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President Biden’s Full Inauguration Speech, Annotated

President Biden used his Inaugural Address to urge Americans to come together to take on the challenges ahead.

‘Democracy Has Prevailed’: Biden Calls for National Unity

President joseph. r biden jr. emphasized the importance of unity in his first speech as president of the united states..

Today, we celebrate the triumph not of a candidate, but of a cause — the cause of democracy. The people, the will of the people has been heard, and the will of the people has been heeded. We’ve learned again that democracy is precious. Democracy is fragile. And at this hour, my friends, democracy has prevailed. [applause] So now on this hallowed ground, where just a few days ago, violence sought to shake the Capitol’s very foundation, we come together as one nation, under God, indivisible, to carry out the peaceful transfer of power as we have for more than two centuries. As we look ahead in our uniquely American way — restless, bold, optimistic — and set our sights on a nation we know we can be, and we must be. To restore the soul and secure the future of America requires so much more than words. It requires the most elusive of all things in a democracy: unity. With unity, we can do great things, important things. We can right wrongs. We can put people to work in good jobs. We can teach our children in safe schools. We can overcome the deadly virus. We can reward work and rebuild the middle class, and make health care secure for all. We can deliver racial justice, and we can make America, once again, the leading force for good in the world.

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By Glenn Thrush

President Biden delivered this address on Wednesday after taking the oath of office. These are his remarks as prepared for delivery.

Chief Justice Roberts, Vice President Harris, Speaker Pelosi, Leader Schumer, Leader McConnell, Vice President Pence, distinguished guests, and my fellow Americans. This is America’s day. This is democracy’s day.

Glenn Thrush, WASHINGTON Correspondent:

From his opening words, President Biden made clear this would be a sober summons to service largely stripped of the rhetorical filigree often associated with inaugural addresses. He recognized the profound damage inflicted by the Jan. 6 riot at the Capitol and defined his assumption of power as “democracy’s day” — to contrast his approach with President Donald J. Trump’s view of the office as an extension of his personal power.

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Watch CBS News

Read the full text of Biden's inaugural address

By Alex Sundby

January 20, 2021 / 1:38 PM EST / CBS News

President Biden took the oath of office on the West Front of the U.S. Capitol on Wednesday, four years after he attended the inauguration of President Trump as the outgoing vice president. Mr. Trump didn't attend Mr. Biden's inauguration, flying instead on Air Force One earlier in the day to his Florida home.

The inauguration comes two weeks after supporters of Mr. Trump attacked the U.S. Capitol , which led authorities to lock down the surrounding area and close the National Mall to the crowd that traditionally gathers on Inauguration Day.

As Mr. Biden moves into the White House, the nation faces both a public health and an economic crisis stemming from the COVID-19 pandemic . The U.S. death toll from the disease surpassed 400,000 on Mr. Trump's last full day in office, and health experts expected it to top half a million in February, Mr. Biden's first full month in office.

Read the full text of Mr. Biden's inaugural address as prepared for delivery below, and follow the latest developments on Inauguration Day here .

Chief Justice Roberts, Vice President Harris, Speaker Pelosi, Leader Schumer, Leader McConnell, Vice President Pence, distinguished guests, and my fellow Americans. 

This is America's day.

This is democracy's day.

A day of history and hope.

Of renewal and resolve.

Through a crucible for the ages America has been tested anew and America has risen to the challenge.

Today, we celebrate the triumph not of a candidate, but of a cause, the cause of democracy.

The will of the people has been heard and the will of the people has been heeded.

We have learned again that democracy is precious.

Democracy is fragile.

And at this hour, my friends, democracy has prevailed.

So now, on this hallowed ground where just days ago violence sought to shake this Capitol's very foundation, we come together as one nation, under God, indivisible, to carry out the peaceful transfer of power as we have for more than two centuries.

We look ahead in our uniquely American way - restless, bold, optimistic - and set our sights on the nation we know we can be and we must be.

I thank my predecessors of both parties for their presence here.

