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Read President Obama’s speech at the 2020 Democratic National Convention

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Good evening, everybody. As you’ve seen by now, this isn’t a normal convention. It’s not a normal time. So tonight, I want to talk as plainly as I can about the stakes in this election. Because what we do these next 76 days will echo through generations to come.

I’m in Philadelphia, where our Constitution was drafted and signed. It wasn’t a perfect document. It allowed for the inhumanity of slavery and failed to guarantee women — and even men who didn’t own property — the right to participate in the political process. But embedded in this document was a North Star that would guide future generations; a system of representative government — a democracy — through which we could better realize our highest ideals. Through civil war and bitter struggles, we improved this Constitution to include the voices of those who’d once been left out. And gradually, we made this country more just, and more equal, and more free.

The one constitutional office elected by all of the people is the presidency. So at minimum, we should expect a president to feel a sense of responsibility for the safety and welfare of all 330 million of us — regardless of what we look like, how we worship, who we love, how much money we have — or who we voted for.

But we should also expect a president to be the custodian of this democracy. We should expect that regardless of ego, ambition or political beliefs, the president will preserve, protect and defend the freedoms and ideals that so many Americans marched for and went to jail for; fought for and died for.

I have sat in the Oval Office with both of the men who are running for president. I never expected that my successor would embrace my vision or continue my policies. I did hope, for the sake of our country, that Donald Trump might show some interest in taking the job seriously; that he might come to feel the weight of the office and discover some reverence for the democracy that had been placed in his care.

But he never did. For close to four years now, he’s shown no interest in putting in the work; no interest in finding common ground; no interest in using the awesome power of his office to help anyone but himself and his friends; no interest in treating the presidency as anything but one more reality show that he can use to get the attention he craves.

Donald Trump hasn’t grown into the job because he can’t. And the consequences of that failure are severe. One hundred seventy thousand Americans dead. Millions of jobs gone while those at the top take in more than ever. Our worst impulses unleashed, our proud reputation around the world badly diminished and our democratic institutions threatened like never before.

Now, I know that in times as polarized as these, most of you have already made up your mind. But maybe you’re still not sure which candidate you’ll vote for — or whether you’ll vote at all. Maybe you’re tired of the direction we’re headed, but you can’t see a better path yet, or you just don’t know enough about the person who wants to lead us there.

So let me tell you about my friend Joe Biden.

Twelve years ago, when I began my search for a vice president, I didn’t know I’d end up finding a brother. Joe and I come from different places and different generations. But what I quickly came to admire about Joe Biden is his resilience, born of too much struggle; his empathy, born of too much grief. Joe is a man who learned — early on — to treat every person he meets with respect and dignity, living by the words his parents taught him: “No one’s better than you, Joe, but you’re better than nobody.”

That empathy, that decency, the belief that everybody counts — that’s who Joe is.

When he talks with someone who’s lost her job, Joe remembers the night his father sat him down to say that he’d lost his.

When Joe listens to a parent who’s trying to hold it all together right now, he does it as the single dad who took the train back to Wilmington each and every night so he could tuck his kids into bed.

When he meets with military families who’ve lost their hero, he does it as a kindred spirit; the parent of an American soldier; somebody whose faith has endured the hardest loss there is.

For eight years, Joe was the last one in the room whenever I faced a big decision. He made me a better president — and he’s got the character and the experience to make us a better country.

And in my friend Kamala Harris, he’s chosen an ideal partner who is more than prepared for the job; someone who knows what it’s like to overcome barriers and who’s made a career fighting to help others live out their own American dream.

Along with the experience needed to get things done, Joe and Kamala have concrete policies that will turn their vision of a better, fairer, stronger country into reality.

They will get this pandemic under control, like Joe did when he helped me manage H1N1 and prevent an Ebola outbreak from reaching our shores.

They’ll expand healthcare to more Americans, like Joe and I did 10 years ago when he helped craft the Affordable Care Act and nail down the votes to make it the law.

They’ll rescue the economy, like Joe helped me do after the Great Recession. I asked him to manage the Recovery Act, which jump-started the longest stretch of job growth in history. And he sees this moment now not as a chance to get back to where we were, but to make long-overdue changes so that our economy actually makes life a little easier for everybody — whether it’s the waitress trying to raise a kid on her own, or the shift worker always on the edge of getting laid off, or the student figuring out how to pay for next semester’s classes.

Joe and Kamala will restore our standing in the world — and as we’ve learned from this pandemic, that matters. Joe knows the world, and the world knows him. He knows that our true strength comes from setting an example that the world wants to follow. A nation that stands with democracy, not dictators. A nation that can inspire and mobilize others to overcome threats like climate change, terrorism, poverty, disease.

But more than anything, what I know about Joe — what I know about Kamala — is that they actually care about every American. And that they care deeply about this democracy.

They believe that in a democracy, the right to vote is sacred, and we should be making it easier for people to cast their ballots, not harder. They believe that no one — including the president — is above the law, and that no public official — including the president — should use their office to enrich themselves or their supporters.

They understand that in this democracy, the commander-in-chief does not use the men and women of our military, who are willing to risk everything to protect our nation, as political props to deploy against peaceful protesters on our own soil. They understand that political opponents aren’t “un-American” just because they disagree with you; that a free press isn’t the “enemy” but the way we hold officials accountable; that our ability to work together to solve big problems like a pandemic depend on a fidelity to facts and science and logic and not just making stuff up.

None of this should be controversial. These shouldn’t be Republican principles or Democratic principles. They are American principles. But at this moment, this president and those who enable him, have shown they don’t believe in these things.

Tonight, I am asking you to believe in Joe and Kamala’s ability to lead this country out of these dark times and build it back better. But here’s the thing: No single American can fix this country alone. Not even a president. Democracy was never meant to be transactional — you give me your vote; I make everything better. It requires an active and informed citizenry. So I am also asking you to believe in your own ability — to embrace your own responsibility as citizens — to make sure that the basic tenets of our democracy endure.

Because that’s what’s at stake right now. Our democracy.

