaming questions, lack of a thorough investigation, no follow-up on case outcomes from the police, no charges laid, and/or no return phone calls from the police. Some participants indicated that police explicitly stated that they did not believe the woman’s report. One participant provided a copy of the police report, which confirmed that the police did not believe her report. There were no individuals who refused to participate in the study; however, the researchers excluded thirteen transcripts from the analyses based on the exclusion criteria. Despite reviewing inclusion and exclusion criteria prior to the interview, it emerged during some interviews that the women were believed by police. In three cases police laid charges and the perpetrators went to court and in six cases the women chose not to pursue charges. Two of the sexual assault cases were not reported to the police and two self-identified that they suspected but were not certain a sexual assault had occurred (e.g., they stated that “something didn’t feel right”, but had no recollection of a sexual assault). One participant was excluded as she was unable to provide consent due to being intoxicated.

Data collection

Data collection was conducted by an all-female research team and included one to two semi-structured face-to-face (n = 21) or telephone interviews (n = 2) based on participant preference. Second interviews were conducted with two participants based on their request to provide additional information. Interviews were conducted in the University campus and led primarily by the principal investigator or lead author with expertise in interviewing and qualitative methods. A second member of the research team was present to collect demographic data, take field notes and support the interview process. There were no other individuals present during the interview. Prior to commencement of the interview, introductions were made and the purpose and rationale for the research were outlined for the participant, allowing an opportunity for questions to be addressed.

The interviews were open-ended and followed a semi-structured interview guide developed for this study. The interview guide was informed by the literature and researcher expertise in relation to the purpose of the study (see Additional file 1 ). To isolate the impact of not being believed from that of the sexual assault, women were asked to describe the impact on health (if any) when their sexual assault report was not believed by the police and how that differed from the impact of the sexual assault on their health and well-being. In addition to the interviews, a demographic questionnaire was completed by participants after the interviews. The average length of the interviews was 53 min. A second interview occurred on two occasions when participants called back to report information that they felt was important and not included in the first interview. The research team discussed termination of conducting further interviews based on saturation of the data. A few additional interviews were conducted and included in the analysis once saturation had been achieved since they had been previously scheduled.

Following each interview, participants were provided with an honorarium as a token of appreciation for their time. In addition, all participants were provided with a list of support services available in the community if they felt they required additional support. The university institutional research ethics board (ref # 1466856) approved all study related materials (e.g., consent, recruitment advertisement, and interview guide).

Data analysis

To aid in the analysis, all interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. All interviews were conducted in English, which was the language of the participants, hence no translation of the transcripts was required. Transcripts were entered into NVIVO version 11. Colaizzi's [ 37 ] analytic method was used as a means of organizing and analyzing the data. This approach included extensive reading of transcribed data, extraction of significant phrases, a constant comparative method, and a comprehensive thematic description of the accounts of participants by three study team members (JM-O, KM, AM). A fourth study team member (LC) reviewed all themes and data collected within each theme to verify the findings. Discussion occurred between all (n = 4) research team members to ensure the interpretation of findings was accurate; no changes to the original thematic analysis were deemed necessary. All participants were invited through email to validate themes. Five participants requested to review the thematic findings. These findings were discussed via telephone with the principal investigator. The five participants confirmed the findings and did not add any further information.

Participant characteristics

Of the twenty-three women who participated in the study, approximately half self-identified as Caucasian (n = 12; 52%) or Indigenous (n = 11; 48%). The average age of women at the time of the study was 37 years (range 22 to 57 years). Most women reported being single (n = 15; 65%), unemployed (n = 13; 56%), and earning an annual income less than $19,999 (n = 16; 69%). Participants had various levels of education, including partial high school (n = 6; 26%), high school completion (n = 1; 4%), college (n = 9; 39%), and university (n = 5; 22%), while two did not report their levels of education.

The circumstances of the sexual assault were mixed. More than half of the women (n = 15; 65%) reported knowing the perpetrators (intimate partner [n = 1], family member [n = 3], acquaintance/friend [n = 11]), while eight (35%) of the perpetrators were strangers. Likewise, the response to the sexual assault varied, with nine (39%) reporting that they physically and/or verbally resisted the attacker (n = 11; 48%). Drugs and alcohol were a factor in many of the sexual assaults, with 57% (n = 13) of perpetrators having consumed alcohol, nine of whom, had also used drugs. For the assaults by strangers, women were unsure whether the perpetrator had used drugs or alcohol. Among survivors, half reported (n = 12; 52.2%) using substances prior to the assault. Of these, the majority used alcohol only (n = 8), alcohol and drugs (n = 3) or drugs only (n = 1). Three additional participants reported that they were forcibly given alcohol and/or drugs prior to the assault. Five participants (21.7%) suspected that they were drugged by the perpetrator prior to being sexually assaulted.

Analysis of the interview transcripts revealed three salient themes related to the health and social impact of not being believed by the police. These included: (a) Broken Expectations, (b) Loss of Self, and (c) Cumulative Health and Social Effects . Within the theme of Broken Expectations, two subthemes emerged including Loss of Trust and Secondary Victimization .

Broken expectations

Overall, most participants noted that the purpose of the police was to protect the public. They disclosed that this sense of safety and protection contributed to their sense of well-being and was disrupted during their report of sexual assault. Accordingly, when the women made their sexual assault reports to police, they believed that the police would assist and investigate their complaints. However, the participants explained that there was incongruence between what they believed would happen when they reported and what actually occurred. They described feelings of disappointment, being let down, having an additional pain, or that their sexual assault reports fell on “ deaf ears ” (033). “ They are supposed to be there to help you and keep you safe, and I didn’t think they were doing it at all ” (010) . An Indigenous participant who reported her sexual assault to the police and waited more than 24 h for a police response, described how she thought making a report would be the first step of the healing process after the sexual assault, but believed that her experience with the police made it [sexual assault experience] all worse:

You think that they [police] are going to protect you, right, and that they are going to do justice. What happened had happened [sexual assault] and that couldn’t be undone. I don’t know how to explain it, like kind of a step towards healing, if that makes sense. Like that would have been my first step, instead it just kind of made a new pain to have to deal with. (009)

Participants’ expectations were broken when the police did not act and investigate their complaints. Before reporting, participants believed that the police would take their complaints seriously. Participants reported that they expected “ I would get called back ” (008), “ that the assault would be investigated ” (001) or “ they would take my report ” (022). However, many said that they never heard back from police and that their concerns were never followed up. These broken expectations led to adverse social and health outcomes for participants when they perceived they were not being believed. This included loss of trust in the police and secondary victimization by the police.

Loss of trust

Many participants reported experiencing loss of trust in the police and the justice system after not being believed and/or their report not being followed-up. Much of the discussion regarding loss of trust was based on participants’ perceptions that the police did not care about them as individuals or that the police had too many other things to deal with. This loss of trust led women to feel that there was no point in seeking assistance from the police in other situations. A young woman who was sexually assaulted while sitting alone in a secluded area, reported the assault to the police, and recalled that the police laughed at her when she disclosed that she was assaulted by a stranger. Their response precipitated her lack of trust; “ We will take care of each other, because they [police] don’t care about us and…you know, they don’t believe you anyways, so don’t even bother. We will deal with our own stuff ” (012) . Another participant who was sexually assaulted and reported the assault to the police following a medical examination at the hospital, described feeling interrogated by the police, with the police officer’s initial question being “ Did you just do it and regret it ” (017)? This experience led to her lack of trust and subsequent protective instincts with her two young children, “ I always tell my kids police are safe to go to, but there is still hesitation with that…I wouldn’t discourage them from it, but I would rather have them come to me and then I’ll help them if something ever happened ” (017) .

The loss of trust in police impacted some women who experienced further violence or sexual assaults and did not make subsequent reports out of fear of not being believed by the police. An Indigenous participant who reported feeling immense shame when the police did not believe that her sexual assault had occurred, described the impact of the police response on her subsequent experience with violence, “ When I first got into my domestic (i.e. intimate partner abuse) , the relationship was violent, like I never called [the police] , I never called anytime that I got hit. I never felt like they would believe me anyway ” (009) . Similarly, despite being drugged during her sexual assault, and left “hogtied” (i.e. hands and feet tied together) on a street, a participant who perceived her involvement in the sex trade contributed to not being believed by the police, described the impact of the disbelief on her well-being, “ Well, I was in a relationship where I was beat, beat very badly, and it took me 2 years before I reported it…because they wouldn’t believe me ” (029) . Participants’ prior experience with police greatly impacted their subsequent physical and mental health, as several indicated enduring subsequent abuse instead of reporting to the police.

Secondary victimization

Women had various motivations to report their experiences of sexual assaults to the police. Many of the women wanted to report their experiences to the police in order to have the perpetrator charged, or to prevent others from being assaulted. Some indicated that they felt nervous to report to the police and only did so with encouragement from family, friends or healthcare/service providers. When the women did report, and were not believed, some felt being further victimized by the reporting experience and the questions they were asked. A young woman who was sexually assaulted after a social outing with friends on a University campus, described her interaction with the police, thus:

His [police officer] demeanour, like a bit of everything; his tone. I remember his tone because he was like well did you do this? Even the way he asked it was like, what were you wearing? … That’s the one thing I can really remember, and I said those questions shouldn’t stick with me for the rest of my life, but they do. I feel like sometimes that was worse than the actual incident (017).

Similarly, another participant who was involved in sex work, commented that the police response to her report was “ well you work the streets, you bring it on yourself ” . Furthermore, the police officer stated, “ serves you right for being out there on the corners and out at night, you women ask for it. I will never forget that; you women ask for it ” (029)! The experience of being let down by the professional who is supposed to protect you was perceived as emotionally damaging well beyond the trauma of the sexual assault. It is this disbelief from the police that left women feeling defeated, unsafe and unworthy of protection and support.

Loss of self

All participants reported that not being believed by police impacted them at a personal level. Many indicated that the disbelief by police impacted their well-being and made them feel as if a part of them had been lost or taken away. The women described feelings of loss regarding their self-worth, self-esteem, self-image, and/or self-confidence after not being believed. A woman who was drugged by her perpetrator, had a rape kit done at the hospital, reported the assault to the police and felt dismissed by them, discussed the impact of disbelief from the police on her sense of self, thus:

It took away from who I was as a person before that, and it chipped away at my self-esteem. It made me think ok, well if these people think that I am not worthy of investigation and not worthy of fighting for, then why should I fight for myself? Why should I fight for my life (022)?

Similarly, another participant who was sexually assaulted repeatedly by her step-brother, explained the impact that the disbelief from the police had on her self-worth, stating, “ You feel like if the police don’t care what happens to you, why should I, right ” (033)? The internalization of the police response was further articulated as, “ I do the same thing that they did to me, I sweep me under the carpet ” (i.e. ignore my own needs) (033) . The narratives by participants show that many of the women felt that the lack of investigation and validation of their report was synonymous with not being worthy or important enough. The lack of validation made one woman view herself as “ a lying, drunk piece of shit really ” (018) .

Women also reported that not being believed impacted how they perceived themselves or how they were perceived by others. They indicated that they felt “ guilty ”, “ like a liar ”, “ like I did something wrong ” , “ dismissed ” , “ shame ” and “ angry ” after not being believed. Some women reported that they blamed themselves or felt guilty like it was their fault for going to the bar the night they were assaulted or that they willingly went with the individual who later assaulted them. Despite being the victims of crime, the interaction that women had with the police prompted an internalization of shame and personal responsibility for something outside of their control.

Cumulative health and social effects

Participants reported that the sexual assault negatively impacted their health. All (n = 23, 100%) women self-reported negative effects on their mental health including Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), depression, and escalation or initiation of alcohol or drug abuse. Thirteen (57%) had physical injuries (e.g., bruises, cuts, head injury) and many reported negative social effects including subsequent homelessness (n = 10, 31%) and/or future unreported assaults (sexual or physical) (n = 17, 74%). At times, it was difficult for the women to specifically separate out the effects of the sexual assault from those of not being believed by police on their health and well-being. However, participants reported that not being believed by police exacerbated or resulted in additional negative effects on their overall health and well-being. Many indicated that the experience of being sexually assaulted and then not being believed had a cumulative effect, which made the impact worse. One participant who was sexually assaulted in high school stated that,

I became very angry at the world that I had to go through that and nobody else did and or no one else even cared or believed me. It was a very dark place in my life. I tried to commit suicide after that too at one point. I had a lot of mental health issues (033).

Women used various descriptors in their narratives to explain how not being believed by police had both significant and long-lasting health and social effects. In terms of the magnitude of the impact, a woman who was sexually assaulted by a relative reported that not being believed “ probably affected me the worst ” (009). Another indicated that “ it did have an effect on me emotionally, very strongly ” (001) and “ you know I felt like that [emotional effects] for a very long time ” (022). Not being believed by police also meant that there would never be closure of the cases and this left women to wonder what could have been, or how their lives might have been different. A woman who experienced sexual assault from a distant family member explained the impact of the lack of closure of her case, “ who would I be if these things never happened to me? Or maybe if the police believed me and there was closure to the case, would that make a big difference to me or would it not? I don’t know ” (033). Similarly, a participant who found the courage to report a sexual assault away from her home environment in another community, had her file transferred numerous times without any police officer taking full responsibility. She explained that not being believed added to the sexual assault, “ I think it’s the whole thing, the big picture, the whole experience. You know, like why me? What did I do to deserve this? (033)” .

This study explored the impact that being sexually assaulted and not believed by the police had on women’s health. Overall, women reported that not being believed by police had a negative impact on their mental (e.g., low self-esteem, loss of self-worth, secondary victimization) and social health (e.g., loss of trust, experiencing and not reporting further assaults) beyond the impact of the sexual assault (e.g., PTSD, substance use, physical injuries etc.). This indicates that not being believed by police resulted in additional mental and social burdens during an already traumatic period. For many of the women, they perceived the impact to be both significant and long-lasting. These findings suggest that women who were not believed by police felt further victimized and may have suffered additional trauma.

Our findings are consistent with the general sexual assault literature that suggests that women often experience secondary victimization from lack of investigation, insensitivity, and perceived judgment from police officers, as well as low rates of arrests and sentencing of the perpetrator(s) [ 38 ]. Unexpected negative reactions, including blame, judgment, disbelief, and lack of empathy may negatively influence well-being and recovery [ 39 , 40 ]. Negative social reactions to sexual assault disclosures may amplify feelings of powerlessness, grief, loss, and disenfranchisement [ 13 ], shame [ 41 , 42 ], increased severity and duration of PTSD [ 43 ] and other mental health concerns [ 44 ]. When the sense of self (i.e. self-worth) is negative, there are often greater risk-taking behaviours as survivors may not feel that they are worthy of protection or deserving of safety and wellness [ 43 ]. The women in our study, who had negative reporting experiences, lost trust in police, and reported experiencing further assaults and victimization. Additionally, as women were not believed by police, they were often not referred for support or treatment, leaving survivors to either attempt to heal from within, or turn to health and social service providers for support on their own. Without treatment, women felt that the negative effects of the sexual assault and not being believed were cumulative, severe and long lasting. Furthermore, many had poor mental health (e.g., PTSD, depression, anxiety) and reported escalation of substance use as a coping mechanism.