I thank them from the bottom of my heart.

You know the resilience of our Constitution and the strength of our nation.

As does President Carter, who I spoke to last night but who cannot be with us today, but whom we salute for his lifetime of service.

I have just taken the sacred oath each of these patriots took - an oath first sworn by George Washington.

But the American story depends not on any one of us, not on some of us, but on all of us.

On "We the People" who seek a more perfect Union.

This is a great nation and we are a good people.

Over the centuries through storm and strife, in peace and in war, we have come so far. But we still have far to go.

We will press forward with speed and urgency, for we have much to do in this winter of peril and possibility.

Much to repair.

Much to restore.

Much to heal.

Much to build.

And much to gain.

Few periods in our nation's history have been more challenging or difficult than the one we're in now.

A once-in-a-century virus silently stalks the country.

It's taken as many lives in one year as America lost in all of World War II.

Millions of jobs have been lost.

Hundreds of thousands of businesses closed.

A cry for racial justice some 400 years in the making moves us. The dream of justice for all will be deferred no longer.

A cry for survival comes from the planet itself. A cry that can't be any more desperate or any more clear.

And now, a rise in political extremism, white supremacy, domestic terrorism that we must confront and we will defeat.

To overcome these challenges - to restore the soul and to secure the future of America - requires more than words.

It requires that most elusive of things in a democracy:

In another January in Washington, on New Year's Day 1863, Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation.

When he put pen to paper, the President said, "If my name ever goes down into history it will be for this act and my whole soul is in it."

My whole soul is in it.

Today, on this January day, my whole soul is in this:

Bringing America together.

Uniting our people.

And uniting our nation.

I ask every American to join me in this cause.

Uniting to fight the common foes we face:

Anger, resentment, hatred.

Extremism, lawlessness, violence.

Disease, joblessness, hopelessness.

With unity we can do great things. Important things.

We can right wrongs.

We can put people to work in good jobs.

We can teach our children in safe schools.

We can overcome this deadly virus.

We can reward work, rebuild the middle class, and make health care secure for all.

We can deliver racial justice.

We can make America, once again, the leading force for good in the world.

I know speaking of unity can sound to some like a foolish fantasy.

I know the forces that divide us are deep and they are real.

But I also know they are not new.

Our history has been a constant struggle between the American ideal that we are all created equal and the harsh, ugly reality that racism, nativism, fear, and demonization have long torn us apart.

The battle is perennial.

Victory is never assured.

Through the Civil War, the Great Depression, World War, 9/11, through struggle, sacrifice, and setbacks, our "better angels" have always prevailed.

In each of these moments, enough of us came together to carry all of us forward.

And, we can do so now.

History, faith, and reason show the way, the way of unity.

We can see each other not as adversaries but as neighbors.

We can treat each other with dignity and respect.

We can join forces, stop the shouting, and lower the temperature.

For without unity, there is no peace, only bitterness and fury.

No progress, only exhausting outrage.

No nation, only a state of chaos.

This is our historic moment of crisis and challenge, and unity is the path forward.

And, we must meet this moment as the United States of America.

If we do that, I guarantee you, we will not fail.

We have never, ever, ever failed in America when we have acted together.

And so today, at this time and in this place, let us start afresh.

Let us listen to one another.

Hear one another. See one another.

Show respect to one another.

Politics need not be a raging fire destroying everything in its path.

Every disagreement doesn't have to be a cause for total war.

And, we must reject a culture in which facts themselves are manipulated and even manufactured.

My fellow Americans, we have to be different than this.

America has to be better than this.

And, I believe America is better than this.

Just look around.

Here we stand, in the shadow of a Capitol dome that was completed amid the Civil War, when the Union itself hung in the balance.

Yet we endured and we prevailed.

Here we stand looking out to the great Mall where Dr. King spoke of his dream.

Here we stand, where 108 years ago at another inaugural, thousands of protestors tried to block brave women from marching for the right to vote.

Today, we mark the swearing-in of the first woman in American history elected to national office - Vice President Kamala Harris.