Look, I understand why a lot of Americans are down on government. The way the rules have been set up — and abused — in Congress make it easier for special interests to stop progress than to make progress. Believe me, I know. I understand why a white factory worker who’s seen his wages cut or his job shipped overseas might feel like the government no longer looks out for him, and why a Black mom might feel like it never looked out for her at all. I understand why a new immigrant might look around this country and wonder whether there’s still a place for him here; why a young person might look at politics right now, the circus of it all, the meanness and the lies and conspiracy theories and think, what is the point?

Well, here’s the point: This president and those in power — those who benefit from keeping things the way they are — they are counting on your cynicism. They know they can’t win you over with their policies. So they’re hoping to make it as hard as possible for you to vote, and to convince you that your vote does not matter. That’s how they win. That’s how they get to keep making decisions that affect your life, and the lives of the people you love. That’s how the economy will keep getting skewed to the wealthy and well-connected, how our health systems will let more people fall through the cracks. That’s how a democracy withers, until it’s no democracy at all.

We cannot let that happen. Do not let them take away your power. Do not let them take away your democracy. Make a plan right now for how you’re going to get involved and vote. Do it as early as you can and tell your family and friends how they can vote too. Do what Americans have done for over two centuries when faced with even tougher times than this — all those quiet heroes who found the courage to keep marching, keep pushing in the face of hardship and injustice.

Last month, we lost a giant of American democracy in John Lewis. Some years ago, I sat down with John and the few remaining leaders of the early civil rights movement. One of them told me he never imagined he’d walk into the White House and see a president who looked like his grandson. Then he told me that he had looked it up, and it turned out that on the very day that I was born, he was marching into a jail cell, trying to end Jim Crow segregation in the South.

What we do echoes through generations.

Whatever our backgrounds, we are all the children of Americans who fought the good fight. Great-grandparents working in firetraps and sweatshops without rights or representation. Farmers losing their dreams to dust. Irish and Italians and Asians and Latinos told, “Go back where you come from.” Jews and Catholics, Muslims and Sikhs, made to feel suspect for the way they worshipped. Black Americans chained and whipped and hanged. Spit on for trying to sit at lunch counters. Beaten for trying to vote.

If anyone had a right to believe that this democracy did not work, and could not work, it was those Americans. Our ancestors. They were on the receiving end of a democracy that had fallen short all their lives. They knew how far the daily reality of America strayed from the myth. And yet, instead of giving up, they joined together and they said somehow, some way, we are going to make this work. We are going to bring those words, in our founding documents, to life.

I have seen that same spirit rising these past few years. Folks of every age and background who packed city centers and airports and rural roads so that families wouldn’t be separated. So that another classroom wouldn’t get shot up. So that our kids won’t grow up on an uninhabitable planet. Americans of all races joining together to declare, in the face of injustice and brutality at the hands of the state, that Black Lives Matter, no more, but no less, so that no child in this country feels the continuing sting of racism.

To the young people who led us this summer, telling us we need to be better — in so many ways, you are this country’s dreams fulfilled. Earlier generations had to be persuaded that everyone has equal worth. For you, it’s a given — a conviction. And what I want you to know is that for all its messiness and frustrations, your system of self-government can be harnessed to help you realize those convictions. For all of us.

You can give our democracy new meaning. You can take it to a better place. You’re the missing ingredient — the ones who will decide whether or not America becomes the country that fully lives up to its creed.

That work will continue long after this election. But any chance of success depends entirely on the outcome of this election. This administration has shown it will tear our democracy down if that’s what it takes for them to win. So we have to get busy building it up — by pouring all our effort into these 76 days, and by voting like never before — for Joe and Kamala, and candidates up and down the ticket, so that we leave no doubt about what this country that we love stands for — today and for all our days to come.

Stay safe. God bless.

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Obama’s State of the Union 2015 Transcript (Full Text) and Video

Obama’s 2015 state of the union address, the president delivered his state of the union speech on tuesday, addressing a wide range of issues, including the economy, immigration and national security..

Following is the transcript of President Obama’s State of the Union address, as transcribed by the Federal News Service.

PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: Thank you so much. Thank you. Thank you so much, please. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, my fellow Americans.

We are 15 years into this new century, 15 years that dawned with terror touching our shores; that unfolded with a new generation fighting two long and costly wars; that saw a vicious recession spread across our nation and the world. It has been, and still is, a hard time for many. But tonight, we turn the page.

Tonight, after a breakthrough year for America, our economy is growing and creating jobs at the fastest pace since 1999. (Applause.) Our unemployment rate is now lower than it was before the financial crisis. More of our kids are graduating than ever before; more of our people are insured than ever before — (applause) — and we are as free from the grip of foreign oil as we’ve been in almost 30 years. (Applause.)

Tonight, for the first time since 9/11, our combat mission in Afghanistan is over. Six years ago, nearly 180,000 American troops served in Iraq and Afghanistan. Today, fewer than 15,000 remain. And we salute the courage and sacrifice of every man and woman in this 9/11 Generation who has served to keep us safe. We are humbled and grateful for your service. (Applause.)

America, for all that we’ve endured, for all the grit and hard work required to come back, for all the tasks that lie ahead, know this: The shadow of crisis has passed, and the State of the Union is strong. (Applause.)

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From the press office, speeches and remarks, remarks by the president in final press conference, remarks by vice president joe biden at the world economic forum, remarks by vice president joe biden on the cancer moonshot, remarks by vice president joe biden with ukrainian president petro poroshenko, remarks by the president honoring the world series champion chicago cubs, weekly address: the honor of serving you as president, remarks by the president and the vice president in presentation of the medal of freedom to vice president joe biden, remarks by the vice president on nuclear security, remarks by the president in farewell address.

US Election 2020

Barack Obama's most noteworthy speeches

US Election 2020 Barack Obama's most noteworthy speeches

Barack Obama has delivered his final address as President of the United States . Here's a look at some of his most memorable speeches, which captured hearts and minds around the world.

2004: Democratic National Convention

What: It was the moment that thrust him into the national spotlight . A relatively-unknown Senate candidate, Barack Hussein Obama, took to the stage for the keynote address.