Women’s first-hand accounts of their reporting experiences from our study highlight the associated trauma that presents when women’s reports are not believed by police. When women’s sexual assault disclosures are responded to with empathy and validation, they experience less adverse health outcomes [ 45 ]. In addition to improved health, women who have positive experiences are also likely to utilize adaptive coping strategies such as cognitive restructuring, expressing emotion and meditation [ 46 ] and are likely to approach formal assistance networks (e.g., mental health or primary care provider) [ 47 ]. Given the deleterious effects of not being believed by the police on the health and well-being of survivors, and the known benefits of an empathic response, health and social service professionals may be well positioned to assist women in rebuilding their lives, promoting positive coping strategies, and ensuring that women’s voices matter.

Health and social service professionals can reduce the impact of secondary victimization [ 48 ] and the negative effect on health and well-being of survivors by believing survivors’ accounts. Health and social service providers should determine the experiences women had with police in order to ensure that survivors are provided with a safe environment and their dignity is maintained. Person-centered care is central to assisting survivors of sexual assault heal from their experiences. Thus, providing compassionate care and preserving the dignity and well-being of the survivor [ 49 ] is essential for mitigating the impact of the assault and the experience of disbelief from the institutions designated to protect them. Comprehensive care for survivors is needed for immediate and long-term health benefits [ 50 ]. Professionals are also well-equipped to fulfill an advocacy role with sexual assault survivors [ 32 ] which may assist in re-visiting the sexual assault report, safety planning, achieving justice through law enforcement, and subsequently assisting in closure of cases for survivors.

Our research has demonstrated that sexual assault survivors fear reporting subsequent victimization to the police due to a lack of trust in them. Fear of reporting is problematic as access to positive formal support may mitigate the severity of trauma reaction among survivors [ 39 ]. Health and social service providers trained in trauma informed care can increase sexual assault reporting by supporting survivors and advocating for sensitive treatment from the police. While numerous factors may impact women’s recovery from the trauma of sexual assault [ 51 ], enhancing the disclosure experience is one strategy that may be beneficial for attaining long-term health and wellbeing of survivors, given that sexual assault is already one of the most under-reported crimes [ 52 ].

The lack of reporting of sexual assault is problematic for several reasons. First, underreporting of sexual assault underestimates the severity of the problem and results in under-estimation of the number of individuals affected. Having an accurate recording of the extent of sexual violence is necessary for the allocation of resources for preventive and treatment services [ 53 ]. Safety is also of concern, as recidivism of sexual perpetration is a risk for both the survivor and/or other individual(s). Furthermore, if women do not disclose the sexual assault, they are likely to suffer in silence and are at risk of missing out on supportive services. Given that survivors of trauma often feel betrayed and may have difficulty trusting others [ 54 ], their reluctance to report is not surprising. The findings of this study support the need to provide a safe space for survivors to disclose sexual violence without being further victimized [ 54 ].

Implications for policy and practice

The women in our study articulated the negative impact that not being believed by police had on their well-being beyond the sexual assault. Their voices (e.g., research themes) need to be highlighted to provide a better understanding of women’s experiences, which may lead to increased sexual assault reporting and improved response from law enforcement.

The large number of Indigenous women in our sample requires further exploration. Rates of sexual violence against Indigenous women are three times greater compared to other groups [ 3 ], and historical patterns of maltreatment and being dismissed by police still persist [ 55 – 57 ]. Their experiences may be unique and require targeted interventions (i.e. focus on cultural safety) to meet their needs.

Sensitization regarding women’s experiences and how to respond positively to survivors is required for community service providers, police, and healthcare professionals who receive sexual assault reports [ 26 , 44 , 58 ]. Sensitivity training for police officers that incorporates women’s voices and experiences can also serve to reduce bias, and improve belief of survivors. This may be particularly important in small communities where there are no specialized units to investigate sexual assaults. Strategies that survivors feel are helpful include providing time to talk about their experiences (i.e. listening), expressing belief in their experiences, telling them it is not their fault, and promoting agency [ 44 ]. Avoiding blame, offering support, validating their experiences, providing support and follow-up [ 43 ] and safety planning are also important for survivors’ health and well-being [ 44 ]. Furthermore, incorporating trauma-informed principles such as establishing safety, respect, choice, collaboration, and empowerment are additional strategies that could facilitate a positive disclosure experience and minimize the possibility of re-traumatization [ 59 ]. Using this type of approach recognizes the impact violence has on individuals and minimizes secondary victimization [ 59 ]. Information, education and communication campaigns are also needed to challenge the normalization of rape culture myths, so that victims feel safe to report and/or seek services for sexual assault [ 60 ].

Limitations

Participation is the study was voluntary and limited to women who self-disclosed that their sexual assault report to police was not believed. We were unable to determine whether the cases were classified as unfounded by police. This study presents only the perspective of those who perceived that they were not believed and did not include those who reported sexual assault and had positive experiences. Although participants included a diverse sample of women (i.e. by ethnicity, education, and socio-economic status) the study design precluded comparison within the sample. The participants in this study were primarily women from low socio-economic background with limited education residing in one geographic area and the findings may not be generalizable to all women.

Conclusions

Sexual assault has long been associated with adverse outcomes for survivors. Not being believed by police after reporting a sexual assault has an additional negative impact on survivors beyond that of the assault. The findings of this study suggest that efforts are needed to improve the support for sexual assault disclosures for women so that they can report sexual assault without experiencing further victimization, thereby increasing their safety and potentially mitigating secondary victimization. The women’s voices from our study may provide police and health and social service providers with a better understanding of the experiences of sexual assault survivors thereby improving police response.

Acknowledgements

The authors acknowledge all the survivors who shared their stories, as well as Alexa Hiebert for her assistance with recruitment and interviewing.

Abbreviations

Authors' contributions

J.M-O provided oversight on all aspects of the study from conception through to implementation. All authors participated in the interviewing of participants and reviewed all transcripts. KM, J.M-O and AM had overall responsibility for the data analysis with LC providing feedback on themes. All authors participated in the writing of the manuscript and reviewed the final submission. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

This research was funded by SSHRC Insight Development Grant #1466362. The funder played no role in the design and implementation of the study, data analysis, drafting the manuscript or the decision to submit the manuscript for publication.

Availability of data and materials

Declarations.

Ethics approval for the study, which included both written and verbal consent, was granted by the Research Ethics Board (REB) at Lakehead University (ref # 1466856), Thunder Bay, Ontario, Canada. Participants were provided with a full explanation about the purpose, general content and the objectives of the study prior to the researcher obtaining informed consent. Written consent was obtained for in-person interviews and verbal consent was obtained for telephone interviews. Oral consent was documented on the consent form, recorded on the audiotape and signed and dated by the researcher conducting the interview.

Not applicable.

All authors declare that they have no competing interests.

Publisher's Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

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Gender-based violence and unwanted sexual behaviour in Canada, 2018: Initial findings from the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces

by Adam Cotter and Laura Savage

• Text box 1 New questions on sex and gender and sexual orientation
• Text box 2 Intimate partner violence and the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces

Canadians’ experiences of unwanted behaviours in public places and online

Majority of those who experience unwanted sexual behaviour say it happened once or twice, age and sexual orientation main predictors of experiencing unwanted behaviour in public for women and men, canadians’ experiences of unwanted behaviour online, women more likely to experience negative emotional impacts and to talk to someone about their experience, text box 3 inappropriate sexual behaviour in the workplace, canadians’ experiences of physical and sexual assault, text box 4 measuring violent victimization in the survey of safety in public and private spaces, over 11 million canadians have experienced physical or sexual assault since age 15, risk factors associated with a higher likelihood of victimization since age 15, overall, men and women equally as likely to experience violence in the past 12 months, characteristics of incidents experienced in the past 12 months, one in five victims of sexual assault experience victim-blaming, many of the risk factors for unwanted behaviours and violent victimization are the same, detailed data tables, survey description.

• Gender-based violence—defined as violence that is committed against someone based on their gender identity, gender expression or perceived gender—encompasses a range of behaviours, not all of which meet the threshold of criminal behaviour. Five dimensions of gender-based violence are explored: unwanted sexual behaviour while in public, unwanted sexual behaviour online, unwanted sexual behaviour in the workplace, sexual assault, and physical assault.
• Women were more likely than men to have been sexually assaulted or have experienced unwanted sexual behaviour in public, unwanted behaviour online, or unwanted behaviour in the workplace in the 12 months preceding the survey, and this was the case even when controlling for other factors. In contrast, men were more likely to have been physically assaulted.
• Not only were women more likely to experience these behaviours, the impact of them was also greater. Women were more likely than men to have changed their routines or behaviours and to have experienced negative emotional consequences. Women were also more likely to have talked to somebody about their experience following an incident of unwanted behaviour or assault.
• Women were more likely than men to have experienced multiple incidents in the past 12 months and to have experienced unwanted behaviour or violence while on the street versus while in another public place, such as a bar or restaurant.
• Beside gender, being younger, having experienced harsh parenting, having been physically or sexually abused by an adult during childhood, and being single, never married, all play a role in experiencing gender-based violence.
• One in three (32%) women and one in eight (13%) men experienced unwanted sexual behaviour in public. For both men and women, younger age and sexual orientation increased the odds of experiencing this behaviour more than any other factor. More specifically, being younger and of a sexual orientation other than heterosexual was associated with much higher odds.
• The most common types of unwanted sexual behaviour experienced by women in public were unwanted sexual attention (25%), unwanted physical contact (17%), and unwanted comments about their sex or gender (12%). These were also the three most common types of behaviour experienced by men, though at a considerably lower rate (each 6%).
• One in five (18%) women experienced online harassment in the 12 months preceding the survey, slightly above the proportion of men (14%). Women were more likely than men to know the perpetrator.
• Women (28%) were more likely than men (19%) to have taken measures such as blocking others online or deleting accounts in order to protect themselves from online harassment.
• While men (56%) were slightly more likely than women (53%) to witness inappropriate sexual behaviour in their workplaces, the opposite was true when it came to personally experiencing this type of behaviour. Three in ten (29%) women were targeted by inappropriate sexual behaviour in a work-related setting compared with 17% of men.
• More than 11 million Canadians have been physically or sexually assaulted since the age of 15 . This represents 39% of women and 35% of men 15 years of age and older in Canada, with the gender difference driven by a much higher prevalence of sexual assault among women than men (30% versus 8%).
• Equal proportions of women (4%) and men (4%) were victims of violent crime in the 12 months preceding the survey, though the type of victimization differed as women were more likely to have been sexually assaulted (3% versus 1% of men) and men were more likely to have been physically assaulted (4% versus 2% of women).
• The vast majority of incidents of violent crime did not come to the attention of police: 5% of women stated that police found out about the most serious incident of sexual assault they experienced, while 26% of women and 33% of men who were physically assaulted said likewise.
• One in five victims of sexual assault—both women and men—felt blamed for their own victimization. Most commonly, the perpetrator or the victim’s friends or family were the source of this feeling.

All Canadians have the right to live free from violence. Gender-based violence—defined as violence that is committed against someone based on their gender identity, gender expression or perceived gender ( Women and Gender Equality Canada 2018 )—can have serious long-term physical, economic and emotional consequences for victims, their families, and for society more broadly.

Measuring gender-based violence is complex. The victims—and even the perpetrators—may not themselves perceive the motivations for the incident as being rooted in social structures and systems, which can serve to produce and reproduce gender inequality and gendered violence across many dimensions. Because of this, asking about gender-based violence directly in a survey may not lead to accurate findings or conclusions. Instead, asking about all experiences of violence and using contextual information—such as the gender of the victim and the perpetrator, the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator, and the nature and impact of the incident—allows for an examination of violence where the gender-based nature of an incident and the broader systemic factors underpinning these acts can be considered.

Using this general approach, decades of research and data collection in Canada show that women and girls are at higher risk of certain types of violence—and in many cases, other characteristics intersect with gender to impact the likelihood of experiencing violence. Often, these incidents can be considered gender-based; that is, they are typically committed by men against women, and furthermore, they may have a sexual aspect, may cause physical and/or psychological harm, or may involve a relationship between the victim and the perpetrator that implies an imbalance of power. Factors such as age, race, disability, immigrant status, and sexual orientation all intersect and can impact risk and protective factors, as well as access to support services. Previous research indicates that disabled women, Indigenous women, girls and young women, lesbian and bisexual women, and gay and bisexual men are more at risk of experiencing violence ( Boyce 2016 ; Burczycka 2018a ; Conroy 2018 ; Conroy and Cotter 2017 ; Cotter 2018 ; Cotter and Beaupré 2014 ; Ibrahim 2018 ; Perreault 2015 ; Rotenberg 2019 ; Rotenberg 2017 ; Simpson 2018 ).

Gender-based violence comprises a wide range of behaviours, some of which are not defined as criminal under Canadian law ( Benoit et al. 2015 ). In addition to overt acts of violence, gender-based violence also includes behaviours that can be more subtle, yet may cause victims to feel unsafe, uncomfortable or threatened because they were victimized because of their gender.

Unwelcome comments, actions, or advances while in public—despite not meeting a criminal threshold—may cause individuals to withdraw or to not otherwise fully engage in their daily activities or access spaces in which they have the right to freely use and enjoy ( Bastomski and Smith 2017 ). These behaviours can also serve to normalize, create, or support a culture where certain individuals feel targeted and discriminated against. Indeed, while some research suggests that unwelcome gendered behaviours may be considered minor or trivial, especially in comparison to other types of sexual violence, they nevertheless come with their own set of consequences and negative impacts on daily life ( Bastomski and Smith 2017 ; Mellgren et al. 2018 ). When these behaviours are sexualized and/or gender-based, they can serve to create or reinforce sexist or discriminatory stereotypes or norms that can be harmful to everyone.

In 2018, Statistics Canada conducted the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) with the goal of advancing knowledge of gender-based violence in Canada by collecting information on experiences and characteristics of violent victimization as well as the continuum of other unwanted experiences while in public, online, or at work. A key contribution of the SSPPS is a measure of the prevalence and nature of unwanted sexual behaviours faced by many Canadians while accessing public spaces, while online, or while in the workplace. This fills a critical gap by measuring behaviours that have previously not been a focus of other nationally representative surveys, given the fact that they tend not to rise to the threshold of criminal behaviour, and would therefore never be reported or included in other official data sources. By also including questions which measure violence that meets the criminal threshold, such as physical and sexual assault, the SSPPS allows for a comparative analysis of the risk factors across the continuum of gender-based violence, while also providing more recent self-reported statistics on violent victimization.

Start of text box 1

Text box 1 New questions on sex and gender and sexual orientation

For the first time in a large-scale Statistics Canada household survey, the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) included questions on both sex assigned at birth and the gender of respondents. These questions provide a more inclusive and accurate means of representing Canadians of all genders. Sex refers to the biological and physiological characteristics that define males, females and intersex persons whereas gender refers to the roles and behaviours that society associates with being female or male ( Women and Gender Equality Canada 2018 ). Of note, this article presents data on women and men using their self-reported gender only and does not take into account their sex assigned at birth. For example, an individual whose assigned sex at birth was male but who identifies as a woman is counted in this analysis as a woman.

In 2018, 0.24% Note  of those 15 years of age or older provided responses indicating that they were transgender ( i.e. , their sex assigned at birth is not the same as their gender) or gender diverse ( i.e. , neither male nor female). While data are available for transgender respondents, specific results for gender-diverse respondents are not publishable due to small sample size and concerns for respondent privacy and confidentiality. More fulsome analysis of the transgender and gender diverse population is planned for release in a report forthcoming in 2020.

In addition, the question on sexual orientation was revised to ask respondents if they were heterosexual, lesbian or gay, bisexual, or to specify their sexual orientation if it was not one of the response categories provided. For the purposes of this report, the term sexual minority or sexual minorities is used to refer to those who stated their sexual orientation was anything other than heterosexual. Where possible, results are disaggregated to present information separately for those who are gay or lesbian, bisexual, or sexual orientation, n.e.c.