Don't tell me things can't change.

Here we stand across the Potomac from Arlington National Cemetery, where heroes who gave the last full measure of devotion rest in eternal peace.

And here we stand, just days after a riotous mob thought they could use violence to silence the will of the people, to stop the work of our democracy, and to drive us from this sacred ground.

That did not happen.

It will never happen.

Not tomorrow.

To all those who supported our campaign I am humbled by the faith you have placed in us.

To all those who did not support us, let me say this: Hear me out as we move forward. Take a measure of me and my heart.

And if you still disagree, so be it.

That's democracy. That's America. The right to dissent peaceably, within the guardrails of our Republic, is perhaps our nation's greatest strength.

Yet hear me clearly: Disagreement must not lead to disunion.

And I pledge this to you: I will be a President for all Americans.

I will fight as hard for those who did not support me as for those who did.

Many centuries ago, Saint Augustine, a saint of my church, wrote that a people was a multitude defined by the common objects of their love.

What are the common objects we love that define us as Americans?

I think I know.

Opportunity.

And, yes, the truth.

Recent weeks and months have taught us a painful lesson.

There is truth and there are lies.

Lies told for power and for profit.

And each of us has a duty and responsibility, as citizens, as Americans, and especially as leaders - leaders who have pledged to honor our Constitution and protect our nation - to defend the truth and to defeat the lies.

I understand that many Americans view the future with some fear and trepidation.

I understand they worry about their jobs, about taking care of their families, about what comes next.

But the answer is not to turn inward, to retreat into competing factions, distrusting those who don't look like you do, or worship the way you do, or don't get their news from the same sources you do.

We must end this uncivil war that pits red against blue, rural versus urban, conservative versus liberal.

We can do this if we open our souls instead of hardening our hearts.

If we show a little tolerance and humility.

If we're willing to stand in the other person's shoes just for a moment. Because here is the thing about life: There is no accounting for what fate will deal you.

There are some days when we need a hand.

There are other days when we're called on to lend one.

That is how we must be with one another.

And, if we are this way, our country will be stronger, more prosperous, more ready for the future.

My fellow Americans, in the work ahead of us, we will need each other.

We will need all our strength to persevere through this dark winter.

We are entering what may well be the toughest and deadliest period of the virus.

We must set aside the politics and finally face this pandemic as one nation.

I promise you this: as the Bible says weeping may endure for a night but joy cometh in the morning.

We will get through this, together

The world is watching today.

So here is my message to those beyond our borders: America has been tested and we have come out stronger for it.

We will repair our alliances and engage with the world once again.

Not to meet yesterday's challenges, but today's and tomorrow's.

We will lead not merely by the example of our power but by the power of our example.

We will be a strong and trusted partner for peace, progress, and security.

We have been through so much in this nation.

And, in my first act as President, I would like to ask you to join me in a moment of silent prayer to remember all those we lost this past year to the pandemic.

To those 400,000 fellow Americans - mothers and fathers, husbands and wives, sons and daughters, friends, neighbors, and co-workers.

We will honor them by becoming the people and nation we know we can and should be.

Let us say a silent prayer for those who lost their lives, for those they left behind, and for our country.

This is a time of testing.

We face an attack on democracy and on truth.

A raging virus.

Growing inequity.

The sting of systemic racism.

A climate in crisis.

America's role in the world.

Any one of these would be enough to challenge us in profound ways.

But the fact is we face them all at once, presenting this nation with the gravest of responsibilities.

Now we must step up.

It is a time for boldness, for there is so much to do.

And, this is certain.

We will be judged, you and I, for how we resolve the cascading crises of our era.

Will we rise to the occasion?

Will we master this rare and difficult hour?

Will we meet our obligations and pass along a new and better world for our children?

I believe we must and I believe we will.

And when we do, we will write the next chapter in the American story.

It's a story that might sound something like a song that means a lot to me.