Where: The Democratic National Convention in Boston.

Key point: His speech shared the story of his heritage, of his father who was born in a small village in Kenya and his mother who was born on the other side of the world in Kansas.

I stand here knowing that my story is part of the larger American story, that I owe a debt to all of those who came before me, and that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible."

2008: A More Perfect Union

What: Mr Obama addressed race and religion in this campaign-defining speech, saving his derailing presidential bid.

Where: The National Constitution Centre in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

Key point: Lecturer in US politics and foreign policy, Gorana Grgic, from the University of Sydney's United States Studies Centre, said this was a defining moment for the then presidential hopeful.

It followed controversy over old racially inflammatory remarks from his former pastor, Jeremiah Wright, which had resurfaced during the presidential campaign.

"That was very much a speech that put in the forefront his mixed-race background and basically put him in this ... unique position to speak bluntly to both black and white Americans," Dr Grgic said.

During the speech Mr Obama said he could "no more disown him than I can disown the black community".

I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother — a woman who helped raise me ... who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street. These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love."

2008: Election victory

What: The President-elect fronted a crowd of thousands after receiving a concession call by Republican candidate John McCain for the 2008 US election.

Where: He gave his election victory speech in Chicago, where he delivered the final speech of his presidency.

Key point: This was the moment Mr Obama's supporters had been waiting for after a long campaign, and there was more than one 'yes we can'.

The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even in one term. But, America, I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there."

2009: Nobel Peace Prize acceptance

What: The President was awarded "for his extraordinary efforts to strengthen international diplomacy and cooperation between peoples".

Where: Oslo City Hall.

Key point: Dr Grgic said this was another key moment, but one which caused some criticism.

"He was saying he was not against all wars he was just against stupid wars and I think that defined a lot about his foreign policy doctrine," Dr Grgic said.

Mr Obama said:

We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. There will be times when nations — acting individually or in concert — will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified ..."

2011: Tuscon memorial in Arizona

What: The President delivered a speech following the January 8 shooting of US representative Gabrielle Giffords and 18 other people during a constituent meeting in a supermarket parking lot. While she survived, six others died.

Where: The University of Arizona.

Key point: Mr Obama delivered a speech which told the story of each of the victims.

There is nothing I can say that will fill the sudden hole torn in your hearts. But know this: The hopes of a nation are here tonight."

2015: 50th anniversary of Selma marches

What: The 50th anniversary commemoration of the Selma to Montgomery marches.

Where: Selma, Alabama.

Key point: ANU Marketing lecturer Andrew Hughes said it was one of the President's best.

"One of his best speeches he's ever delivered is the Selma speech which he delivered at the 50th anniversary of the walk across the bridge in Selma in the United States, on the Civil Rights Movement," he said.

"The setting there, and the anniversary date, all played into the context and his delivery of the speech itself, to make it probably one of his best ever."

For everywhere in this country, there are first steps to be taken, and new ground to cover, and bridges to be crossed. And it is you, the young and fearless at heart, the most diverse and educated generation in our history, who the nation is waiting to follow."

2015: Charleston eulogy

What: The President delivered a eulogy for the pastor and eight parishioners killed by gunman Dylann Roof.

Where: College of Charleston, Charleston, South Carolina.

Key point: He gave a passionate eulogy and even sang the opening line of Amazing Grace on live television.

It is up to us now to make the most of [God's grace], to receive it with gratitude, and to prove ourselves worthy of this gift."

2016: Rutgers University commencement

What: He spoke at the 250th anniversary of the State University of New Jersey to the graduating class.

Where: Brunswick, New Jersey.

Key point: He noted the negativity of the world, and the positive influence the next generation could have. There was even time for a dig at then Republican-presidential nominee Donald Trump.

In politics and in life, ignorance is not a virtue. It's not cool to not know what you're talking about."

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WATCH: President Obama delivers his final speech from Chicago

Barack Obama will deliver his final speech as president beginning at 9 p.m. ET. Watch PBS NewsHour’s livestream of the speech above. 

CHICAGO — President Barack Obama bid farewell to the nation Tuesday in an emotional speech that sought to comfort a country on edge over rapid economic changes, persistent security threats and the election of Donald Trump.

Forceful at times and tearful at others, Obama’s valedictory speech in his hometown of Chicago was a public meditation on the many trials the U.S. faces as Obama takes his exit. For the challenges that are new, Obama offered his vision for how to surmount them, and for the persistent problems he was unable to overcome, he offered optimism that others, eventually, will.

“Yes, our progress has been uneven,” Obama told a crowd of some 18,000. “The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back.”

Yet Obama argued his faith in America had only been strengthened by what he’s witnessed the past eight years, and he declared: “The future should be ours.”

Brushing away tears with a handkerchief, Obama paid tribute to the sacrifices made by his wife — and by his daughters, who were young girls when they entered the big white home on Pennsylvania Avenue and leave as young women. He praised first lady Michelle Obama for taking on her role “with grace and grit and style and good humor” and for making the White House “a place that belongs to everybody.”

Soon Obama and his family will exit the national stage, to be replaced by Trump, a man Obama had stridently argued poses a dire threat to the nation’s future. His near-apocalyptic warnings throughout the campaign have cast a continuing shadow over his post-election efforts to reassure Americans anxious about the future.

Indeed, much of what Obama accomplished during his two terms — from health care overhaul and environmental regulations to his nuclear deal with Iran — could potentially be upended by Trump. So even as Obama seeks to define what his presidency meant for America, his legacy remains in question.

Even as Obama said farewell — in a televised speech of just under an hour — the anxiety felt by many Americans about the future was palpable, and not only in the Chicago convention center where he stood in front of a giant presidential seal. The political world was reeling from new revelations about an unsubstantiated report that Russia had compromising personal and financial information about Trump.

Obama made only passing reference to the next president. When he noted he would soon be replaced by the Republican, his crowd began to boo.

“No, no, no, no, no,” Obama said. One of the nation’s great strengths, he said, “is the peaceful transfer of power from one president to the next.”