End of text box 1

The development and collection of this survey and the analysis of its results was funded by Women and Gender Equality Canada as part of It’s Time: Canada’s Strategy to Prevent and Address Gender-Based Violence (the Strategy). Note  The Strategy’s activities are organized across three pillars: preventing gender-based violence, supporting survivors and their families, and promoting responsive legal and justice systems ( Women and Gender Equality Canada 2018 ). Data collection and increasing knowledge is a central component of the Strategy and the SSPPS is one survey in a suite of tools being developed for the purpose of better understanding and addressing gender-based violence in Canada. Reducing and eliminating gender-based violence is also a critical part of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and is reflected in the Sustainable Development Goals ( Fukuda-Parr 2016 ; Statistics Canada 2018 ) and the Government of Canada’s Gender Results Framework. Results from the SSPPS will assist in the development of indicators that will be used to track progress and monitor trends related to the elimination of gender-based violence and harassment and the promotion of security of all people in Canada.

This report presents initial findings on a wide range of behaviours, from inappropriate comments in public or online to physical and sexual assaults. Results are based on responses from more than 43,000 Canadians living in the ten provinces, who were each assigned a weight so as to be representative of the entire Canadian population 15 years of age and older. Data from Yukon, the Northwest Territories, and Nunavut will be published at a later date, as will information on the various forms of intimate partner violence experienced by Canadians in their lifetime (since age 15) and in the 12 months preceding the survey (see Text box 2 ). Note  This article takes a gender-based approach by comparing results between genders and, where possible, taking the intersection of various other characteristics into account. Note 

Start of text box 2

Text box 2 Intimate partner violence and the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a form of gender-based violence. Although both women and men may experience IPV , women tend to disproportionately experience the most severe forms ( Burczycka 2016 ), are more likely to experience negative physical and emotional consequences as a result of the violence ( Burczycka 2016 ), and comprise the majority of victims of intimate partner violence that is reported to police ( Burczycka 2018b; Burczycka 2018a ).

To understand gender-based violence, it is critical to also understand the nature and prevalence of IPV . However, in the context of this report, IPV has been excluded for two principle reasons. First, this analysis focuses more specifically on Canadians’ experiences of gender-based violence in public spheres. Second, a report dedicated specifically to the analysis of the IPV data from the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) will be published separately.

The SSPPS collected information on Canadians’ experiences of IPV since the age of 15 and in the 12 months that preceded the survey. The survey used 28 items covering abusive and violent behaviours including emotional abuse, financial abuse, physical violence, and sexual violence. The breadth of these items, as well as the key addition of questions on the frequency of all types of behaviour, will facilitate analysis examining the various typologies and patterns of IPV and how they are experienced by various subpopulations in Canada, as well as exploring the risk factors, impacts and consequences, and prevalence of this type of violence.

End of text box 2

Gender-based violence encompasses a range of behaviours, not all of which meet the threshold of criminal behaviour ( Benoit et al. 2015 ). Therefore, in addition to the information on criminal behaviours that is collected in the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS), an important data gap filled by the survey is a measure of behaviours that are not necessarily criminal in nature, yet still compromise feelings of safety in daily life.

The behaviours measured in the SSPPS that are broadly classified as unwanted behaviours in public are: unwanted physical contact (such as touching or getting too close in a sexual manner); indecent exposure; unwanted comments about sex or gender; unwanted comments about sexual orientation or assumed sexual orientation, and; unwanted sexual attention (such as comments, whistles, gestures, or body language). Respondents were asked to report only those instances that caused them to feel uncomfortable or unsafe.

These types of behaviours are often a function of societal norms, structures, and beliefs, given that, like sexual assault, they tend to be gender-based. Although certain behaviours or gestures may be considered by some to be minor or trivial in comparison to overt sexual violence such as sexual assault, they nevertheless have significant negative impacts on those who are victims of them ( Bastomski and Smith 2017 ; Mellgren et al. 2018 ).

Examining experiences in public spaces also acknowledges that, just as gender, age, and other characteristics intersect to influence the risk of being a victim of crime or experiencing unwanted behaviours, these same factors also guide how individuals perceive their own safety under certain conditions as well as how they use public spaces more generally ( Ceccato 2016 ; Perreault 2017 ).

One in three women and one in eight men feel uncomfortable or unsafe in public because of another’s behaviour

The SSPPS defined a public space as anywhere the public is able to access with little or no restriction ( e.g. , coffee shops, the street, shopping malls, public transportation, bars and restaurants). Note  Unwanted sexual behaviour in these spaces was disproportionately experienced by women. Overall, one in three (32%) women—or about 4.9 million women 15 years of age or older in Canada—experienced some form of unwanted sexual behaviour while they were in a public place in the past 12 months, more than double the proportion of men (13%, representing just over 2 million men) ( Table 1 ).

The most common type of unwanted behaviour women experienced in public was unwanted sexual attention, such as comments, gestures, body language, whistles, or calls. More than 3.8 million women, or 25% of those 15 years of age and older, stated that they had experienced this type of behaviour in public in the past 12 months.

This was followed by unwanted physical contact, such as unsolicited touching or someone intentionally getting too close to them in a sexual manner, reported by 17% of women, and unwanted comments about sex or gender, such as not looking or acting like the person responsible believes a woman should, reported by 12%.

For men, unwanted physical contact, unwanted comments about their sex or gender, and unwanted sexual attention were the most common (each 6%), though the prevalence was lower than that among women.

Women (4%) and men (4%) were equally likely to have experienced unwanted and inappropriate comments about their sexual orientation or assumed sexual orientation (Chart 1, Table 1 ). This was in contrast to the other types of unwanted behaviour measured by the SSPPS , which were more common among women.

Chart 1 start

Chart 1 end

Most women and men who experienced any type of unwanted sexual behaviour in a public place said it happened once or twice in the past 12 months (Chart 2). However, a considerably larger proportion of women than men said that they experienced unwanted sexual attention or unwanted physical contact three or more times. In fact, almost half (45%) of women who had experienced unwanted sexual attention in the past 12 months said that it happened at least three times.

Chart 2 start

Chart 2 end

Women and men living in the core of larger cities more likely to experience unwanted behaviours in public

On the whole, the likelihood of experiencing unwanted behaviours in public did not vary widely across the provinces. The trend observed at the national level held true in all provinces in 2018, as women were more likely than men to have experienced unwanted behaviours in public across the country ( Table 2 ).

Experiencing unwanted behaviours in a public place was more likely to occur in urban areas and major cities. Those who lived in the core of a census metropolitan area (CMA) Note  or a census agglomeration (CA) Note  were more likely to have experienced inappropriate behaviours in public than those who lived in a rural area or in a CMA or CA but outside of the core. One in three (34%) women living in the core of a CMA or CA experienced unwanted sexual behaviour in a public place, compared with one in four of those living in a rural area (26%) or outside the core of a CMA or CA (27%). A similar trend was evident among men, as 15% of men living in the core of a CMA or CA experienced unwanted sexual behaviour in public, compared with 11% of those living in rural areas and 10% of those in a CMA or CA but outside of the core.

This may be due in part to the nature of populated urban areas compared with rural areas, as there are not only more public spaces where people may congregate, but also a higher volume and density of people. The higher prevalence of these types of behaviour may also be related to younger populations in the urban core as well as the higher degree of anonymity afforded to those living in urban centres, in contrast to rural areas where people are more likely to know one another and familiarity or interconnectedness may dissuade certain behaviours.

The prevalence of unwanted sexual behaviour in public places did not differ across most CMAs . Those that were different from the national average tended to follow a relatively consistent pattern: the prevalence was lower in CMAs east of Ontario and higher in those CMAs in Ontario, the Prairie provinces, and British Columbia (Chart 3). In Ottawa, Toronto, Regina, Calgary, Vancouver, and Victoria, about four in ten women experienced unwanted sexual behaviours while in a public place in the past 12 months. For men, there was less variation across CMAs ; men in Québec and Montréal were less likely than men in general to have experienced unwanted sexual behaviour in public, while those in Toronto and Winnipeg were most likely.

Chart 3 start

Chart 3 end

When holding demographic characteristics constant, the odds of experiencing unwanted behaviour in public were nearly four times higher among women when compared to men ( Model 1 ). However, not all women and men have the same likelihood of experiencing inappropriate or unwanted behaviour in public places. Given that the individuals that comprise these categories have varying socio-demographic characteristics, the probability of experiencing unwanted behaviour in public can also vary ( Table 3 ).

Young women and women who are a sexual minority most likely to experience unwanted sexual behaviour in public

Unwanted behaviours were experienced by the majority of bisexual women (76%), women 15 to 24 years of age (61%), women currently attending school (57%), women who were single and never married (54%), lesbian women (51%), and half of 25-to-34-year-olds (50%). Compared to women overall, the prevalence was also higher among women who were First Nations (40%), Métis (40%), had a disability (39%), or who were currently employed (37%).

When holding several demographic characteristics constant, Note  Note  age and sexual orientation had the largest effect on a woman’s likelihood of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in a public place. The odds of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public were three times higher among 15 to 24-year-old and 25 to 34-year-old women when compared to those 35 years of age and older. Similarly, being a sexual minority (see Text box 1 ) increased the odds of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public by 2.8 times when compared to heterosexual women.

For women, being single or having a disability (each with 1.8 times higher odds) remained associated with the likelihood of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public even after controlling for other factors. Note  Though women currently attending school had a higher prevalence than nearly all other groups of women, this association did not hold true when controlling for other factors—and particularly, age. First Nations, Métis, or Inuit (Indigenous Note  ) identity also did not emerge as a significant risk factor on its own among women.

Odds of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public four times higher for sexual minority men than for heterosexual men

Four in ten gay (38%) or bisexual (41%) men experienced one or more types of unwanted sexual behaviour in the past 12 months, three times the proportion of heterosexual men (12%). Additionally, men who were attending school (25%), those who were 15 to 24-years-old (24%), and those who were single (22%) reported a higher prevalence of unwanted sexual behaviour than men overall, similar to the findings among women.

When holding demographic characteristics constant, sexual orientation was the largest risk factor for men, where sexual minorities had odds of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public nearly four times higher than heterosexual men.

Age also continued to have an impact even when controlling for other variables, with the odds about twice as high among those 15 to 24 or 25 to 34 when compared to those 35 or older. Having a disability had a similar impact to that of age on the odds of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public among men.

While it did not emerge as a significant characteristic on its own for women, Indigenous identity increased the odds of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public among men by 1.6 times compared to non-Indigenous men, when controlling for other factors. More specifically, when disaggregating to examine the odds among First Nations, Métis, and Inuit men separately, the odds were higher among Métis men but not among any other group of Indigenous men. Note 

A male stranger acting alone most often responsible for unwanted sexual behaviour in public

Most Canadians who were targeted by unwanted sexual behaviour said that one person was responsible for the most serious instance Note  . Women were slightly more likely than men to state that only one person was responsible (81% versus 74%) ( Table 4 ).

Nine in ten (88%) women said that, when it came to the most serious instance they experienced, a man was the person responsible ( Table 4 ). Though to a lesser degree, men who experienced inappropriate sexual behaviour in a public place also most commonly stated that a male was responsible for the most serious incident (62%). One-quarter (27%) of men stated that a woman was responsible for the most serious incident, well above the proportion of women who stated the same (5%).

Given the nature of many public places and, as mentioned, the higher prevalence reported by those living in higher-density areas in urban centres, the person responsible was most commonly a stranger. This was the case for 80% of women and 68% of men ( Table 4 ). Notably, three-quarters (75%) of women stated that a male stranger was responsible for the most serious instance. A male stranger was also the most common perpetrator of the most serious incident experienced by men (47%), while one in five men (20%) stated that a female stranger was responsible.

Of those who experienced unwanted sexual behaviour, men were more likely than women to state that the most serious instance occurred at a restaurant or bar (28% versus 20%)—though this was the most common location of the most serious incident for both men and women ( Table 4 ). In contrast, women were more likely than men to have experienced the most serious instance while on a sidewalk or street—whether in their own neighbourhood (15% versus 10%) or any other neighbourhood (12% versus 8%).

About one in ten women (13%) and men (10%) stated that the most serious instance of unwanted sexual behaviour they experienced took place on public transportation ( Table 4 ). This represented 629,000 women and 211,000 men in 2018—likely an underestimation of the total scope of those who experienced unwanted sexual behaviour on public transportation, since those who were targeted were only asked to provide details about the most serious instance.

About one in three respondents stated that the most serious instance they experienced was related to the alcohol or drug use of the perpetrator, with this being slightly more common among men than women (34% versus 30%) ( Table 4 ). Of note, a considerable proportion of women (32%) and men (26%) did not know if the incident was related to alcohol or drug use.

Half of women and men change their behaviour after experiencing unwanted sexual behaviours in public

Research has noted several possible negative outcomes of experiencing unwanted behaviours in public, such as having to alter their routines, their behaviours, or their means of transportation due to fear while in public or perhaps in order to avoid experiencing further harassment ( Fisher et al. 2017 ; Gardner et al. 2017 ). These reactions can hinder movement and further infringe on the ability to fully engage in society and access public spaces, particularly for women since they are more likely to be the targets of these behaviours ( Bastomski and Smith 2017 ).

Overall, 52% of women and 46% of men who experienced unwanted sexual behaviour made at least one change to their routine or behaviour following the most serious instance. For both women and men, avoidance—of certain people, situations, or places—was the most common behavioural change made after experiencing unwanted sexual behaviours in public (Chart 4). As a result of the most serious instance, women were more likely than men to avoid certain places, change their self-presentation in public ( i.e. the way they dress or act), or begin carrying something to defend themselves or alert others. About half of those who experienced unwanted sexual behaviours while in public did not change their behaviours, routines, or actions as a result (45% of women and 51% of men).

Chart 4 start

Chart 4 end

Most experiences of unwanted sexual behaviour in public result in negative emotional consequences

While not necessarily resulting in behavioural changes, experiences of unwanted sexual behaviours typically had a negative emotional impact on those who experienced them. Most often, these experiences caused feelings of annoyance, increased cautiousness and awareness, anger, and confusion or frustration. Of note, women were more than twice as likely to say that the most serious instance they experienced caused them to be fearful (28% versus 11% of men). A small minority—6% of women and 11% of men—stated that the most serious instance had no negative emotional impact.

On the whole, not only were women more likely than men to experience unwanted sexual behaviour in public, but these behaviours had a greater negative impact on women’s emotional well-being and were more likely to lead to changes in routine or behaviour. These impacts can serve to limit the ways in which women interact or engage with society and access or use public spaces.

In addition to looking at behaviours in public, the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) also explored forms of negative experiences encountered while online or using a smartphone or cellphone in the past 12 months. While online spaces can be public ( i.e. , social media platforms), they can also be private ( i.e. , text messages or private messages). That said, like public places, everyone should be free to access all online spaces without being made to feel unsafe or uncomfortable because of their gender, yet harassment and abuse experienced online has been recognized as an emerging form of gender-based violence, particularly against women and girls ( Lewis et al. 2017 ). Given that much of daily life now takes place online, understanding certain online behaviours and how they impact Canadians of all genders is important.

Being sent sexual or threatening messages most common forms of unwanted behaviour online

As with behaviours in public places, women (18%) were more likely than men (14%) to have experienced an unwanted behaviour that made them feel unsafe or uncomfortable in a virtual space in the past 12 months ( Table 1 ). While the gender gap persisted, it is interesting to note that women were nearly twice as likely to have experienced unwanted behaviours in public places (32%) than they were online (18%). In contrast, men were equally as likely to experience unwanted sexual behaviours online (14%) as they were in public places (13%).