It's called "American Anthem" and there is one verse stands out for me:

"The work and prayers of centuries have brought us to this day What shall be our legacy? What will our children say?... Let me know in my heart When my days are through America America I gave my best to you."

Let us add our own work and prayers to the unfolding story of our nation.

If we do this then when our days are through our children and our children's children will say of us they gave their best.

They did their duty.

They healed a broken land. My fellow Americans, I close today where I began, with a sacred oath.

Before God and all of you I give you my word.

I will always level with you.

I will defend the Constitution.

I will defend our democracy.

I will defend America.

I will give my all in your service thinking not of power, but of possibilities.

Not of personal interest, but of the public good.

And together, we shall write an American story of hope, not fear.

Of unity, not division.

Of light, not darkness.

An American story of decency and dignity.

Of love and of healing.

Of greatness and of goodness.

May this be the story that guides us.

The story that inspires us.

The story that tells ages yet to come that we answered the call of history.

We met the moment.

That democracy and hope, truth and justice, did not die on our watch but thrived.

That our America secured liberty at home and stood once again as a beacon to the world.

That is what we owe our forebearers, one another, and generations to follow.

So, with purpose and resolve we turn to the tasks of our time.

Sustained by faith.

Driven by conviction.

And, devoted to one another and to this country we love with all our hearts.

May God bless America and may God protect our troops.

Thank you, America.

  • Joe Biden 2021 Presidential Inauguration

Alex Sundby is a senior editor at CBSNews.com. In addition to editing content, Alex also covers breaking news, writing about crime and severe weather as well as everything from multistate lottery jackpots to the July Fourth hot dog eating contest.

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U.S. President Joe Biden's full inauguration speech

'we must end this uncivil war that pits red against blue,' biden said in call to action.

an inaugural speech

Inaugural address of U.S. President Joe Biden

Social sharing.

Here is the full text of the inaugural address, delivered by U.S. President Joe Biden on Wednesday. 

Chief Justice Roberts, Vice-President Harris.

Speaker Pelosi, Leader Schumer, Leader McConnell, Vice President Pence, and my distinguished guests, my fellow Americans, this is America's day. This is democracy's day. A day of history and hope, of renewal and resolve. Through a crucible for the ages, America has been tested anew and America has risen to the challenge.

Today, we celebrate the triumph not of a candidate, but of a cause. The cause of democracy. The people, the will of the people has been heard and the will of the people has been heeded. We've learned again that democracy is precious. Democracy is fragile. And at this hour, my friends, democracy has prevailed.

So now, on this hallowed ground, where just a few days ago violence sought to shake the Capitol's very foundation, we come together as one nation under God, indivisible, to carry out the peaceful transfer of power as we have for more than two centuries.

an inaugural speech

'A sacred oath'

As we look ahead in our uniquely American way, restless, bold, optimistic and set our sights on the nation we know we can be and we must be. I thank my predecessors of both parties for their presence here today. I thank them from the bottom of my heart and I know —

And I know the resilience of our Constitution and the strength, the strength of our nation, as does President Carter, who I spoke with last night, who cannot be with us today but whom we salute for his lifetime of service.

I've just taken a sacred oath each of those patriots have taken. The oath first sworn by George Washington. But the American story depends not in any one of us, not on some of us, but on all of us. On we, the people who seek a more perfect union. This is a great nation. We are good people. And over the centuries, through storm and strife, in peace and in war, we've come so far, but we still have far to go.

We'll press forward with speed and urgency, for we have much to do in this winter of peril and significant possibilities. Much to repair, much to restore, much to heal, much to build and much to gain.

an inaugural speech

Once-in-a-century virus

Few people in our nation's history have been more challenged or found a time more challenging or difficult than the time we are in now. Once-in-a-century virus that silently stalks the country has taken as many lives in one year as America lost in all of World War II.

Millions of jobs have been lost. Hundreds of thousands of businesses closed. A cry for racial justice some 400 years in the making moves us. The dream of justice for all will be deferred no longer.