Earlier, as the crowd of thousands chanted, “Four more years,” he simply smiled and said, “I can’t do that.”

Still, Obama offered what seemed like a point-by-point rebuttal of Trump’s vision for America.

He pushed back on the isolationist sentiments inherent in Trump’s trade policies. He decried discrimination against Muslim Americans and lamented politicians who question climate change. And he warned about the pernicious threat to U.S. democracy posed by purposely deceptive fake “news” and a growing tendency of Americans to listen only to information that confirms what they already believe.

Get out of your “bubbles,” said the politician who rose to a prominence with a message of unity, challenging divisions of red states and blue states. Obama also revived a call to activism that marked his first presidential campaign, telling Americans to stay engaged in politics.

“If you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet,” Obama said pointedly, “try to talk with one in real life.”

With Democrats still straining to make sense of their devastating election losses, Obama tried to offer a path forward. He called for empathy for the struggles of all Americans — from minorities, refugees and transgender people to middle-aged white men whose sense of economic security has been upended in recent years.

Paying tribute to his place as America’s first black president, Obama acknowledged there were hopes after his 2008 election for a post-racial America.

“Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic,” Obama said, though he insisted race relations are better now than a few decades ago.

The former community organizer closed out his speech by reviving his campaign chant, “Yes we can.” To that, he added for the first time, “Yes we did.”

He staunchly defended the power of activists to make a difference — the driving factor behind Obama’s optimism in the face of so much anxiety, he said. Though the coalition of young Americans and minorities who twice got Obama elected wasn’t enough to elect Democrat Hillary Clinton to replace him, Obama suggested their day was still ahead.

“You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands,” he said.

Steeped in nostalgia, Obama’s return to Chicago was less a triumphant homecoming than a bittersweet reunion bringing together loyalists and staffers, many of whom have long since left Obama’s service, moved on to new careers and started families. They came from across the country — some on Air Force One, others on their own — to be present for the last major moment of Obama’s presidency.

Unexpectedly absent was Obama’s younger daughter, Sasha, who had been expected to join sister Malia at the speech. The White House said Sasha stayed in Washington due to a school exam Wednesday morning.

After returning to Washington, he will have less than two weeks before he accompanies Trump in the presidential limousine to the Capitol for the new president’s swearing-in. After nearly a decade in the spotlight, Obama will become a private citizen, an elder statesman at 55. He plans to take some time off, write a book — and immerse himself in a Democratic redistricting campaign.

Lederman reported from Washington. Associated Press writers Ken Thomas and Calvin Woodward in Washington contributed to this report.

READ MORE: ‘I won’t stop serving you,’ President Obama tells crowd in farewell address

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Election 2008

Transcript of barack obama's victory speech, obama's victory speech.

In these prepared remarks provided by his campaign, President-Elect Barack Obama calls himself the unlikeliest presidential candidate. He thanks many members of his campaign, along with his enormous army of volunteers, and he warns supporters about what he calls the enormity of the tasks at hand that now face the U.S. He concludes by telling an anecdote about a 106-year-old African-American voter from Atlanta.

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.

It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference.

It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled — Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of red states and blue states; we are, and always will be, the United States of America.

It's the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.

It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this defining moment, change has come to America.

I just received a very gracious call from Sen. McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he's fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him and Gov. Palin for all they have achieved, and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.

I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware, the vice-president-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.

I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years, the rock of our family and the love of my life, our nation's next first lady, Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia, I love you both so much, and you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the White House. And while she's no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight, and know that my debt to them is beyond measure.

To my campaign manager, David Plouffe; my chief strategist, David Axelrod; and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics — you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done.

But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to — it belongs to you.

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn't start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington — it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.

It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered and organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people and for the people has not perished from this earth. This is your victory.

I know you didn't do this just to win an election, and I know you didn't do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime — two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century. Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage, or pay their doctor's bills, or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.

The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year, or even one term, but America — I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you: We as a people will get there.

There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won't agree with every decision or policy I make as president, and we know that government can't solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And, above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it's been done in America for 221 years — block by block, brick by brick, callused hand by callused hand.

What began 21 months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek — it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you.

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers. In this country, we rise or fall as one nation — as one people.

Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House — a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty and national unity. Those are values we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress.

As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, "We are not enemies, but friends... Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection." And, to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn, I may not have won your vote, but I hear your voices, I need your help, and I will be your president, too.

And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world — our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand. To those who would tear this world down: We will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security: We support you. And to all those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright: Tonight, we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity and unyielding hope.

For that is the true genius of America — that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that's on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election, except for one thing: Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.

She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons — because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.

And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America — the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes, we can.

At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes, we can.

When there was despair in the Dust Bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes, we can.

When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes, we can.

She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that "We Shall Overcome." Yes, we can.

A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes, we can.

America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves: If our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?

This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time — to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth that out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope, and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes, we can.

Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.

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Transcript of john mccain's concession speech.

Read the Full Transcript of President Barack Obama’s Farewell Speech

J ust over eight years ago, on November 4, 2008, Barack Obama took the stage in his hometown of Chicago on the occasion of a triumph: he had been elected by the American people as the 44th president of the United States, and the first African-American to take the nation’s highest office.

On Tuesday night, he returned to the stage in his hometown, this time to say goodbye. In ten days, he will leave the White House; Donald Trump will take his spot. But despite the cynicism from some about this prospect, Obama’s remarks on Tuesday — his final address to the nation — was, once again, one of hope . He spoke of the myriad accomplishments of his two-term presidency: the achievement of marriage equality, consistent job growth, the expansion of healthcare, and the normalization of relations with Cuba, to name a few. He also urged his fellow citizens to uphold American values. “Our democracy is threatened when any of us take it for granted,” he said.

The full transcript of his speech is below.