More specifically, the unwanted behaviours most commonly experienced by women online were being sent unwanted sexually suggestive or explicit images or messages (11%) or threatening or aggressive emails or messages (10%) ( Table 1 ; Chart 5). These were also the most common behaviours experienced by men, though the prevalence was lower (6% and 8%, respectively). Though less common, women were also more likely than men to have been pressured to send, share, or post sexually suggestive or explicit images or messages (4% versus 2%).

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Women and men were equally likely to have been targeted by threatening or aggressive messages sent to a group or on social media (4% each) or to have someone post or share, or threaten to post or share, intimate or sexually explicit images of them without their consent (2% each).

As was the case with the prevalence of unwanted behaviours in public, the majority of those who experienced unwanted behaviour online stated that it happened once or twice in the past 12 months. Depending on the type of behaviour, this was the case for between 55% and 78% of men Note  and for between 58% and 73% of women. Note 

Prevalence of online harassment highest among younger women

As with other types of gender-based violence, the prevalence of online harassment was higher among younger women, with one-third (33%) of women aged 15 to 24 having experienced at least one instance in the past 12 months ( Table 3 ). When holding other demographic factors constant, 15 to 24 year old women had odds twice as high as those 35 or older of experiencing unwanted behaviour online.

First Nations (34%) and Métis (30%) women of all ages also reported experiencing unwanted behaviour online at a higher rate than non-Indigenous women, an association that remained after controlling for other demographic factors.

Half (50%) of all bisexual women had experienced online harassment in the past 12 months, while the prevalence was similar between lesbian women (21%) and heterosexual women (18%). On the whole, being a sexual minority resulted in 1.8 times higher odds of experiencing online harassment among women.

Women with disabilities and women who were single were also more likely to experience online harassment, both in terms of prevalence (27% and 31%, respectively) and when keeping other factors constant (2.3 and 2.0 times higher odds, respectively).

Sexual orientation main risk factor for online harassment among men

As with unwanted behaviours in public places, sexual orientation was the most noteworthy risk factor among men when it came to online harassment as well. Overall, four in ten (40%) bisexual men and more than one-quarter (28%) of gay men had experienced online harassment in the past 12 months. When holding other demographic characteristics constant, being a sexual minority increased the odds of online harassment by 2.8 times for men.

Age was also an important factor among men, with one in five (20%) men 15 to 24 having experienced unwanted behaviour online in the past 12 months, higher than any other age group, and 1.5 times higher odds than men 35 years of age or older.

Having a disability (1.8 times higher odds) and being separated, divorced, or widowed (1.4 times higher odds) were also associated with higher odds of online harassment among men, while being unemployed decreased the odds among men (0.8 times).

Overall, living in an urban area increased the odds of being targeted by online harassment when other characteristics were held constant ( Model 2 ). Women (19%) and men (14%) living in urban areas reported a higher prevalence of online harassment than did their counterparts living in rural areas (16% and 11%, respectively).

Many Internet users take measures to protect themselves from harassment

Aligning with previous research which shows that women are more likely than men to have taken precautionary measures to protect themselves from victimization ( Perreault 2017 ), women were also more likely than men to have taken a protective measure online due to harassment (28% versus 19%) ( Table 1 ). Protective or avoidance measures online can include limiting one’s internet use or participation on social media, blocking others, deleting accounts or changing usernames, among other potential actions taken by an individual to protect themselves against harassment online. Women aged 15 to 24 years were more likely than any other age group to have taken protective measures online, with 40% having done so.

With regard to specific types of protective measures, both women and men most commonly limited their own Internet use or social media participation (17% and 12%, respectively) or changed their usernames or blocked others (17% and 10%, respectively) as a protective measure ( Table 1 ). A smaller proportion of women (4%) shut down or deleted an account entirely because of harassment they experienced, slightly higher than that of men (3%).

Though it is not necessarily a causal relationship, it is worth noting that those who experienced some sort of unwanted behaviour online were considerably more likely than those with no such experiences to have taken protective measures in the past 12 months. Nearly three-quarters (72%) of women who had experienced unwanted behaviour online took protective measures, compared with 18% of those who had not experienced any unwanted behaviours. The same trend was noted among men, as the corresponding proportions were 51% and 14%, respectively.

Many of those who experience unwanted behaviour online do not know the perpetrator

A large proportion of those who experienced unwanted behaviours online had little knowledge of who the perpetrator or perpetrators were. Among women, 28% did not know the relationship of the perpetrator to them, 20% did not know how many people were responsible, and 33% did not know the sex of the perpetrator ( Table 5 ). Among men, these proportions were even higher: 46%, 31%, and 53%, respectively. Furthermore, 31% of women and 25% of men stated that the perpetrator was a stranger; in other words, while they were able to identify a specific perpetrator, they still did not know who that person was.

The fact that women were more likely than men to know who was responsible for their experiences online suggests that the nature of these behaviours may be different between women and men. While men were more likely to be targeted by an anonymous perpetrator, women appeared to be either more commonly targeted by someone known to them, or the nature of the behaviour made it easier to identify the perpetrator’s identity—for example, it was more likely to be a behaviour which happened in a one-on-one conversation or forum.

Similar to what was seen with unwanted sexual behaviour in public, women were more likely than men to have experienced a negative emotional impact as a result of the most serious instance of unwanted behaviour experienced online. One in five (21%) men said that the most serious instance had no negative emotional impact, more than twice the proportion of women who said likewise (8%). A further 13% of men said they experienced “not much” emotional impact, compared with 8% of women.

Women most often stated that the most serious instance of online behaviour caused them to feel annoyed (50%), upset, confused, or frustrated (46%), angry (46%), or more cautious and aware (39%). Though fewer men reported experiencing these emotional impacts, they were also the four most common, reported by 35%, 29%, 30%, and 30% of men, respectively.

Not only were women more likely to report negative emotional impacts, they were also more likely to speak with somebody about their experience with online behaviours ( Table 5 ). When compared to men, women were more likely to speak with friends (56% versus 36%), family members (44% versus 31%), co-workers (16% versus 13%), a counsellor, psychologist, or social worker (9% versus 3%), the administrator of the service where the incident took place (8% versus 4%), or a lawyer (3% versus 2%). In contrast, men were considerably more likely than women to state that they did not speak to anybody about the most serious instance (39% versus 21%).

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Beyond public places and online, the workplace is also a setting in which unwanted or inappropriate sexual behaviours can occur. Using a subset of questions adapted from the Survey on Sexual Misconduct in the Canadian Armed Forces, the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) asked respondents about witnessing and experiencing certain behaviours in the workplace or in a work-related setting, such as a work-sanctioned event, party, or training exercise. A survey specifically dedicated to measuring sexual misconduct in workplace-related settings is currently in development, with collection planned for 2020.

Men more likely to witness inappropriate sexual behaviour at work, while women more likely to personally experience it

More than half of all individuals who were employed in the year preceding the survey stated that they witnessed at least one instance of inappropriate sexual behaviour in the workplace. Men (56%) more commonly witnessed this behaviour than did women (53%).

When it came to personally experiencing these behaviours in the workplace, however, the reverse was true, with women more likely than men to have experienced one or more behaviour in the workplace in the 12 months preceding the survey (29% versus 17%).

Of the behaviours measured in the SSPPS , the most common behaviour personally experienced in the workplace was sexual jokes, both among women (18%) and men (12%). Women were considerably more likely than men to have experienced unwanted sexual attention (15% versus 4%), unwanted physical contact (13% versus 5%), or being insulted, mistreated, ignored, or excluded because of their gender (10% versus 3%).

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Furthermore, the prevalence of experiencing inappropriate sexual behaviour in the workplace was highest among women who stated that they worked in a male-dominated environment ( i.e. , their co-workers were all or mostly male). Four in ten (39%) women working in a male-dominated environment were personally targeted by unwanted sexual behaviour, compared with 27% of women working in a female-dominated environment and 28% working in an environment that was about evenly distributed.

For men, the prevalence of inappropriate sexual behaviour was highest among those who worked in a female-dominated environment (24%), and was similar for men working in a male-dominated environment (16%) or a workplace that was evenly divided (15%) (Text box 3 chart).

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While witnessing or experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour was asked specifically in the context of the workplace, those who were physically or sexually assaulted in any setting were asked details about the most serious incident, including whether or not it occurred at their place of work. The proportion of victims who stated that the most serious incident they experienced had occurred in their workplace ranged from 18% of women and 21% of men who were sexually assaulted, to 26% of men and 29% of women who were physically assaulted.

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Self-reported surveys provide an important complement to official police-reported data on crime, since the majority of criminal incidents never come to the attention of police. Statistics Canada has been measuring self-reported violent victimization in Canada since the early 1990s, through the General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization). The GSS has gone through several cycles since 1993, making important additions over the years, including, adapting questions on spousal violence and criminal harassment from the 1993 Violence Against Women Survey.

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In the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces, the following five questions are used to measure physical assault and sexual assault:

Physical assault:

• Since you were 15, have you been attacked by anyone; that is anything from being threatened, hit, slapped, pushed or grabbed, to being shot or beaten?
• Since you were 15, has anyone threatened to hit or attack you, or threatened you with a weapon?

Sexual assault:

• Since you were 15, has anyone ever touched you against your will in any sexual way; that is, anything from unwanted touching or grabbing, to kissing or fondling?
• Since you were 15, has anyone, including family and non-family, forced you or attempted to force you into any unwanted sexual activity by threatening you, holding you down or hurting you in some way?
• Since you were 15, has anyone subjected you to a sexual activity to which you were not able to consent; that is, were you drugged, intoxicated, manipulated or forced in other ways than physically?

The prevalence of physical assault and sexual assault in the past 12 months was measured by asking respondents who stated yes to any of these questions if any incidents had occurred in the past 12 months.

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More than 11 million Canadians reported that they had been a victim of physical or sexual assault since the age of 15 , representing 37% of the Canadian population 15 years of age and older ( Table 6 ). Women (39%) were slightly more likely than men (35%) to have reported being a victim of violent crime at some point since age 15 ( Table 6 ).

Three in ten women aged 15 years and older have been sexually assaulted at least once since age 15

The gender gap in victimization was driven by a substantially higher prevalence of sexual assaults experienced by women, who were almost four times more likely to have been sexually assaulted since age 15. Approximately 4.7 million women—or 30% of all women 15 years of age and older—reported that they had been a victim of sexual assault at least once since the age of 15 . The prevalence among men was notably smaller, with 1.2 million (8%) men having been sexually assaulted since the age of 15 ( Table 6 ).

Likelihood of being a victim similar across provinces

Looking at experiences of violent victimization since the age of 15 at the provincial level can provide important information as to the potential needs of residents, though it should be acknowledged that the victimization experienced may not have happened in their province of residence. On the whole, the likelihood of being a victim of physical or sexual assault did not vary greatly between the provinces. The proportion of women who had experienced sexual assault since age 15 was far greater than the proportion of men in every province ( Table 7 ). Women in British Columbia (37%) and Alberta (35%) most often reported experiencing sexual assault since age 15. In contrast, women in Newfoundland and Labrador (25%) and Quebec (25%) were the least likely to report being the victim of a sexual assault. For men, the prevalence of sexual assault in British Columbia (11%) was higher than the provincial average (8%).

The difference between men and women’s experiences of physical assault was less pronounced, with men being slightly more likely than women to report experiencing physical assault since age 15 (33% versus 26%, respectively). In almost every province, men were more likely than women to have been physically assaulted ( Table 7 ). Among the provinces, men in Nova Scotia (40%), Alberta (39%) and British Columbia (39%) were more likely to report experiencing physical assault than other provinces and the provincial average overall (33%). For women, the likelihood of experiencing physical assault was highest in Alberta (30%) and British Columbia (29%), slightly higher than the provincial average (26%) ( Table 7 ).

Characteristics of violent victimization experienced since age 15

Certain groups of people—including lesbian, gay, and bisexual people, people with disabilities, and young people—are at an increased risk of victimization ( Conroy and Cotter 2017 ; Perreault 2015 ; Simpson 2018 ). Further, women who identified as belonging to an Indigenous group (First Nations, Métis, or Inuit) were more likely than non-Indigenous people to report experiencing violence since the age of 15 (55% versus 38%, respectively) ( Table 8 ). A sexual orientation other than heterosexual was also associated with higher levels of lifetime victimization.

Most notably, almost two-thirds (63%) of bisexual Note  women and almost six in ten (58%) bisexual men were physically or sexually assaulted since age 15 ( Table 8 ). Over half (55%) of bisexual women reported that they had been sexually assaulted in their lifetime. Lesbian or gay women (56%) and men (52%) were also notably more likely to have reported being the victim of a violent crime during their lifetime compared to their heterosexual counterparts ( Table 8 ). These results are similar to the 12-month prevalence rates, both in the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces and the General Social Survey on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization) ( Perreault 2015 ; Simpson 2018 ).

Certain life experiences such as a history of homelessness or childhood victimization and behaviours ( e.g. frequent binge drinking or drug use) have been identified as risk factors associated with violent victimization in other research ( Boyce 2016 ; Perreault 2015 ). In 2018, those who reported frequent marijuana and other drug use in the past 12 months were significantly more likely to have experienced physical or sexual assault during their lifetime than those who reported never consuming drugs. Notably, men who reported using marijuana multiple times a week were twice as likely to have experienced violent victimization since age 15 than men who reported never using marijuana (60% versus 30%) ( Table 9 ).

Binge drinking Note  was also associated with violent victimization. In 2018, more than half of women (58%) and men (54%) who reported binge drinking once a week or more in the past 12 months had experienced at least one instance of physical or sexual assault since age 15.

It is important to note that causation cannot be determined from this analysis because the binge drinking or marijuana use did not necessarily precede the violent victimization. In other words, it is also possible that the binge drinking followed the victimization.

Studies have shown a link between childhood victimization and an increased risk of subsequent revictimization in adulthood, with most research focused on victims of sexual assault ( Burczycka and Conroy 2017 ; Maker et al. 2001 ; Parks et al. 2011 ; Widom et al. 2008 ). Slightly more than one-quarter (27%) of Canadians reported being victims of either physical or sexual assault by an adult at least once before the age of 15 . In 2018, Canadians who reported at least one instance of childhood victimization were far more likely to report having been victimized since age 15 than those who did not experience victimization during their childhood ( Table 9 ). For example, more than half (52%) of women who were abused during childhood reported being sexually assaulted at some point after age 15, compared with less than one-quarter (22%) who had no history of childhood abuse ( Table 9 ).

In 2018, approximately 1.3 million Canadians—or 4% of those aged 15 and older—indicated that they were physically or sexually assaulted in the 12 months preceding the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) ( Table 6 ).

When viewed in the context of historical findings from the General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization), results from the SSPPS show that the proportion of the population who have been a victim of sexual assault or physical assault in the 12 months preceding the survey has remained relatively stable since 1999, for both women and men (Chart 6; Chart 7).

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Sexual assault more prevalent among women, physical assault more prevalent among men

While there is no gender difference in the prevalence of overall violent victimization, there are notable differences in the nature of it. Although women (676,000, or 4%) and men (654,000, or 4%) were equally likely to have been the victim of a violent crime in 2018, there are notable gender gaps depending on the nature of the victimization ( Table 6 ; Chart 8). Women were significantly more likely than men to have experienced sexual assault in the 12 months preceding the survey (3% versus 1% of men) but less likely, outside of the context of intimate relationships (see Text box 1 ), to have been the victim of physical assault (2% versus 4% of men) (Chart 8). For both women and men, the most common form of sexual assault experienced was unwanted sexual touching.