The cry for survival comes from the planet itself. A cry that can't be any more desperate or any more clear. And now a rise of political extremism, white supremacy, domestic terrorism that we must confront and we will defeat.

To overcome these challenges, to restore the soul and secure the future of America requires so much more than words. It requires the most elusive of all things in a democracy. Unity. Unity.

'My whole soul is in it'

In another January, on New Year's Day in 1863, Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation. When he put pen to paper, the president said, and quote, "If my name ever goes down into history, it will be for this act and my whole soul is in it."

My whole soul is in it.

Today on this January day, my whole soul is in this. Bringing America together. Uniting our people. Uniting our nation. And I ask every American to join me in this cause.

Uniting to fight the foes we face: anger, resentment, and hatred, extremism, lawlessness, violence, disease, joblessness and hopelessness.

With unity, we can do great things, important things. We can right wrongs. We can put people to work in good jobs. We can teach our children in safe schools. We can overcome the deadly virus. We can reward — reward work and rebuild the middle class and make health care secure for all. We can deliver racial justice, and we can make America once again the leading force for good in the world.

an inaugural speech

Biden references unity, forces that divide

I know speaking of unity can sound to some like a foolish fantasy these days. I know the forces that divide us are deep and they are real, but I also know they are not new. Our history has been a constant struggle between the American ideal that we are all created equal and the harsh, ugly reality that racism, nativism, fear, demonization have long torn us apart. The battle is perennial and victory is never assured.

Through Civil War, the Great Depression, world war, 9/11, through struggle, sacrifice and setbacks, our better angels have always prevailed. In each of these moments, enough of us, enough of us have come together to carry all of us forward, and we can do that now.

History, faith and reason show the way, the way of unity. We can see each other not as adversaries but as neighbours. We can treat each other with dignity and respect. We can join forces, stop the shouting and lower the temperature.

For without unity, there is no peace, only bitterness and fury, no progress, only exhausting outrage; no nation, only a state of chaos. This is our historic moment of crisis and challenge, and unity is the path forward. And we must meet this moment as the United States of America.

If we do that, I guarantee you we will not fail. We have never ever, ever, ever failed in America when we have acted together, and so today at this time in this place, let's start off fresh, all of us. Let's begin to listen to one another again, hear one another, see one another, show respect to one another. Politics doesn't have to be a raging fire destroying everything in its path. Every disagreement doesn't have to be a cause for total war, and we must reject the culture in which facts themselves are manipulated and even manufactured.

'We have to be different'

My fellow Americans, we have to be different than this. America has to be better than this, and I believe America is so much better than this. Just look around here, we stand in the shadow of the Capitol dome — as was mentioned earlier completed amid the Civil War when the union itself was literally hanging in the balance.

Yet we endured, we prevailed. Here we stand, looking out on the great mall where Dr. King spoke of his dream. Here we stand where 108 years ago, at another inaugural, thousands of protesters tried to block brave women marching for the right to vote, and today we mark the swearing-in of the first woman in American history elected to national office, Vice-President Kamala Harris.

Don't tell me things can't change. Here we stand across the Potomac from Arlington Cemetery, where heroes who gave the last full measure of devotion rest in eternal peace, and here we stand just days after a riotous mob thought they could use violence to silence the will of the people, to stop the work of our democracy, to drive us from this sacred ground. It did not happen; it will never happen, not today, not tomorrow, not ever. Not ever.

To all of those who supported our campaign, I am humbled by the faith you have placed in us. To all of those who did not support us, let me say this: Hear me out as we move forward, take a measure of me and my heart. If you still disagree, so be it, that's democracy, that's America. The right to dissent peaceably within the guardrails of our Republic is perhaps this nation's greatest strength. Yet hear me clearly: Disagreement must not lead to disunion, and I pledge this to you I will be a president for all Americans, all Americans.

And I promise you I will fight as hard for those who did not support me as for those who did.