[*] OBAMA: Hello Skybrook! (APPLAUSE) It’s good to be home! (APPLAUSE) Thank you, everybody! (APPLAUSE) Thank you. (APPLAUSE) Thank you. (APPLAUSE) Thank you so much, thank you. Thank you. Thank you. (APPLAUSE) It’s good to be home. Thank you. (APPLAUSE) We’re on live TV here, I’ve got to move. (APPLAUSE) You can tell that I’m a lame duck, because nobody is following instructions. (LAUGHTER) Everybody have a seat. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes that we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we have seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people — in living rooms and in schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant military outposts — those conversations are what have kept me honest, and kept me inspired, and kept me going. And every day, I have learned from you. You made me a better president, and you made me a better man. So I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, and I was still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. And it was a neighborhood not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. (CROWD CHANTING “FOUR MORE YEARS”) I can’t do that. Now this is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, and they get engaged, and they come together to demand it. After eight years as your president, I still believe that. And it’s not just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea — our bold experiment in self-government. It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union. What a radical idea, the great gift that our Founders gave to us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, and toil, and imagination — and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a common good, a greater good. For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande. It’s what pushed women to reach for the ballot. It’s what powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan — and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well. (APPLAUSE) So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow. Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard. It has been contentious. Sometimes it has been bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some. (APPLAUSE) If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history — if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, take out the mastermind of 9-11 — if I had told you that we would win marriage equality and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens — if I had told you all that, you might have said our sights were set a little too high. But that’s what we did. That’s what you did. You were the change. The answer to people’s hopes and, because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started. In 10 days the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy. No, no, no, no, no. The peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected President to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face. We have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet those challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on earth. Our youth, our drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention means that the future should be ours. But that potential will only be realized if our democracy works. Only if our politics better reflects the decency of our people. Only if all of us, regardless of party affiliation or particular interests help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now. And that’s what I want to focus on tonight, the state of our democracy. Understand democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders argued, they quarreled, and eventually they compromised. They expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity. The idea that, for all our outward differences, we’re all in this together, that we rise or fall as one. There have been moments throughout our history that threatened that solidarity. And the beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality, demographic change, and the specter of terrorism. These forces haven’t just tested our security and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids and create good jobs and protect our homeland. In other words, it will determine our future. To begin with, our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. (APPLAUSE) And the good news is that today the economy is growing again. Wages, incomes, home values and retirement accounts are all rising again. Poverty is falling again. (APPLAUSE) The wealthy are paying a fair share of taxes. Even as the stock market shatters records, the unemployment rate is near a 10-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. (APPLAUSE) Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in 50 years. And I’ve said, and I mean it, anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system, that covers as many people at less cost, I will publicly support it. (APPLAUSE) Because that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or take credit. But to make people’s lives better. (APPLAUSE) But, for all the real progress that we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. Our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class, and ladders for folks who want to get into the middle class. (APPLAUSE) That’s the economic argument. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic idea. While the top 1 percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many of our families in inner cities and in rural counties have been left behind. The laid off factory worker, the waitress or health care worker who’s just barely getting by and struggling to pay the bills. Convinced that the game is fixed against them. That their government only serves the interest of the powerful. That’s a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics. Now there’re no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocations won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes a lot of good middle class jobs obsolete. And so we’re going to have to forge a new social compact to guarantee all our kids the education they need. (APPLAUSE) To give workers the power… (APPLAUSE) … to unionize for better wages. (CHEERS) To update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now. (APPLAUSE) And make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and the individuals who reap the most from this new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their very success possible. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come. There’s a second threat to our democracy. And this one is as old as our nation itself. After my election there was talk of a post-racial America. And such a vision, however well intended, was never realistic. Race remains a potent… (APPLAUSE) … and often divisive force in our society. Now I’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were 10 or 20 or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say. (APPLAUSE) You can see it not just in statistics. You see it in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum. But we’re not where we need to be. And all of us have more work to do. (APPLAUSE) If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and an undeserving minority, then workers of all shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. (APPLAUSE) If we’re unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we will diminish the prospects of our own children — because those brown kids will represent a larger and larger share of America’s workforce. (APPLAUSE) And we have shown that our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women. So if we’re going to be serious about race going forward, we need to uphold laws against discrimination — in hiring, and in housing, and in education, and in the criminal justice system. (APPLAUSE) That is what our Constitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won’t be enough. Hearts must change. It won’t change overnight. Social attitudes oftentimes take generations to change. But if our democracy is to work the way it should in this increasingly diverse nation, then each one of us need to try to heed the advice of a great character in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view, until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.” For blacks and other minority groups, that means tying our own very real struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face. Not only the refugee or the immigrant or the rural poor or the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white guy who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but has seen his world upended by economic, and cultural, and technological change. We have to pay attention and listen. (APPLAUSE)

Read More: President Barack Obama Says Goodbye in a Forceful and Tearful Farewell Speech