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These results are consistent with other self-reported data ( Perreault 2015 ) and official police-reported statistics ( Conroy 2018 ) which demonstrate the gendered nature of both physical and sexual assault outside of the context of intimate partner relationships; men are more likely to experience physical assault and women are more likely to experience sexual assault. The responses to, and impacts of, these types of assault also differ ( Bastomski and Smith 2017 ; Benoit et al. 2015 ).

Among those who had been a victim of physical or sexual assault in the 12 months preceding the SSPPS , men were more likely than women to have experienced one incident of violence, as opposed to multiple incidents (58% versus 46%). However, about three in ten (31%) men who experienced multiple incidents stated that they had experienced six or more incidents of physical or sexual assault, compared to 16% of women.

Prevalence of violent victimization lower than national average in Newfoundland and Labrador and Quebec, higher in Manitoba

Among the provinces, violent victimization in the past 12 months did not vary greatly. There were, however, a few exceptions: a smaller proportion of women in Newfoundland and Labrador (2.5%) and Quebec (3.1%) had been violently victimized than women overall (4.3%), while, in contrast, a somewhat higher proportion of men in Manitoba (6.2%) had been violently victimized than men overall (4.3%) ( Table 10 ).

Women (2.9%) were more likely than men (1%) to have been sexually assaulted in the 12 months preceding the survey ( Table 10 ). However, women in Newfoundland and Labrador (1.5%) and Quebec (2.1%) were less likely than women overall to have been sexually assaulted, while men in Quebec (0.5%) were less likely than men overall to have experienced sexual assault in the past 12 months.

Younger Canadians much more likely to have been victimized in past 12 months

Given that several sociodemographic characteristics are associated with higher rates of victimization, the risk of being a victim of a violent crime is not the same for everyone ( Conroy and Cotter 2017 ; Perreault 2015 ; Rotenberg 2017 ; Simpson 2018 ). For example, regardless of gender, being young has been identified as a significant risk factor for victimization. This is possibly related to the lifestyle characteristics of young adults, such as binge drinking and staying out late after dark ( Conroy and Cotter 2017 ; Perreault 2015 ). Results from the SSPPS align with previous findings, as the prevalence of victimization in the past 12 months was higher among 15-to-24-year-old women (15%) and men (11%) than any other age group ( Table 11 ) ( Perreault 2015 ; Simpson 2018 ). As age increased the risk of victimization decreased, with Canadians aged 65 years and older having a much lower risk of victimization than those who were younger. This remained true for both sexual and physical assault after holding other demographic characteristics constant ( Model 3 ; Model 4 ). However, this does not capture experiences of violence within intimate relationships, where trends may differ.

Lesbian, gay, and bisexual Canadians more likely than heterosexual Canadians to experience violent victimization

Research has shown that rates of violent victimization among individuals who self-identify as lesbian, gay or bisexual are significantly higher than those of their heterosexual counterparts ( Beauchamp 2008 ; Conroy and Cotter 2017 ; Perreault 2015 ; Simpson 2018 ). These findings are consistent with what was found in the SSPPS . In 2018, individuals who identified as being bisexual were more than three times more likely than those who identified as heterosexual to have experienced violent victimization in the 12 months preceding the survey (14% versus 4%) (data not shown). Further, women who identified as bisexual were almost four times more likely than women who identified as heterosexual to have been the victim of sexual assault in the past 12 months (11% versus 3%) ( Table 11 ). However, when controlling for other factors, being lesbian, gay or bisexual did not significantly increase the risk of sexual assault (see Text table 1 ).

On the other hand, being an immigrant appears to be associated with a lower risk of violent victimization. In 2018, both men and women who were immigrants were significantly less likely than their non-immigrant counterparts to report having experienced violent victimization in the past 12 months and since age 15 ( Table 8 ; Table 11 ). Previous analysis of the 2014 General Social Survey on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization) has shown that immigrants are notably less likely than non-immigrants to experience violent crime ( Ibrahim 2018 ; Perreault 2015 ). However, reflecting the gender gap in victimization, immigrant women were far more likely than immigrant men to experience sexual assault (20% versus 6%, respectively ( Table 8 ).

Previous research also suggests that some immigrants may not feel comfortable talking about their experiences of victimization to anyone, including the police, for reasons such as limited understanding of legal rights, fear of getting reported to immigration authorities and facing deportation, distrust of authorities and fear of retaliation, and cultural norms deeming the experiences private ( McCart et al. 2010 ; Davis and Henderson 2003 ; Davis and Erez 1998 ). However, results from the 2014 GSS on Victimization indicate that there was no significant difference between immigrants and non-immigrants when it came to reporting the incident to the police themselves (23% E versus 19%, respectively) ( Ibrahim 2018 ).

The Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) asked respondents follow-up questions about incidents of physical assault and sexual assault that occurred in the past 12 months—or, for respondents with more than one instance of violence, details about the most serious incident. The survey also included important questions asking about Canadians’ experiences of dealing with the police if the most serious incident of victimization was reported, as well as key details such as location, presence of weapons, and characteristics of the offender(s).

The vast majority of women victims of sexual assault said that a man was responsible for the most serious incident

Most cases of physical assault outside of intimate relationships were carried out by a lone offender, a finding that did not differ significantly by the gender of the victim (87% for women and 80% for men) ( Table 12 ). Almost nine in ten (87%) men reported that a man was responsible for the most serious physical assault they had experienced, while about two-thirds (68%) of women also stated that this was the case. About one-quarter (23%) of women said a woman was responsible for the most serious incident of physical assault.

With regard to sexual assault, the vast majority (91%) of victims said that one person was responsible for the most serious sexual assault they experienced. Almost all (95%) women stated that the most serious sexual assault they experienced was perpetrated by a man, while slightly more than half (56%) of men said that a woman was responsible for the most serious incident ( Table 12 ).

These findings represent another way in which gender influences violence. Perpetrators are generally male, something which is also reflected in official police-reported statistics where about four in five persons accused of violent crime are men ( Conroy 2018 ). Thus, men are more often both the victims and the perpetrators of violent crimes outside of the context of intimate relationships, with the notable exception of sexual crimes where women are most often victims.

Sexual assault more likely to occur at a commercial or institutional establishment, physical assault in private residences

Women most commonly cited a commercial or institutional establishment as the location of their self-reported most serious sexual assault (38%), followed by a private residence, property or surrounding area (35%). This was similar to men who also reported commercial or institutional establishments (46%) or a private residence, property or surrounding area (34%) as the location of their most serious sexual assault ( Table 12 ).

About half (49%) of women stated that they were physically assaulted in a private residence, property or surrounding area—more than double the proportion of men (19%). Men were most commonly physically assaulted in a commercial or institutional establishment (40%) or on the street or other public place (31%)—findings that are consistent with other victimization surveys and police-reported data ( Allen 2018 ; Perreault 2015 ).

Four in ten women sexually assaulted by a stranger or someone they know by sight only

Both self-reported and police-reported data indicate that sexual assault victims usually know their perpetrator ( Conroy and Cotter 2017 ; Rotenberg 2017 ). By contrast, according to the SSPPS , in 2018 four in ten women (44%) who experienced sexual assault in the 12 months preceding the survey said that they were victimized by a stranger or by someone who they knew by sight only, while another four in ten (44%) were victimized by a friend or acquaintance. Note  However, this does not capture experiences of violence within intimate relationships, where trends may differ.

Victim-blaming, or being made to feel responsible for one’s own victimization, is sometimes referred to as “secondary victimization”, as the experience of not being supported or being blamed can contribute to self-blame, which can lead victims to remain silent rather than speaking to others, reporting the incident, or seeking help, and can have numerous negative emotional impacts such as further distrust of others or anxiety or depression ( Harber et al. 2015 ). One in five victims of sexual assault—both women (20%) and men (20%)—said that someone made them feel as though they were to blame for their own victimization.

There were two principal sources of the blame felt by women who were sexually assaulted. Note  About four in ten (44%) of those who felt responsible said it was the perpetrator who made them feel that way. An equal proportion of those who felt blamed said it was their friends or family that made them feel that way (43%).

Research has suggested that certain preconceived notions about sexual victimization can be harmful to victims when their lived experiences do not match what an average person would define as a sexual assault. For example, a common myth about sexual assault is that most incidents are committed by a stranger ( Johnson 2012 ), despite the fact that various sources of data show that the perpetrator is most commonly known to the victims. Victims whose sexual assaults do not meet this criterion may be less likely to report their experiences, whether to the police or to others, and if they do share, they may feel less likely to be believed or more likely to experience victim-blaming and secondary victimization as mentioned above ( Johnson 2012 ).

This aligns with what was observed in the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS). Women who were sexually assaulted by a stranger were three times less likely to have felt blamed for their own victimization than those who were victimized by a friend or acquaintance to have felt blamed by anyone for their own victimization (10% Note  versus 31% Note  ). Note 

Vast majority of sexual assaults do not come to the attention of police

The rise of social movements like #MeToo and Time’s Up have sparked public discussion around sexual violence and misconduct in recent years ( Rotenberg and Cotter 2018 ). Note  According to police-reported data collected through the Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey, there was a notable increase in the number of sexual assaults reported to police after the #MeToo movement first went viral ( Rotenberg and Cotter 2018 ). Despite this, sexual assault is one of the most underreported crimes ( Benoit et al. 2015 ; Conroy and Cotter 2017 )—a finding which is further supported by data from the SSPPS .

The large majority of women and men who were victims of a sexual assault in the past 12 months did not report the most serious incident to police. Sexual assault was far less likely than physical assault to have been brought to the attention of police—5% of women said that police found out Note  about the most serious incident of sexual assault, compared with 26% of women and 33% of men who said that police found out about the most serious incident of physical assault. Note  Note 

The internalization of shame, guilt, or stigma ( Johnson 2012 ; Sable et al. 2006 ), a perception that they will be blamed, revictimized, dismissed, not believed, or treated disrespectfully ( Taylor and Gassner 2010 ; Venema 2014 ), or a broader sense of societal normalization of inappropriate or unwanted sexual behaviour ( Benoit et al. 2015 ) are key contributors to victims’ underreporting of sexual assault to police.

Other self-reported data has shown that about two-thirds of sexual assaults are not reported to police because the victim believed it was minor and not worth taking the time to report, it was a private or personal matter and it was handled informally, or because no one was harmed during the incident ( Conroy and Cotter 2017 ). These were also commonly provided reasons for not reporting physical assaults. Note 

Victims’ reluctance to report sexual assault to police is often reinforced by the negative and sometimes traumatizing experiences described by other victims who have spoken with police or have participated in the criminal justice system ( Venema 2014 ). In contrast, when reporting a sexual assault to the police, belief, validation, and a lack of judgement can have positive impacts and promote disclosure ( Ahrens et al. 2010 ; Greeson et al. 2016 ). However, even those who have positive interactions with the police may describe other negative experiences with the criminal justice system that can deter reporting, such as lengthy court processes or unmet expectations about the outcomes of reporting ( Johnson 2017 ).

For the most part, those who were physically assaulted Note  and spoke with police had positive perceptions of their interactions. While about one-third of women who were physically assaulted felt informed about services or programs (36%), the majority of women who were physically assaulted and spoke with police felt that they were treated with respect (79%), felt that they were believed (89%), and that speaking with police was worth their time or effort (70%). Men who were physically assaulted and spoke to police perceived their interactions similarly to women who were victimized.

It is worth noting that the questions about interactions with police were limited to incidents which had occurred in the past 12 months, and past research has shown that victims of sexual assault are more likely than victims of other types of crime to delay reporting their victimization to police for a variety of reasons, including emotional trauma and the time required to process their victimization ( Rotenberg 2017 ).

Most victims are emotionally impacted by sexual assault

Sexual assault can have serious immediate or long-term emotional, psychological and physical impacts on victims, including feelings of anxiety, shock, fear and anger, substance use, depression, isolation and suicidal thoughts ( Brennan and Taylor-Butts 2008 ; Chen and Ullman 2010 ; Cybulska 2007 ; Haskell and Randall 2019 ; Littleton et al. 2006 ). Since sexual assault tends to be one of the most underreported crimes—with only 4% being reported to the police according to the SSPPS —self-reported surveys on victimization are essential in providing insight into the emotional impacts experienced by victims. These findings can be used by victim services to deliver appropriate care ( Tyson 2019 ). It should be noted that the SSPPS asks about the emotional impacts of the most serious sexual assault experienced in the past 12 months, not of all sexual assaults.

The vast majority (96%) of women stated that they were emotionally impacted in some way by the most serious sexual assault they had experienced during the 12 months prior to the survey—a proportion significantly higher than that of their male counterparts (78%).

In terms of emotional consequences, on the whole sexual assault impacts women more than men. For example, three in five (60%) women reported that they felt upset, confused or frustrated as a result of their sexual assault compared to two in five (40%) men (Chart 9). Men were also less likely than females to report that they experienced feelings of anger (30%), lacked trust in others (21%), were more cautious or aware (36%) or were experiencing sleeping problems (5%) (Chart 9). Almost one-quarter (22%) of men said that they were not at all impacted by the sexual assault, compared to 2% of women.

Chart 9 start

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Some victims change their day-to-day behaviour or take extra precautions in an attempt to lower their risk of being victimized again ( Perreault 2017 ). In 2018, the majority (57%) of women reported at least one change to their behaviour as a result of their sexual assault, the most common of which was avoiding people or situations (30%). In contrast, just over one-third (36%) of men reported at least one change to their behaviour.

Few victims use or consult victim services

Looking at only the most serious incident, very few of those who were sexually or physically assaulted used or consulted formal services for victims of crime. About one in ten (9%) women who were sexually assaulted consulted victim services. Note  Note 

The reasons for not having used or consulted services were similar between men and women who were sexually assaulted. By far, the two most common reasons were a belief that the incident was too minor (52% of women and 46% of men) Note  and the respondent not needing or wanting help (52% of women and 48% of men). Note  Just under one in ten women and men (8% of each) who were sexually assaulted cited shame or embarrassment as a reason for not seeking help.

With respect to physical assault, men (7%) were less likely than women (20%) to contact or use a formal service as a result of a physical assault. The most common reasons for not seeking help from a victims’ service were similar to those provided by victims of sexual assault: the victim felt the incident was too minor (25% of women and 32% of men) or not wanting or needing help (42% of women and 54% of men).

Thus far, this article has focused on exploring differences between the experiences of women and men, both in terms of prevalence of certain behaviours and violent acts, and also of the impacts and consequences of these experiences. However, women and men are not homogenous groups and, as has been highlighted, different characteristics have an impact on not only the prevalence of certain behaviours and violent acts, but also the way in which they are experienced.

Although identifying the overall prevalence among certain groups is useful and informative, it is also critical to acknowledge the intersection of many different parts of an individual’s identity, and the impact that these intersections can have on the risk of being victimized or experiencing unwanted behaviours. That said, some characteristics are closely related, such as age and student status, and it is important to understand which characteristics have the greatest impact on one’s level of risk in isolation. To that end, separate logistic regression models were created to explore which characteristics continued to have an impact when controlling for other factors ( Model 1 ; Model 2 ; Model 3 ; Model 4 ).

After controlling for key factors of interest, there were five factors that remained significantly associated with the odds of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public, online, or being a victim of sexual assault or physical assault. These were: being a woman, younger age, being single, having experienced harsh parenting, Note  and having experienced physical or sexual abuse during childhood (Text table 1).