Many centuries ago, St. Augustine, a saint in my church, wrote that a people was a multitude defined by the common objects of their love. What are the common objects we as Americans love that define us as Americans? I think we know. Opportunity, security, liberty, dignity, respect, honour and yes, the truth.

an inaugural speech

Calls on Americans to defeat the lies

Recent weeks and months have taught us a painful lesson. There is truth and there are lies, lies told for power and for profit, and each of us has a duty and a responsibility as citizens, as Americans and especially as leaders — leaders who have pledged to honour our Constitution and protect our nation — to defend the truth and defeat the lies.

Look, I understand that many of my fellow Americans view the future with fear and trepidation. I understand they worry about their jobs. I understand like my dad they lay in bed staring at the night — staring at the ceiling wondering can I keep my health care, can I pay my mortgage? Thinking about their families, about what comes next. I promise you I get it, but the answer is not to turn inward, to retreat into competing factions, distrusting those who don't look like — look like you or worship the way you do or don't get their news from the same source as you do.

We must end this uncivil war that pits red against blue, rural versus urban or conservative versus liberal. We can do this if we open our souls instead of hardening our hearts, if we show a little tolerance and humility and if we are willing to stand in the other person's shoes — as my mom would say — just for a moment stand in their shoes, because here's the thing about life: There's no accounting for what fate will deal you.

Some days when you need a hand, there are other days when we are called to lend a hand. That is how it has to be, and that is what we do for one another, and if we are this way, our country will be stronger, more prosperous, more ready for the future, and we can still disagree.

'The power of our example'

My fellow Americans, in the work ahead of us, we are going to need each other. We need all of our strength to preserve— to persevere through this dark winter. We are entering what may be the toughest and deadliest period of the virus. We must set aside politics and finally face this pandemic as one nation, one nation.

And I promise you this, as the Bible said: Weeping may endure for a night but joy cometh in the morning. We will get through this together, together.

Look, folks, all of my colleagues I have served with in the House and the Senate up here, we all understand the world is watching, watching all of us today, so here is my message to those beyond our borders. America has been tested and we've come out stronger for it. We will repair our alliances and engage with the world once again, not to meet yesterday's challenges but today's and tomorrow's challenges.

And we'll lead not merely by the example of our power, but by the power of our example.

We'll be a strong and trusted partner for peace, progress and security.

Country will be tested

Look, you all know we've been through so much in this nation. And in my first act as president, I'd like to ask you to join me in a moment of silent prayer, remember all those who we lost this past year to the pandemic — those 400,000 fellow Americans, moms, dads, husbands, wives, sons, daughters, friends, neighbours and co-workers.

We will honour them by becoming the people in the nation we know we can and should be. So, I ask you, let's say a silent prayer for those who've lost their lives and those left behind and for our country.

Folks, this is a time of testing. We face an attack on our democracy and on truth, a raging virus, growing inequity, the sting of systemic racism, a climate in crisis, America's role in the world. Any one of these would be enough to challenge us in profound ways, but the fact is we face them all at once, presenting this nation with a — one of the gravest responsibilities we had.

Now we're going to be tested. Are we going to step up, all of us? It's time for boldness, for there is so much to do. And this is certain. I promise you we will be judged, you and I, by how we resolve these cascading crises of our era.

Will we rise to the occasion is the question. Will we master this rare and difficult hour? Will we meet our obligations and pass along a new and better world to our children?

I believe we must. I'm sure you do as well. I believe we will. And when we do, we'll write the next great chapter in the history of the United States of America, the American story, a story that might sound something like a song that means a lot to me. It's called American Anthem. There's one verse that stands out at least for me, and it goes like this:

"The work and prayers of century have brought us to this day. What shall be our legacy? What will our children say? Let me know in my heart when my days are through. America, America, I gave my best to you."

Biden makes an oath

Let's add — let us add our own work and prayers to the unfolding story of our great nation. If we do this, then when our days are through, our children and our children's children will say of us they gave their best. They did their duty. They healed a broken land.