For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ’60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment that our founders promised. (APPLAUSE) For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles, who it was said were going to destroy the fundamental character of America. And as it turned out, America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these newcomers embraced this nation’s creed, and this nation was strengthened. (APPLAUSE) So regardless of the station we occupy; we all have to try harder; we all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family just like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own. (APPLAUSE) (CHEERING) And that’s not easy to do. For too many of us it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods, or on college campuses, or places of worship, or especially our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. In the rise of naked partisanship and increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste, all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly we become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting only information, whether it’s true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out there. (APPLAUSE) And this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Look, politics is a battle of ideas. That’s how our democracy was designed. In the course of a healthy debate, we prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts, without a willingness to admit new information and concede that your opponent might be making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, then we’re going to keep talking past each other. (CROWD CHEERS) And we’ll make common ground and compromise impossible. And isn’t that part of what so often makes politics dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on pre-school for kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It’s not just dishonest, it’s selective sorting of the facts. It’s self-defeating because, as my mom used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you. Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, we’ve doubled our renewable energy, we’ve led the world to an agreement that (at) the promise to save this planet. (APPLAUSE) But without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change. They’ll be busy dealing with its effects. More environmental disasters, more economic disruptions, waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary. Now we can and should argue about the best approach to solve the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations, it betrays the essential spirit of this country, the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our founders. (CROWD CHEERS) It is that spirit — it is that spirit born of the enlightenment that made us an economic powerhouse. The spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral, the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket, it’s that spirit. A faith in reason and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, that allowed us to build a post-World War II order with other democracies. An order based not just on military power or national affiliations, but built on principles, the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion and speech and assembly and an independent press. (APPLAUSE) That order is now being challenged. First by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam. More recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who seek free markets in open democracies and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far reaching than a car bomb or a missile. They represent the fear of change. The fear of people who look or speak or pray differently. A contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable. An intolerance of dissent and free thought. A belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right. Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform. Because of our intelligence officers and law enforcement and diplomats who support our troops… (APPLAUSE) … no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) And although… (APPLAUSE) … Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We have taken out tens of thousands of terrorists, including Bin Laden. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) The global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed. And no one who threatens America will ever be safe. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) And all who serve or have served — it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your commander-in-chief. (CHEERS) And we all owe you a deep debt of gratitude. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) But, protecting our way of life, that’s not just the job of our military. Democracy can buckle when it gives into fear. So just as we as citizens must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. (APPLAUSE) And that’s why for the past eight years I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. (APPLAUSE) That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans… (CHEERS) … who are just as patriotic as we are. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) That’s why… (APPLAUSE) That’s why we cannot withdraw… (APPLAUSE) That’s why we cannot withdraw from big global fights to expand democracy and human rights and women’s rights and LGBT rights. (APPLAUSE) No matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem, that’s part of defending America. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened. So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. (APPLAUSE) Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world — unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors. Which brings me to my final point — our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. (APPLAUSE) All of us, regardless of party, should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. (APPLAUSE) When voting rates in America are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should be making it easier, not harder, to vote. (APPLAUSE) When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes. (APPLAUSE) But remember, none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power happens to be swinging. Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power. We, the people, give it meaning — with our participation, and with the choices that we make and the alliances that we forge. Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law, that’s up to us. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured. In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken… to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth.” And so we have to preserve this truth with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one. (APPLAUSE) America, we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character aren’t even willing to enter into public service. So course with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are seen, not just as misguided, but as malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others. (APPLAUSE) When we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt. And when we sit back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them. (CROWD CHEERS) It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy. Embrace the joyous task we have been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours because, for all our outward differences, we in fact all share the same proud type, the most important office in a democracy, citizen. (APPLAUSE) Citizen. So, you see, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there’s an election, not just when you own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the Internet, try talking with one of them in real life. (APPLAUSE) If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do some organizing. (CROWD CHEERS) If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clip board, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. (CROWD CHEERS) Show up, dive in, stay at it. Sometimes you’ll win, sometimes you’ll lose. Presuming a reservoir in goodness, that can be a risk. And there will be times when the process will disappoint you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been part of this one and to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America and in Americans will be confirmed. Mine sure has been. (APPLAUSE) Over the course of these eight years, I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I have mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in a Charleston church. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch. I’ve seen Wounded Warriors who at points were given up for dead walk again. I’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I’ve seen the youngest of children remind us through their actions and through their generosity of our obligations to care for refugees or work for peace and, above all, to look out for each other. So that faith that I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change, that faith has been rewarded in ways I could not have possibly imagined. And I hope your faith has too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home, you were there with us in 2004 and 2008, 2012. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) Maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off. (CHEERS) Let me tell you, you’re not the only ones. (LAUGHTER) Michelle… (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) Michelle LaVaughn Robinson of the South Side… (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) … for the past 25 years you have not only been my wife and mother of my children, you have been my best friend. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) You took on a role you didn’t ask for. And you made it your own with grace and with grit and with style, and good humor. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. (CHEERS) And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) You have made me proud, and you have made the country proud. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) Malia and Sasha… (CHEERS) … under the strangest of circumstances you have become two amazing young women. (CHEERS) You are smart and you are beautiful. But more importantly, you are kind and you are thoughtful and you are full of passion. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) And… (APPLAUSE) … you wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I have done in my life, I am most proud to be your dad. (APPLAUSE) To Joe Biden… (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) … the scrappy kid from Scranton… (CHEERS) … who became Delaware’s favorite son. You were the first decision I made as a nominee, and it was the best. (CHEERS) (APPLAUSE) Not just because you have been a great vice president, but because in the bargain I gained a brother. And we love you and Jill like family. And your friendship has been one of the great joys of our lives. (APPLAUSE) To my remarkable staff, for eight years, and for some of you a whole lot more, I have drawn from your energy. And every day I try to reflect back what you displayed. Heart and character. And idealism. I’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. You guarded against cynicism. And the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good that we’ve done is the thought of all the amazing things that you are going to achieve from here. (APPLAUSE) And to all of you out there — every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town, every kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change — you are the best supporters and organizers anybody could ever hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because you did change the world. (APPLAUSE) You did. And that’s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans — especially so many young people out there — to believe that you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. Let me tell you, this generation coming up — unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic — I’ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, that it’s not something to fear but something to embrace, you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result the future is in good hands. (APPLAUSE) My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won’t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my remaining days. But for now, whether you are young or whether you’re young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your president — the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago. I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change — but in yours. I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written: Yes, we can. (APPLAUSE) Yes, we did. (APPLAUSE) Yes, we can. (APPLAUSE) Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America. Thank you. (APPLAUSE)

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Obama shares concerns after shaky debate, offers Biden his advice

The former president told allies that Biden’s already tough path to reelection grew more challenging after his debate performance on Thursday.

Former president Barack Obama has privately told allies who have reached out to him that President Biden’s already tough path to reelection grew more challenging after his shaky debate performance on Thursday — a harsher assessment of the presidential race than his public comments, according to several people familiar with his remarks.

Obama separately spoke directly with Biden by phone after last Thursday’s debate to offer his support as a sounding board and private counselor for his embattled former vice president, the people said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss private conversations. It is unclear how directly Obama addressed Biden’s performance and his path to reelection on the call.

“President Biden is grateful for President Obama’s unwavering support since the very start of this campaign as both a powerful messenger to voters and a trusted adviser directly to the president,” Lauren Hitt, a spokeswoman for the Biden campaign, said in a statement. A spokesperson for Obama declined to comment.