Text table 1 start

Text table 1 end

The results from the models demonstrate that gender is a significant risk factor for each of the four types of unwanted behaviour and violent acts examined in this report. When holding other factors of interest constant, women had significantly higher odds than men of experiencing unwanted behaviour online, in a public place, or of being sexually assaulted. Gender was also significantly associated with the odds of being physically assaulted, though in this case the odds were lower among women than among men.

The impact of age was also reflected in all four models, showing that, even when other risk factors are held constant, younger people are at greater risk of unwanted behaviours in public and online, and both sexual and physical assault.

Additionally, having experienced harsh parenting, having been physically or sexually abused during childhood, and being single each increased the odds in all four models. These latter three factors have been linked to violent victimization in the past ( Burczycka 2017 ; Conroy and Cotter 2017 ; Cotter 2018 ; Perreault 2015 ), and data from the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) show that these factors also increase the likelihood of unwanted experiences in public places and online. Experiences of harsh parenting before the age of 15 was a measure that had not previously been included in a national Statistics Canada victimization survey, and data from the SSPPS show that these experiences increased the likelihood of unwanted behaviours in public, unwanted behaviours online, sexual assault, and physical assault, even when controlling for other factors.

Indigenous identity did not emerge as a significant risk factor for unwanted behaviours or sexual assault on its own when controlling for other factors, suggesting that the higher prevalence among First Nations, Métis, and Inuit persons is related to the presence of other risk factors among these populations. For example, Indigenous persons were more likely to be younger, to have experienced harsh parenting, to have been physically or sexually abused during their childhood, and to be single, each factors which independently increased the odds in all four models. That said, being an Indigenous person did increase the odds of being physically assaulted when taking other factors into consideration.

This Juristat article presents initial findings from the 2018 Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS)—namely, information on the frequency of unwanted sexual behaviours encountered in public places and online, and the prevalence of physical and sexual assault outside of intimate relationships both in the 12 months preceding the survey and since age 15.

The data collected through the SSPPS on unwanted behaviours in public places and online fill an important data gap. Although not necessarily criminal in nature, these behaviours can have a considerable negative impact on feelings of safety in the daily lives of Canadians. In 2018, one-third (32%) of women and one in eight (13%) men reported feeling uncomfortable or unsafe in public in the past 12 months. The most frequently reported type of unwanted behaviour experienced in public for women was unwanted sexual attention, such as comments, gestures, body language, whistles or calls with more than 3.8 million women experiencing this behaviour in public in the 12 months preceding the survey. For both men and women who experienced these behaviours, a male stranger was the most common perpetrator.

A number of factors increased the odds of being a victim of violent crime and they were also associated with the likelihood of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public and online. These include, most notably, being younger, being single, having experienced harsh parenting, and having been physically or sexually abused in childhood. Moreover, gender was a key factor as well, with women remaining more likely to be sexually assaulted or to experience unwanted behaviour in public or online when other social or demographic factors were held constant.

Around 11 million Canadians (37% of the population aged 15 and older) have been physically or sexually assaulted since the age of 15 , with just over one million (4%) having been victimized in the past 12 months. Experiences of violent victimization are typically gendered, insofar as women being far more likely to have been sexually assaulted, while physical assault is more prevalent among men. In addition, the perpetrators of the most serious incident were more likely to be men.

Victimization surveys are critical in providing insight into the nature and extent of violence in Canada since the majority of sexual and physical assaults do not come to the attention of the police. In 2018, most victims of physical or sexual assault said that the most serious incident was not brought to the attention of police. In particular, sexual assault was underreported, with just 5% of women stating that the most serious incident was reported to police, on par with findings from other research ( Conroy and Cotter 2017 ).

Four in ten women who were sexually assaulted stated that the perpetrator was a stranger or someone they knew by sight only. Virtually all women who were sexually assaulted said that a man was the perpetrator. In 2018, one in five (20%) male and female victims of sexual assault experienced victim-blaming ( i.e. , they were made to feel responsible for their own victimization) by either the perpetrator or by their friends or family.

Moving forward, as the data continues to be explored, the SSPPS will provide important information on gender-based violence, inappropriate sexual behaviours, and attitudes towards violence and gender equality in Canadian society.

Table 1 Unwanted behaviour in public spaces and online in the past 12 months, by gender and type of behaviour, provinces, 2018

Table 2 Unwanted sexual behaviour in public spaces in the past 12 months, by gender and province, 2018

Table 3 Unwanted behaviours in public spaces and online in the past 12 months, by gender and selected characteristic of victim, provinces, 2018

Table 4 Most serious incident of unwanted sexual behaviour in a public space in the past 12 months, by gender and selected incident characteristic, provinces, 2018

Table 5 Most serious incident of unwanted behaviour online in the past 12 months, by gender and selected incident characteristic, provinces, 2018

Table 6 Violent victimization since age 15 and in the past 12 months, by type of victimization and gender of victim, provinces, 2018

Table 7 Violent victimization since age 15, by type of victimization, gender of victim, and province, 2018

Table 8 Violent victimization since age 15, by type of victimization, gender and selected sociodemographic characteristic of the victim, provinces, 2018

Table 9 Violent victimization since age 15, by type of victimization, gender and selected characteristic of the victim, provinces, 2018

Table 10 Violent victimization in the past 12 months, by type of victimization, gender of victim, and province, 2018

Table 11 Violent victimization in the past 12 months, by type of victimization, gender and selected characteristic of the victim, provinces, 2018

Table 12 Violent victimization in the past 12 months, by type of victimization, gender of victim, and selected incident characteristic, provinces, 2018

Model 1 Logistic regression: odds of experiencing unwanted behaviour in a public place, by selected characteristics, 2018

Model 2 Logistic regression: odds of experiencing unwanted behaviour online, by selected characteristics, 2018

Model 3 Logistic regression: odds of being a victim of sexual assault, by selected characteristics, 2018

Model 4 Logistic regression: odds of being a victim of physical assault, by selected characteristics, 2018

In 2018, Statistics Canada conducted the first cycle of the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS). The purpose of the survey is to collect information on Canadians’ experiences in public, at work, online, and in their intimate partner relationships.

The target population for the SSPPS is the Canadian population aged 15 and over , living in the provinces and territories. Canadians residing in institutions are not included. Once a household was contacted, an individual 15 years or older was randomly selected to respond to the survey. Data from the territories were collected using a different sampling design and are not yet available.

In the provinces, data collection took place from April to December 2018 inclusively. Responses were obtained by self-administered online questionnaire or by interviewer-administered telephone questionnaire. Respondents were able to respond in the official language of their choice.

The sample size for the 10 provinces was 43,296 respondents. The overall response rate was 43.1%. Non-respondents included people who refused to participate, could not be reached, or could not speak English or French. Respondents in the sample were weighted so that their responses represent the non-institutionalized Canadian population aged 15 and older .

Methods for multivariate analysis

The influence of a factor is indicated by the odds ratio, which should be read in relation to the reference category. For this report, four regressions separately model the probability of having experienced unwanted behaviour in public, unwanted behaviour online, sexual assault, and physical assault in the past 12 months. An odds ratio greater than 1 indicates that the characteristic increases the odds for the variable of interest and an odds ratio lower than 1 indicates that the odds decreases. For example, the logistic regression analysis in Model 1 shows that, all things being equal, women have odds 3.8 times higher than men to experience unwanted behaviour in public.

All of the variables in tables 8 and 9 were considered in the initial analysis. Only variables that proved significant in the multivariate analysis were retained in the final models presented in this report.

Data limitations

As with any household survey, there are some data limitations. The results are based on a sample and are therefore subject to sampling errors. Somewhat different results might have been obtained if the entire population had been surveyed.

For the quality of estimates, the lower and upper bounds of the confidence intervals are presented. Confidence intervals should be interpreted as follows: If the survey were repeated many times, then 95% of the time (or 19 times out of 20), the confidence interval would cover the true population value.

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May is Sexual Assault Prevention Month

May 29, 2024

As Sexual Assault Prevention Month draws to a close, the Office of the Federal Ombudsperson for Victims of Crime (OFOVC) reemphasizes the importance of taking action to help prevent sexual assault.

In Canada, 1 in 3 women and 1 in 6 men will experience sexual violence in their life. 1 Sexual violence affects people from all walks of life and intersects with other forms of discrimination. Indigenous women, members of 2SLGBTQI+ communities, individuals with disabilities, and other marginalized groups are disproportionately affected by sexual violence, often facing multiple barriers to accessing justice and support.

Sexual violence prevention means addressing the root causes of sexual violence and the systemic, institutional, and personal actions that enable sexual violence to occur, often unpunished.

Gender-based violence (GBV) is rooted in colonialism, racism, patriarchy, and inequality. We acknowledge the need to enforce decolonial practice and anti-racism in consent education practices. We also recognize the need to address the disproportionate rate of sexual violence towards people living with disabilities through a disability justice lens. We must address ALL forms of oppression simultaneously to end sexual violence.

What we've heard

Victims and survivors of sexual assault have said reporting to the police and navigating the criminal justice system might in some cases be more traumatizing than the assault itself. Sexual assault is among the crimes which are least likely to be reported to the police: statistics show that 78% of sexual assaults are not reported. 2

As well, section 278.1 of the Criminal Code may infringe on privacy rights, causing some victims to fear accessing vital mental health services. Therapy and journaling about trauma is not evidence.

The OFOVC has also heard from Gymnasts for Change Canada about the urgent need to promote consent in sports as rape culture continues to manifest itself at all levels in this field, often with very few consequences for abusers. While the government stopped short of launching a national inquiry, a federal commission will investigate systemic abuse and human rights violations in Canadian sports.

We must also address the pressing issue of online sexual violence or technology-facilitated gender-based violence, something youth especially are facing every day with the non-consensual sharing of intimate images, grooming, harassment, and sextortion. This form of victimization disproportionately affects boys and young men. 3

What we are doing

In February 2024, the OFOVC launched a national systemic investigation into the experiences of sexual assault survivors in the criminal justice system. This investigation will provide actionable recommendations to ensure survivors are treated with compassion and respect, and their rights are being upheld. Anyone who would like to participate can email the OFOVC at [email protected] . We are meeting with survivors and stakeholders and plan to launch an anonymous survey this summer. For more information, follow us on our social media channels or visit our website at www.victimsfirst.gc.ca .

Thank you to survivors who have continued to contact the OFOVC and shared their experiences, resilience and strength. You deserve to feel safe, be heard and have access to the support you need. We would like to emphasize that we welcome anyone who reaches out to us, whether they reported or not. Your experiences will help inform our work to improve the system.

Sexual violence remains all-too pervasive in our society, and we share a collective responsibility to prevent it and support survivors.

1 https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/85-002-x/2015001/article/14241/tbl/tbl04-eng.htm ↩︎

2 https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/csj-sjc/ccs-ajc/rr06_vic2/p3_4.html

3 https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/85-002-x/2023001/article/00001-eng.htm

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Weeks After Alice Munro’s Death, Daughter Tells of Dark Family Secret

Andrea Skinner said in The Toronto Star that her stepfather sexually abused her at age 9, and that her mother stayed with him after she learned of it.

By Elizabeth A. Harris

Andrea Robin Skinner, a daughter of the Canadian Nobel laureate Alice Munro, said her stepfather sexually abused her as a child — and that her mother knew about it, and chose to stay with him anyway.

Skinner, who is now an adult, detailed these accusations in an essay in The Toronto Star on Sunday. According to a separate article in The Toronto Star, Skinner went to the Ontario police, and in 2005, her stepfather, Gerald Fremlin, was charged with indecent assault against her. He pleaded guilty.

By then, he was 80 years old. He got a suspended sentence and probation for two years. Munro stayed with him until he died in 2013.

Because of her mother’s fame, Skinner wrote, “the silence continued.” Munro died on May 13 at 92.

“What I wanted was some record of the truth, some public proof that I hadn’t deserved what had happened to me,” Skinner wrote of going to the police in 2005, about 30 years after the abuse began.

“I also wanted this story, my story, to become part of the stories people tell about my mother,” Skinner continued. “I never wanted to see another interview, biography or event that didn’t wrestle with the reality of what had happened to me, and with the fact that my mother, confronted with the truth of what had happened, chose to stay with, and protect, my abuser.”

Attempts to reach Skinner on Sunday were unsuccessful.

Skinner wrote that the abuse began in 1976, when she was 9 years old and went to visit Fremlin, then in his 50s, and her mother, who was in her 40s. She said he climbed into the bed where she was sleeping and sexually assaulted her. Skinner said she told her stepmother, who then told Skinner’s father. Her father did not confront Munro.

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There have been recent reports of fraudulent phone calls that appear to be from the Department of Justice. Learn more .

The Impact of Trauma on Adult Sexual Assault Victims

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PART I – The Traumatic Impact of Sexual Assault on Victims

Introduction.

All professionals working in the criminal justice system – Crown attorneys, judges, police officers, and defence lawyers – want to see justice done and do their work as effectively as possible without harming anyone. Both their professional duties and ethics require this of them. Yet it is well known and well documented that sexual assault complainants have too often experienced the criminal justice system as a place that retraumatizes and even harms them. (Lonsway & Archambault, 2012; Temkin & Krahé, 2008) How can this problem be remedied?

Law reform and policy changes have brought about some necessary improvements to the way the criminal justice system processes sexual assault cases. However, much work remains to be done. Recently, a significant paradigm shift in knowledge about victims’ reactions to traumatic events like sexual assault has led to a deeper understanding of the neurobiological impacts on the brain’s defence circuitry and on memory encoding and recall. This has allowed for improved sensitivity to the range and diversity of victim trauma responses. It has already generated some improved police practices and has the potential to assist with developing further effective criminal justice system responses for processing sexual assault cases.

Society at large still does not understand victims’ reactions to sexual assaults. Unfortunately, these misunderstandings also continue to persist in the legal system and contribute to serious ongoing deficiencies in how the criminal justice system processes sexual assault cases. These deficiencies have been most starkly felt by Indigenous women in Canada, who experience disproportionately high rates of sexual victimization and who have also experienced the most tragic gaps in police and criminal justice system responses. Footnote 1 Other groups of racialized women, disabled women, young women, women who have used alcohol or drugs, are impoverished or homeless, or have other circumstances of marginality, are particularly vulnerable to sexual assault as well as decreased access to justice. Footnote 2

This leads to imperfect justice for victims and survivors, also described as the “justice gap” for sexual assault cases. We argue that this justice gap can, in part, be closed by moving towards a more trauma-informed criminal justice system, that is, one based on a neurobiological understanding of how the brain processes trauma. This will lead to more just outcomes for sexual assault complainants. It will also move us towards the fuller realization of the impartiality and fairness that criminal trials should provide all participants, including the victims of sexual assault.