Obama has long harbored worries about his party defeating Donald Trump in November, repeatedly warning Biden in recent months about how challenging it will be to win reelection. Just before the debate, Obama conveyed to allies his concerns about the state of the race.

As some Democrats call for Biden to drop out of the presidential race amid widespread panic, Obama has not voiced that conclusion. He sees his role as being helpful to Biden based on their history of working together, the people said. On Friday, Obama appeared at a fundraiser in New York for House Democrats, where he expressed continued support for Biden.

“Bad debate nights happen,” Obama wrote on social media after the debate. “Trust me, I know. But this election is still a choice between someone who has fought for ordinary folks his entire life and someone who only cares about himself. Between someone who tells the truth; who knows right from wrong and will give it to the American people straight — and someone who lies through his teeth for his own benefit. Last night didn’t change that, and it’s why so much is at stake in November.”

But for months, Obama has shared with Biden and friends his deep concerns about Trump’s political strengths and the real possibility he is elected again in November. In December, during a private lunch at the White House, Obama discussed the need for Biden to empower his campaign apparatus, suggesting he install a more senior-level decision-maker at the Wilmington headquarters. The next month, Jennifer O’Malley Dillon and Mike Donilon left the White House to serve as campaign chair and chief strategist, respectively.

Last June, Obama outlined Trump’s political strengths during a private lunch with Biden, telling him that Trump benefited from an intensely loyal following, a Trump-friendly conservative media ecosystem and a deeply polarized country. During that lunch, Obama also promised to help Biden with his campaign.

Obama, the Democratic Party’s biggest star, has appeared at two major fundraisers with Biden in recent months. Last month, Biden and Obama headlined a Los Angeles fundraiser with George Clooney and Julia Roberts that raised more than $30 million. In April, Biden, Obama and former president Bill Clinton appeared together at Radio City Music Hall in New York City, raising more than $26 million.

Dan Balz contributed to this report.

The world must prepare for President Michelle Obama

This is the candidate Trump would truly fear. But will the former First Lady throw her hat into the ring?

The 2024 US Presidential race intensifies. Speculation abounds over potential replacements for President Joe Biden amid increasing pressure from his party and the media to step aside after a jaw-dropping, catastrophic debate against Donald Trump last week. Among the names circulating, a game-changer is emerging: Michelle Obama. Could this be America’s worst nightmare?

Polls indicate that Obama is not only a strong potential replacement for Biden but also considerably outpaces other likely candidates including Biden’s vice president, Kamala Harris, and California Governor Gavin Newsom. 

Despite her galvanising popularity and unique insight gained as first lady, Michelle Obama has consistently rejected calls to enter the political fray. Her reluctance is well-documented and stems from a deep-seated dislike of partisan politics and a strong desire to avoid the gruelling pressures associated with campaigning and governing. This aversion to politics was articulated in her 2018 memoir, “Becoming,” and reiterated in various interviews where she expressed contentment with her post-White House life, focusing on advocacy and personal projects rather than public office.

Popular though she is in some quarters, Michelle Obama nonetheless remains a deeply polarising figure to many Americans, largely due to past statements that critics may feel should disqualify her from the presidency. During her husband’s 2008 campaign, Michelle Obama remarked, “For the first time in my adult lifetime, I am really proud of my country”. The comment was met with widespread criticism, with detractors questioning her patriotism. 

Further, her speech at the 2016 Democratic National Convention, where she highlighted that the White House was built by slaves , drew criticism from those who felt the remarks were divisive or inappropriate. And in a 2008 speech, she described America as “just downright mean,” a statement that opponents seized upon to paint her as unpatriotic or ungrateful.

These past remarks continue to be an irreconcilable transgression for her critics, casting a shadow over her potential candidacy and rendering her potentially more divisive than Biden. 

In any case, Republicans must prepare for the possibility of candidate Michelle Obama. Should she decide to run, she would present a formidable challenge to any opponent, including former President Donald Trump. Unlike the oft criticised, at times catatonic Joe Biden, Michelle Obama’s dynamic presence and energetic following could rejuvenate the Democratic base and attract a broader electorate. 

Her entry into the race would force Trump to abandon business as usual and adopt a more strategic approach to the new reality. He would need to surround himself with robust policy advisers whose counsel he will value and select a vice president who appeals to a diverse audience. 

But, again, would Ms Obama really throw her hat into this ring? Her focus remains on her philanthropic endeavours and personal pursuits, away from the relentless spotlight of politics. Nevertheless, the unpredictability of the political landscape means that any scenario, no matter how unlikely it may seem now, could come to fruition.

The 2024 Presidential race is fraught with uncertainties, and Michelle Obama’s potential candidacy could be a dramatic inflection point. While she has repeatedly expressed a desire to stay out of the political arena, desperate speculation of her entering the race has already begun to percolate among the panic-stricken Democrat chattering classes, terrified of a Trump victory. Should she decide to run, Obama could be an unbeatable opponent, compelling all contenders, especially Donald Trump, to reassess their strategies and adapt their campaigns to address the challenge she would present.

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The UK is about to get a new prime minister — someone Obama has been mentoring for months

• Keir Starmer is poised to become the UK's next prime minister.
• He's had help opening up about his personal story from an unlikely source: Barack Obama.
• Exit polls suggest Starmer's party winning with an estimated overall majority of 170 seats.

Britons have voted and counting is underway as the UK gears up for a radical change in leadership.

Observers are expecting a landslide win for the left-wing Labour Party, which would make its leader, Keir Starmer , prime minister and end 14 years of Conservative Party rule.

"Today, Britain can begin a new chapter," Starmer said as voting began Thursday. "A new age of hope and opportunity after 14 years of chaos and decline."

Indeed, according to exit polls by Ipsos UK, as of Thursday evening, Starmer's party is in the lead with an estimated 410 seats, which is equivalent to an overall majority of 170.

A winning party needs to win at least 326 seats in order to form a government. Counting is still underway, but Starmer seems set to secure victory, despite criticism that he's often described as lacking charisma .