This report outlines highlights from this body of knowledge, and applies them to the issue of sexual assault and its impacts on victims. The report also reviews and highlights some of the key findings about the neurobiology of trauma that are relevant to the unique crime of sexual assault. We apply these findings to the many challenges surrounding the criminal processing of sexual assault cases. Footnote 3 , Footnote 4

How Myths and Misunderstandings about Sexual Assault Affect How Victim Testimony is Heard

Sexual assaults are both pervasive and unique crimes. As Justice Peter Cory of the Supreme Court of Canada has noted, a sexual assault is “an assault upon human dignity and constitutes a denial of any concept of equality for women.” ( R. v. Osolin , 1994, para. 165) Sexual assault is overwhelmingly a gendered crime and women’s responses to sexual assault are deeply shaped by gender socialization. Sexual assault is also an intensely private crime that is caught up in and reflects social expectations about gender roles and sexuality. For all these reasons, sexual assault is highly challenging to prosecute. (see, for example, Cameron, 2003)

Because the victim-witness in a sexual assault trial is, in the overwhelming majority of cases, the primary or even exclusive source of evidence, her testimony is of crucial importance. Yet it is precisely in how this testimony is heard, received, and understood, including misunderstood, that many of the difficulties in how the criminal justice system processes sexual assault cases arise. This is because many of the misunderstandings continue to arise from still commonly held rape myths, failures to understand common trauma reactions, and mistaken assumptions about small and apparent inconsistencies in recall about upsetting and traumatic events. These lead to the mistaken belief that victim-witness testimony lacks credibility or reliability.

There are a number of rape myths about women and sexual violence that have been formally rejected by the Supreme Court of Canada and by important law reform Footnote 5 . Yet these rape myths still persist. These are the mistaken and pernicious ideas that a woman who is “promiscuous” or of so-called “unchaste” character is untrustworthy and more likely to have consented to the sexual acts in question (which are the subject of the sexual assault charge); these are the “twin myths” the Supreme Court repudiated in enacting s. 276 of the Criminal Code , otherwise known as Canada’s “rape shield law”. Another persistent rape myth is the baseless idea that women who do not promptly disclose or report sexual assaults are lying, or the mistaken idea that women who do not want to engage in sex will physically fight back and/or attempt to escape the situation to “prove” they really did not consent. Many still cling to the erroneous idea that women who use drugs or alcohol are responsible for sexual assaults perpetrated against them, or mistakenly believe that consent is continuous in intimate relationships and does not need to be explicitly given, even between partners. 

Research literature extensively documents that women who are sexually assaulted are still subject to social pressures to respond in particular ways to “prove” that they are “real” and “credible” victims. (see for example, Busby, 1999; Randall, 2010) While the justice system recognizes that there is no single “ideal victim” of sexual assault, social attitudes are nevertheless slow to change. Women who deviate from expected scripts are still treated by police and the courts with suspicion and skepticism – about whether or not they were really sexually assaulted, or whether or not they were to blame for what happened to them.

Social expectations to conform to the stereotype of what real or “ideal” victims (Randall, 2010) look like mean that women who are sexually assaulted are expected to do the following:

• offer physical and/ or verbal resistance to unwanted sex;
• express clear and explicit non-consent to unwanted sexual contact;
• discontinue contact with the person who has been inappropriate sexually or who has assaulted them; and
• demonstrate perfect or near perfect recall, including a consistent and linear narrative of “what happened.”

These are, of course, unrealistic expectations. They do not represent how most women who are sexually assaulted actually cope and respond. As a result, these myths, biases, assumptions, and expectations interfere with how victims’ testimony about their experiences is heard and understood in sexual assault trials, and with how legal actors in the criminal justice system assess their credibility.

Traumatic Impacts of Sexual Assault Experiences

Sexual assault is an experience of trauma, and trauma has a neurobiological impact – that is, it affects our brains and our nervous systems. For this reason, it is imperative that those working within the criminal justice system understand the impact of trauma on victims of sexual assault so they can process sexual assault cases more effectively and hear evidence in these cases fairly and impartially.

The impact of the sexual assault depends on many factors. These include (but are not limited to) (Boyd, 2011; Daane, 2005):

• the nature of the assault itself,
• how long it lasted,
• the extent of the physical harm,
• the victim’s relationship to the perpetrator,
• whether the victim has had an earlier childhood history of abuse or neglect, and
• how family, friends and others respond to what the victim says about the assault.

Victims may experience the impact of a sexual assault physically and psychologically over both the short and long term. (Chivers-Wilson, 2006):

These impacts can include (Littleton, Axsom, Breitkopf & Berenson, 2006):

• shock and anger,
• fear and anxiety,
• hyper-alertness and hypervigilance,
• irritability and anger,
• disrupted sleep, nightmares,
• rumination and other reliving responses,
• increased need for control,
• tendency to minimize or deny the experience as a way of coping,
• tendency to isolate oneself,
• feelings of detachment,
• emotional constriction,
• feelings of betrayal, and
• a sense of shame.

The sexualized nature of the violation of sexual assault adds a particularly traumatic aspect to the experience. In fact, being sexually assaulted or raped can be one of the most traumatizing experiences a woman can go through. When the victim knows the offender (Conroy and Cotter, 2017), especially a person the woman believes should be trustworthy and safe, and who she never believed would violate her, her sense of betrayal is a profound element of the harm and the trauma she experiences. This only compounds her sense of shame and self-blame, along with her reluctance to disclose what happened, all of which increase trauma.

Some studies have suggested that victims of sexual assault often fear that while they are being sexually violated they will be seriously physically harmed or even killed. This fear of death or severe physical injury is correlated with similar or more severe post-traumatic harm, like that in prolonged military combat. (Dunmore, Clark & Ehlers, 2001) Even when a sexual assault occurred without a weapon, almost half of all victims in one study stated that they feared serious injury or death during the assault. (Koss, 1993; Tjaden & Thoennes, 2006)

What Is Still Misunderstood about Victim Responses to Sexual Assault

Why are victims’ responses to sexual assault often so difficult to understand? Many of the most common rape myths in our society reflect a failure to grasp the realities of the dynamics of sexual violence. Moreover, these rape myths reinforce unreasonable expectations of how victims should respond to sexual assaults – specifically that victims should react to experiences of sexual violation, which are often unnerving, humiliating, and destabilizing, with calm, strategic planning, and decision making. These misunderstandings may be held by members of the public, by professionals within the criminal justice system, including triers of fact, and by women who are themselves victims of sexual assault about some of their own reactions.

Though it is important to recognize that there is no uniform or predictable victim response to sexual assault, there are common reactions. These are well documented in the research literature, and they are important for triers of fact in the criminal justice system to understand and recognize. (Campbell, Sefl, Barnes, Ahrens, Wasco & Zaragoza-Diesfeld, 1999; Herman, 1992; Koss, Goodman, Browne, Fitzgerald, Keita & Russo, 1994; Koss, Figueredo & Prince, 2002; Koss & Figueredo, 2004)

Some of the most common ways that victims react to sexual assault are precisely what people often have difficulty understanding. Women who experience sexual violence may not always be able to make decisions to protect themselves. In fact, they might:

• not report or delay reporting,
• not remember aspects of the event,
• have blanks in memory,
• have inconsistencies in memory,
• struggle with decision making,
• not say no clearly to unwanted sexual contact,
• exhibit no physical evidence of injury from a sexual assault,
• be unable to identify the perpetrator to police,
• exhibit no apparent emotional expression following a sexual assault,
• provide what might appear to be inconsistent statements at different points in time,
• blame themselves for the assault,
• have a relationship with the perpetrator after the assault,
• deny or minimize the assault,
• recant the experience. 

In the aftermath of trauma, victims may make statements that appear to be incomplete or inconsistent. They may also seek to hide or minimize behaviors they used to survive, such as appeasement, or flattery, out of fear that they will not be believed or that they will be blamed for their assault.

But what might appear to be an “inconsistency” in the way a victim reacts, or tells her story, may actually be a typical, predictable, and normal way of responding to life-threatening events and coping with traumatic experiences. Many responses that seem inexplicable to those who are unfamiliar with normal trauma responses can be appreciated by understanding the brain’s way of coping with and processing overwhelming psychological events.

These reactions to sexual assault have been characterized as “counterintuitive” in some of the literature aimed at enhancing the understanding of those working within the criminal justice system. (Gentile Long, 2005)

A significant number of sexual assault victims experience post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). In fact, research suggests that sexual assault is by far the most frequent cause of PTSD in women. (National Center for Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, 2005)

Social Context of Sexual Assault and Increased Trauma

Women who have been sexually assaulted are more than twice as likely as men victims of sexual assault to develop PTSD, with PTSD symptoms lasting up to four times longer even when controlling for the extent of trauma exposure and type of trauma experienced. (Blain, Galovski, & Robinson, 2010; Kessler, 2000; Tolin & Foa, 2006) Women also report greater degrees of emotional numbing, less range of feeling, and avoidance responses, and experience higher levels of psychological reactivity to traumatic stimuli. (Litz, Orsillo, Kaloupek, & Weathers, 2000; Orsillo, Batten, Plumb, Luterek, & Roessner, 2004; Spahic-Mihajlovic, Crayton, & Neafsey, 2005)

Shame, blame, and the attendant experience of social isolation that sexual assault victims feel create a significant barrier to receiving much needed social support. In some cases, that isolation and the negative emotional responses a victim receives increase the feeling of threat and lack of safety. A social context of victim blaming, therefore, has a neurophysiological consequence for the victim of sexual assault, by keeping her in a protracted state of anxiety and fear.

The most compelling explanation for this significant difference in PTSD is that women victims of sexual assault experience lower levels of social support.  More importantly, in a society that continues to blame sexual assault victims for their conduct it is not surprising that so many women are reluctant to disclose or report. Victims often feel a great deal of shame and this can hinder access efforts to support and can increase negative reactions such as rejection and blame. These have been linked to increases in the number of PTSD symptoms that survivors experienced. (Brewin, Andrews, & Valentine, 2000)

Judith Herman (1992) explains that trauma enhances the need for protective relationships, but that one of the harms of trauma is that it also violates human connection. This can make such relationships difficult to establish or maintain. (Herman, 1992)

Neurobiological theories of trauma now predominate the trauma literature. They offer considerable insight into both potential trauma responses as well as the critical role and necessity of sensitive and well informed understanding of these complex responses in delivering services to victims. (Fosha, Siegal, & Solomon, 2009; Levine, 1997; Ogden, Minton, & Pain, 2006; van der Kolk, 1994, 2006)

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Book News & Features

Alice munro's daughter says her mother did nothing to stop abusive stepfather.

Jaclyn Diaz

Author Alice Munro in 2009. Her daughter, Andrea Skinner, has come forward with allegations her stepfather abused her as a child and that Munro was aware and stayed with him until his death. Peter Muhly/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

The daughter of renowned Canadian author Alice Munro has revealed that she suffered sexual abuse at the hands of her stepfather and that her mother, a Nobel Prize winner, turned a blind eye to it.

In an op-ed published Sunday in the Toronto Star, Andrea Skinner wrote that Munro’s husband at the time, Gerald Fremlin, started abusing her in 1976 when she was 9 years old.

She wrote that she was visiting her mother that summer at her home in Clinton, Ontario, when, while Munro was away, Fremlin “climbed into the bed where I was sleeping and sexually assaulted me.”

Alice Munro, Nobel Prize-winning short story author, dies at 92

Munro died earlier this summer at the age of 92. The author was best known for her short stories , often placing her characters in rural Ontario — where Munro grew up. She was called the "master of the contemporary short story" by the Swedish Academy that awarded her the Nobel in 2013.

Since Skinner's op-ed was published, the literary world has expressed shock and sorrow, with authors publicly grappling with the formative work of Munro with the impact of her daughter's allegations.

Rebecca Makkai, a Pulitzer Prize finalist for The Great Believers , posted on X of Munro and the allegations, "I love her work so much that I don’t want to lose it, but am also horrified to see the meanings of many favorite (foundational, to me) stories shift under us."

Skinner said she is coming forward now because she wants her story “to become part of the stories people tell about my mother. I never wanted to see another interview, biography or event that didn’t wrestle with the reality of what had happened to me, and with the fact that my mother, confronted with the truth of what had happened, chose to stay with, and protect, my abuser.”

The Swedish Academy, which awarded Munro a Nobel Prize in 2013, called her a "master of the contemporary short story." Jonathan Nackstrand/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Skinner said the abuse continued for years, with Fremlin often exposing himself to Skinner, telling the young girl about her mother's sexual needs and the “little girls in the neighborhood” that he told her he liked.

Skinner confided in her stepmother, who told James Munro, Skinner's father. James Munro did not confront his ex-wife about the abuse, and the assault continued with no adult intervention, Skinner wrote.

The abuse, and the heavy secret and silence she was forced to keep, took a drastic toll on Skinner, who developed debilitating migraines and bulimia as an adult. When she was 25, she wrote a letter to Munro, finally coming forward about the abuse.

Munro told her she felt betrayed and likened the abuse to an affair, a response that devastated Skinner, she wrote.

Canadian Alice Munro Wins Nobel's Literature Prize

In response, Fremlin wrote letters to Munro and the family, threatening to kill Skinner if she ever went to the police. He blamed Skinner for the abuse and described her as a child as a "home wrecker." He also threatened to expose photos he took of Skinner when she was a girl.

Munro went back to Fremlin and stayed with him until he died in 2013, Skinner wrote. Munro allegedly said “that she had been ‘told too late,’ she loved him too much, and that our misogynistic culture was to blame if I expected her to deny her own needs, sacrifice for her children, and make up for the failings of men. She was adamant that whatever had happened was between me and my stepfather. It had nothing to do with her," Skinner wrote in her essay.

In 2005, Skinner could stay quiet no longer. She reported Fremlin, who was 80 at the time, to police in Ontario, using letters he sent to the family as evidence. He pleaded guilty to one count of indecent assault and received a suspended sentence and probation for two years.

Skinner said she never reconciled with her mother, but has since rebuilt a relationship with her siblings.

Munro's Books, the company that Alice and James Munro started together when they were married, issued a statement of support for Skinner. The company has been independently owned since 2014 and wasn't speaking on behalf of the family.

The company said, "Learning the details of Andrea’s experience has been heartbreaking for all of us here at Munro’s Books. Along with so many readers and writers, we will need time to absorb this news and the impact it may have on the legacy of Alice Munro, whose work and ties to the store we have previously celebrated. It is important to respect Andrea’s choices over how her story is shared more widely."

The statement continued, "This story is Andrea’s to tell, and we will not be commenting further at this time."

Correction July 8, 2024

A previous version of this story misspelled Rebecca Makkai's last name.

• Alice Munro

Universities across Canada implement sexual violence policies

Legislation in three provinces mandates that postsecondary institutions adopt stand-alone sexual violence policies starting this year.

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When Jen Sugar was hired as director of student affairs at Carleton University in August 2016, staff there had been developing a sexual violence policy for about a year, spurred by legislation mandating such a policy at all Ontario universities and colleges. Earlier that summer, as part of Bill 132, the Ministry of Training, Colleges and Universities issued guidelines clarifying that the policies should reflect diverse student consultation, and outline supports available to students and the process of reporting incidents to the university.

“For Carleton at that point, it was a good opportunity for us to put the brakes on and take a step back,” Ms. Sugar said. “When I was hired into this position, one of the first things we started talking about was, what do we do now that we have Bill 132, and now that we have these guidelines?”

This past January, all Ontario universities were required to have a stand-alone sexual violence policy in place. The deadline for British Columbia postsecondary institutions was May 19, and similar legislation took effect in Manitoba on April 28. In Nova Scotia, students have been pushing for legislation, but a bill that would mandate such policies has not passed first reading in the legislature. Nevertheless, the provincial government and the province’s 10 universities signed a memorandum of understanding in June 2016 that, among other things, requires the universities to have specific sexual violence prevention policies. In February, the Quebec government announced plans to introduce a bill this fall addressing sexual violence on campuses.

Chief among the goals of sexual violence policies is to provide more transparency about the process of reporting incidents to the university and to ensure investigations are handled in a timely way. Although universities already had ways of addressing sexual violence involving staff, faculty and students, existing practices may not have been formalized. Often, protocols are embedded in other policies such as a student code of conduct or collective agreement. The path of action “all depends on the relationship between the person who is accused and the university,” said Deb Eerkes, director of student conduct and accountability at the University of Alberta.