Jill Rutter, a research fellow at the London research group UK in a Changing Europe, told The New York Times he "does look relatively prime-ministerial," but added, "He's not going to set hearts racing."

Starmer entered politics relatively late, first being elected to the UK's House of Commons age 52 in 2015. Before that, he was a lawyer who rose to become the chief prosecutor for England and Wales; he had a big public profile but no need to ask the public for votes.

As a candidate for high office, Starmer has had no choice but to tell his back story. Since becoming Labour leader in 2020, he's stressed his humble roots, often describing how his father worked as a toolmaker and his mother a nurse while they raised their children in a "pebble-dash semi," a small home adjoining another property.

But Starmer has seemed, at times, ill at ease with the public display of emotion needed to tell his story, despite it being a political asset that offers a stark contrast with the current prime minister, Rishi Sunak .

Sunak, a former Goldman Sachs banker, is married to Akshata Murty, the daughter of the Indian billionaire and Infosys founder N. R. Narayana Murthy. The Sunday Times reported in May that the couple's net worth was £651 million, which is about $830 million.

In recent months, Starmer has made a concerted effort to appear more relatable to voters and emphasize that contrast.

He's been helped by an unlikely mentor: former US President Barack Obama .

Obama encouraged Starmer to be vulnerable

In a series of Zoom calls, Obama, who served as US president from 2009 until 2017, encouraged Starmer to become more vulnerable and open with the public and has spoken with the Labour leader about the difficult decisions he made in the Oval Office.

Politico reported that the pair were first introduced by David Lammy, one of Starmer's key lieutenants, who will become his foreign secretary if Labour wins.

Speaking on Politico's "Power Play" podcast in March, Lammy said he and Obama had known each other for 20 years since meeting at an event for Black alumni of Harvard University.

When Obama dropped in to meet Sunak in March , he also met Lammy for dinner, The Telegraph reported.

Lammy said Obama's influence on Starmer was apparent when the Labour leader recently opened up about his family's backstory "much more comfortably than perhaps we saw a few years ago."

"And I know that Obama has strong views that Keir should do that," he added.

Lammy was speaking after Starmer gave an extended interview to Sky News , in which he described how his mother had Still's disease, a rare type of inflammatory arthritis.

He said his father spent most of his time looking after her, and this had "squeezed" his "emotional space" and made him more emotionally distant from his children.

"I probably should have addressed that before he passed, and I wish I had, but I didn't," Starmer added.

Kitty Donaldson , a political journalist in the UK, told Business Insider this interview marked a turning point in Starmer's public display of emotion.

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"Up until that point, Starmer had been very stiff, very practical, very straitlaced," Donaldson said, adding that Obama "unlocked" and "gave permission" for Starmer to open up.

"In terms of his leadership style, it's had an impact," she said. "Obama is quite laid back. This campaign has been more laid back than we have seen, and he seemed to enjoy going up and down the country speaking to people."

Tom Packer , an honorary research fellow at University College London who specializes in US politics and elections, told BI that Starmer's backstory had become a "theme of the campaign."

He said it helped challenge the idea that all UK politicians come from a "posh background" without struggle.

Obama could advise Starmer on how to deal with Trump

Obama's and Starmer's relationship is likely to continue if Starmer wins the election on Thursday.

Obama has helped Starmer since at least 2021, when The Guardian reported that they were involved in two hours' worth of private talks with Lammy about how center-left parties could return to power.

Speaking on the " Power Play " podcast in September, Starmer said Obama was the US president he spoke to "most frequently."

"I've spoken to him a number of times, and his analysis on the world is always interesting, his challenges, and just going through with him what he faced, how he rose to the challenges," Starmer said.

"It is always useful to test my ideas on people who won elections, people who've taken difficult decisions in power because that helps me think about how we might approach some of the decisions we might have to take if we do win that election," he added.

Packer said Obama and Starmer's relationship made sense, given the decadeslong ties between the UK's Labour Party and the US Democratic Party.

Donaldson meanwhile suggested Starmer might seek advice from Obama on dealing with Donald Trump if the former president is reelected in November.

Trump is leading the polls, and Biden's shaky performance during the first presidential debate on June 27 has led Democrats to panic and urge him to step aside for another candidate .

Speaking to Politico last September, Starmer said his team had been in talks with Biden, adding, "It's clear what my desired outcome would be."

Packer told BI that Starmer and his team wouldn't want to put "their eggs in one basket" and would be eager to secure "some kind of relationship with Trump that works," regardless of their political differences.

Trump "finds it hard to be nasty about people that are nice to him," Packer said.

He added that if Starmer were "nice," a Labour government could end up with a good relationship with Trump "even if they disagree with him on policy."

He noted that Starmer had been careful to avoid making anti-Trump comments during his election campaign.

In an interview with BBC Radio 5 last week, Starmer was asked whether he agreed with Lammy's 2018 description of Trump as a "woman-hating neo-Nazi-sympathizing sociopath" and a "profound threat to the international order."

"Those aren't words that I've ever used," Starmer responded.

"I know the job of the person who leads our country is to deal with the leaders of other countries, who are elected by their people. You don't always get to choose the leaders of other countries," he continued.

Lammy has also softened his stance. He told a summit in May that Trump's position on European defense was "misunderstood" and he merely "wants Europeans to do more to ensure a better defended Europe," according to Politico .

After Trump was convicted of paying Stormy Daniels hush money , Starmer called it "unprecedented."

But he said, "We will work with whoever is elected," adding, "We have a special relationship with the US that transcends whoever the president is."

Correction: July 4, 2024 — An earlier version of this story misspelled N. R. Narayana Murthy's surname as Murty. It also misstated the date of Trump and Biden's first presidential debate. It was on June 27, not June 28.

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Hurricane Beryl aims at Mexico tourist hotspots after soaking Jamaica, Caymans

Hurricane Beryl zeroed in on Mexico's top tourist resorts on Thursday evening after churning past the Cayman Islands and belting Jamaica with winds that tore apart buildings and uprooted trees.