Ms. Eerkes led the review of U of A’s protocols last year, which resulted in the creation of a new sexual violence policy . She explained that there is an important distinction between reporting – a broadly used term that may include formal or informal complaint – and disclosure. “Disclosure is just, ‘I want to tell somebody, and maybe I want an exam deferred or to move to a different residence, but I don’t want you to do anything to that person,’” Ms. Eerkes said. “And a complaint is the formal request to ‘please investigate and lay charges’ [through a university tribunal].” Importantly, universities cannot launch criminal investigations, which is the jurisdiction of the police.

At U of A, staff at the sexual assault centre noticed that disclosures far exceeded the number of formal complaints – a common observation among institutions – which raised the question of whether survivors were receiving adequate supports, Ms. Eerkes said. “There’s sort of a myth around campus that we cannot do anything for you unless you make a written complaint. That is not true.” Supports might include academic accommodation, safety planning, counselling, medical care, referrals to community services, and more. In the absence of a sexual assault centre, many universities have had equity or human rights offices handling a wider array of harassment and discrimination complaints, which encompasses sexual misconduct complaints.

Sexual violence reporting

How universities handle reports of sexual violence has been a topic of public scrutiny over the past several years, with many media outlets quoting complainants who felt the process on their campus did not serve them well or was not transparent. In some cases, complainants have sought redress and institutional change through human rights tribunals, as opposed to the criminal justice system.

Ryerson University was one of the first universities in Ontario to begin consultations and pass a stand-alone policy on sexual violence, which was approved in June 2015 and later reviewed in light of the guidelines issued by the provincial government. “Our original policy was about support and education, and indicated that any complaints would be handled under our human rights policy, but the legislation indicated that the process for handling complaints couldn’t refer to another policy,” explained Heather Lane Vetere, Ryerson’s vice-provost, students. The government was specifically asking for stand-alone policies outlining “how does someone make a complaint, what’s the investigation process and the decision-making process,” Dr. Lane Vetere said.

University administrators in Ontario are also anticipating that the government may ask them to track data with respect to the policies. This could potentially pose some challenges to institutions, given that there are different ways of naming and handling incidents of sexual violence, on and off campus, making it difficult to compare data across institutions. Furthermore, a single disclosure or report often goes through several offices and staff, some of whom have professional codes of ethics around disclosing information about their clients.

“There was the initial suggestion that we would be collecting data on supports that were accessed, which is fine, that’s easy to collect,” said Dr. Lane Vetere. But how the government uses the data is important, Dr. Lane Vetere said, “because you might have one individual accessing multiple supports. How are we going to ensure people don’t count that as three separate incidents?” She added, “It’s my experience that the majority of those who come forward want to disclose and not report, and most of those disclosures are a sexual violence experience at the hands of someone not part of our community. … I’m saving my concern until we see what they’re asking for. If we’re all going to report data, I want them to have the best data possible.”

Some observers have argued that a “culture of reporting” is not the way to go. “I call it the fetishization of reporting, and it’s a bit of a red herring as far as I’m concerned,” said Dawn Moore, a researcher at Carleton University who recently submitted a paper on campus sexual assault to the Ontario Ministry of Community Safety and Correctional Services. “Survivors who I interviewed and who my colleagues interviewed, across the board said they didn’t really much care about reporting mechanisms. What they cared about was the ability to get the kind of accommodation and supports they needed in the aftermath of a sexual assault without having to jump through a lot of hoops.”

Dr. Moore, who was also involved in Carleton’s consultations in her role as the faculty association’s equity officer, said loopholes in reporting processes could discourage complainants from coming forward. “If a complainant was, for example, smoking pot in residence or drinking underage or doing something else that contravenes the student code of conduct, this could be reprimanded; they could even be expelled. So we want people to report, but at the same time they’re under threat of sanctions themselves if they do report.”

In 2015, a CBC investigation seeking to find data on sexual assault on Canadian campuses found that 700 incidents of sexual assault were reported to 87 Canadian universities from 2009 to 2013. The investigation also identified gaps in data, making comparisons difficult in part because universities have different reporting procedures and serve different communities. Several factors may impact levels of reporting. In Ontario, for example, institutions must state in their policy that formal complaints are not required in order to access supports.

At the University of Toronto, consultation spanning its three campuses started in November 2014. A policy was approved this past December, and the university will create a sexual violence centre to serve all three of its campuses. As with other universities, administrators received much feedback, including divergent opinions and dissenting voices. Terry McQuaid, U of T’s executive director of personal safety, high risk and sexual violence prevention and support, said “the university is always engaged in consultation and open to feedback, because we are in the early days of the new policy.” She added that an expert panel is seeking input from students, staff and faculty on a robust education and prevention strategy.

Prevention and education around sexual violence are two other pieces universities are striving to address, within and outside of their policies. Some initiatives have been student led, such as the Sans oui, c’est non campaign by the Fédération des associations étudiantes du campus de l’Université de Montréal, and in which all Quebec postsecondary institutions are now participating. Other initiatives across the country range from workshops on bystander intervention to university-wide prevention efforts.

And while sexual violence policies provide clarity around universities’ response to sexual violence, there is a limit to what they can do. “Sexual assault is a cultural and societal problem,” said Sara-Jane Finlay, associate vice-president, equity and inclusion, at the University of British Columbia. “It’s something as a culture we need to take responsibility for. Universities are part of that, but this requires broader work as well.” Nevertheless, she said, “survivors are never going to come forward and report if they don’t have trust in the institution, so having information out there as transparently as possible about when and how an institution can act is absolutely crucial.”

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Woman lured vulnerable teens into sex for drugs, money: Manitoba RCMP

'if you think it's not happening in your community, you are wrong,' rcmp inspector says after 7 charged.

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A Long Plain First Nation woman has been charged after RCMP allege she befriended at least two teens and lured them into performing sexual acts on several men in exchange for drugs and money in a southern Manitoba city.

Seven people were arrested and 65 charges were laid after 10 searches were done during an investigation in Portage la Prairie by the Mounties' internet child exploitation unit, RCMP Insp. Shawn Pike said at a news conference Tuesday.

"This was a fairly organized operation where the suspects used multiple platforms with the deliberate intent to exploit youths," Pike said.

Police know of two 15-year-old victims, but believe there may be more, he said. Investigators are looking to identify another girl also believed to have been exploited by the group, who may be 13 or 14 years old.

Pike said the investigation has been complex and continues to unfold.

"Is it possible that there's more than just one other person? Yes, it's possible, but I don't have an exact answer as far as a number."

The investigation began in early February, after RCMP received a tip about a young girl seen with older men, police said in a news release. When officers found her, they found another 15-year-old girl who was also being exploited.

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Investigators learned that the two teens were befriended by a woman who said they could hang out with her and some of her friends to get drugs and money.

The teens trusted the woman and went with her to various homes in Portage la Prairie — a city of about 13,000 people — from June and December 2023, police say.

At each location, there would be a man who would provide drugs in exchange for sexual acts from the teens, according to RCMP. In many instances, the teens could not escape the homes as they were locked in by the woman, who stayed throughout each interaction, they said.

The teens would receive drugs, and sometimes money, after performing sexual acts on the man, police say. The woman would also receive drugs, including methamphetamine, as a form of payment.

Youth exploitation a 'tragic reality'

Pike said the teens were vulnerable and the woman built up trust with them over time.

"It's about playing on vulnerabilities, it's about playing on wants," including a need for money, shelter and to feel important, he said.

RCMP divisional human trafficking co-ordinator Staff Sgt. Tara Clelland said it's not rare for women to recruit young girls into the sex trade, since they're often perceived as less threatening to victims they lure.

"As a society, we have a difficult time accepting that women harm, women exploit, and with sexually based offences especially," she told reporters after the news conference.

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Pike said that cases like this are "a kind of crime that becomes vastly under-reported, because a lot of times you're counting on the person who's being victimized to come forward."

He said while police were able to disrupt the exploitation of the two teens, the "tragic reality" is that there are more cases like it.

"If you think it's not happening in your community, you are wrong. Youth of all ages, backgrounds and life circumstances can be exploited and taken advantage of through the actions of adults," he said.

"This is human trafficking.… These kids are getting hurt."

Portage la Prairie Mayor Sharilyn Knox called the situation "heartbreaking" and said it will be "quite a shock" for the small city.

"This is probably the hardest day I've had as mayor, to be thinking that children in our community were harmed this way, and knowing that there could be more," Knox told reporters. 

"This is just another wake-up call for us to actually, really look at our community."

Police urge the public to stay vigilant for signs of human trafficking, including unexpected behaviour such as young people travelling alone at unusual times, who don't have identification or money, or show fear of law enforcement, said Pike.

6 men charged

During their investigation, police seized a large amount of methamphetamine, cocaine and 13 firearms — including rifles and shotguns, RCMP said. They also seized a number of devices, including computers, phones and external hard drives, said Pike.

Clelland said the scale of the operation is not yet known, as investigators are still combing through the seized devices.

Chasity Nicole Assiniboine, 43, from Long Plain First Nation, is charged with two counts of trafficking a person under the age of 18, four counts of child luring, two counts of uttering threats, benefiting from sexual services provided by someone under the age of 18, advertising sexual services and procuring a person under the age of 18.

Five men from Portage la Prairie — Sean Michael Boak, 40, David Guy Howard Taylor, 40, Alexander Paul Lidster, 39, Wesley Clayton Roulette, 44, and Frank Peter Justin Tecza, 39 — face a number of charges in connection with the incidents, including sexual assault, sexual interference and child luring.

A sixth man, Scott Joseph Taylor, 34, faces a charge of obtaining sexual services from a person under 18 and an unsafe firearms storage charge.

All seven of the people accused know each other, RCMP said.

For anyone who has been sexually assaulted, there is support available through crisis lines and local support services via the Ending Violence Association of Canada database . ​​If you're in immediate danger or fear for your safety or that of others around you, please call 911. 

Corrections

• An earlier version of this story, based on information from RCMP, said the offences occurred between June 2023 and May 2024. RCMP later clarified they happened between June and December 2023. Jul 09, 2024 3:12 PM CT

With files from Rosanna Hempel

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25-year-old man arrested following sexual assault

July 8, 2024 Moncton, New Brunswick

News release

A 25-year-old man originally from India, but residing in Halifax, N.S., has been arrested following sexual assault incidents in Moncton.

On July 7, 2024, at approximately 2 p.m., members of the Codiac Regional RCMP responded to a report of sexual interference and sexual assault at a public water park on Mountain Road in Moncton. When police arrived at the scene, they learned that a man had been walking around the premises, and was groping people. There were at least twelve victims, some of whom were under the age of 16.

Police located the individual who was still on the premises, and arrested him without incident. He was later released from custody, and is scheduled to appear in Moncton Provincial Court on October 24

"This is still an active investigation, and we are working diligently to understand if there were other victims," says Sgt. Sylvette Hebert with the Codiac Regional RCMP. "We are asking parents to speak to their children if they attended this location on July 7. We also want people to know that a sexual assault complaint can be made at any time. If you are a victim of sexual misconduct, please contact us. You will be listened to, and you will be believed."

If you are a victim, or have any information related to these incidents or similar ones, please contact your local police. If you have information that may assist the investigation and would like to remain anonymous, please contact Crime Stoppers at 1-800-222-TIPS (8477), by downloading the secure P3 Mobile App, or by Secure Web Tips at www.crimenb.ca.

The investigation is ongoing.

Contact information

Sgt. Sylvette Hebert Codiac Regional RCMP 506-857-2400 [email protected]

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Sexual assault is a problem that occurs in every country, town, and village in the world. A Canadian may hold themselves to a higher standard when looking at less developed countries, either socially or economically. Yet, somehow they are the same when it comes to humiliating sexual assault victims in courts trials. The Criminal Code provisions, however, are really great when it comes to sexual assault. There is a definition of consent or more explicitly its absence, and the Supreme Court of Canada

Female Victims Of Sexual Assault

victim and often their status as a ‘victim’ is questioned. This is especially true if the victim does not fit the typical stereotype of who is considered to be a legitimate victim. This is most widely illustrated in cases involving male victims of sexual assault. The introduction of Nils Christie’s ‘Ideal victim’ theory (1986: 18) refers to victims of crime who can attain the status of a legitimate victim in the eyes of the public. Christie outlines a criteria which needs to be followed in order to gain

The Victim Of Sexual Assault Essay

hunched forward, his eyes staring listlessly into space. In his hands, a forgotten cup of coffee trembled violently, the lukewarm liquid spilling over his fingers. He hadn’t uttered a single word since his impassioned attempt to justify Booker’s assault, and as the minutes ticked by, his silence only added to Doug’s concerns. Although not an expert, as a cop, Penhall understood about trauma, and fearing his friend was going into shock, he made the decision to call 911. With an ambulance on its

Sexual Assault And Its Effects On Society Essay

When presented with this project, we chose to focus on sexual assault because it is a harsh realistic nightmare that poses reoccurring issues in our society. The goal of our campaign is to not only spread awareness about sexual assault, but also to educate about the topic. Although sexual assault is a very common occurrence, it is a sensitive topic; which leads to people and victims feeling hesitant to talk about it, causing so many cases to remain untouched and victims silenced. For our project

An Epidemic Of Sexual Assaults Across The Nation

In most recent years there has been an epidemic of sexual assaults across the nation. In the United States alone, a rape occurs every 6.2 minutes resulting in 1 out of every 5 women as well as 1 out of every 71 men being sexually assaulted or raped in their lifetime. This problem has been something that has been hushed for many years affecting the lives of the victims for a lifetime. We the nation need to take a stand to teach our young men and women that it is inappropriate to violate a person’s

Sexual Assault And Sexual Assaults Essay

Sexual Assault is one of the most feared topics on campus because of different experiences that people face on their life. These request is to create a student organization on campus name FASPVA which stands for Fight Against Sexual Physical or Verbal Assault. College campuses have a high rated numbers of sexual assault compared to non-college campus because of major reasons like parties, alcohol, fraternities and sororities. Whether it is rape, abused or sexual assault the gender who encounter these

The Imperfect Process Of Campus Sexual Assault Adjudication

The Imperfect Process of Campus Sexual Assault Adjudication It’s a statistic that has circled around the nation for years, one that imprints fear into the minds of young adults and rage into those that demand justice: 1 in 5 female college students will experience sexual assault in the duration of their college career (Clark), with only 20% of those rapes being reported to the police (Hefling). As a topic that is so highlighted in American society, there is a strict demand for an organized, thorough

Sexual Assault And Sexual Harassment

“Campus Sexual Assault Victim’s Bill of Rights Act of 1991.” This act was signed into law in 1992. This book in a continuation of what still needs to be done to prevent sexual assault and sexual harassment on college campuses. This book covers why college institutions handle sexual assault poorly and the consequence of their negligence. To do this subject justice they focus on the following questions: 1. What is the definition of sexual assault? 2. How often, who and where do sexual assaults happen

Sexual Assault And Sexual Assaults

Despite the efforts that have been made to curb sexual assaults, statistics show that sexual assaults in college campuses still occur (Lee, Spring 2003). In fact, the facts are even scarier, showing that one in every four ladies in campuses have been victims or near victims of sexual assault (Lee, spring 2003). Interestingly, 1 in 12 men in college have been involved in sexual assault, but they felt that their actions were not illegal. Perhaps, this ability of the perpetrators to justify their actions

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