My fellow Americans, I close today where I began, with a sacred oath. Before God and all of you, I give you my word I will always level with you. I will defend the Constitution. I'll defend our democracy. I'll defend America. And I will give all, all of you, keep everything you — I do in your service, thinking not of power but of possibilities, not of personal interest but the public good. And together we shall write an American story of hope, not fear; of unity, not division; of light, not darkness; a story of decency and dignity, love and healing, greatness and goodness.

May this be the story that guides us, the story that inspires us and the story that tells ages yet to come that we answered the call of history. We met the moment. Democracy and hope, truth and justice did not die on our watch but thrived, that America secured liberty at home and stood once again as a beacon to the world. That is what we owe our forbears, one another and generations to follow.

So, with purpose and resolve, we turn to those tasks of our time, sustained by faith, driven by conviction, devoted to one another in the country we love with all our hearts. May God bless America and may God protect our troops.

Thank you, America.

  • Joe Biden sworn in as 46th U.S president, calls on Americans to 'end this uncivil war'

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President Joe Biden delivered his inaugural address with emphasis on a call for unity among Americans to combat the Covid-19 pandemic, work towards economic recovery and end partisan divides. Jan. 20, 2021

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Read the Full Text: Joe Biden's Inaugural Address

President biden's inaugural address called for unity to overcome challenges, published january 20, 2021 • updated on january 20, 2021 at 10:27 am.

Read the full text of Joseph R. Biden's Inaugural Address, as delivered on Jan. 20, 2021:

Chief Justice Roberts, Vice President Harris, Speaker Pelosi, Leader Schumer, Leader McConnell, Vice President Pence, and my distinguished guests, my fellow Americans.

This is America's day. This is democracy's day. A day of history and hope, of renewal and resolve.

Through a crucible for the ages. America's been tested anew, and America has risen to the challenge. Today, we celebrate the triumph not of a candidate, but of a cause. The cause of democracy.

The people, the will of the people, has been heard and the will of the people has been heeded. We've learned, again, that democracy is precious. Democracy is fragile. And at this hour, my friends, democracy has prevailed.

an inaugural speech

President Biden Calls for Unity in Inaugural Address

an inaugural speech

Kamala Harris' Inauguration Attire Champions Black Designers

So now on this hallowed ground, where just a few days ago, violence sought to shake the capitol's very foundation, we come together as one nation under God, indivisible, to carry out the peaceful transfer of power as we have for more than two centuries.

As we look ahead in our uniquely American way, restless, bold, optimistic, and set our sights on a nation we know we can be and we must be. I thank my predecessors of both parties for their presence here today. I thank them from the bottom of my heart and I know the resilience of our constitution and the strength, the strength of our nation as does President Carter, who I spoke with last night who cannot be with us today, but whom we salute for his lifetime of service.

I have just taken the sacred oath each of those patriots have taken, the oath first sworn by George Washington.

The American story depends not on any one of us, not on some of us, but on all of us. On we the people, who seek a more perfect union. This is a great nation. We are good people. Over the centuries, through storm and strife, in peace and in war, we come so far. But we still have far to go.

We will press forward with speed and urgency, for we have much to do in this winter of peril and significant possibilities -- much to repair, much to restore, much to heal, much to build, and much to gain.

Few people in our nation's history have been more challenged or found a time more challenging or difficult than the time we are in now: A once in a century virus that silently stalks the country. It has taken as many lives in one year as America lost in all of World War II. Millions of jobs have been lost. Hundreds of thousands of businesses closed.

A cry for racial justice, some 400 years in the making, moves us. The dream of justice for all will be deferred no longer.

A cry for survival comes from the planet itself, a cry that can't be any more desperate or any more clear.

And now a rise at political extremism, white supremacy, domestic terrorism that we must confront and we will defeat.

To overcome these challenges, to restore the soul, and to secure the future of America, requires so much more than words. It requires the most elusive of all things in a democracy: Unity. Unity.

In another January on New Year's Day in 1893, Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation. The president put pen to paper and said, and I quote, "If my name ever goes down in history, it will be for this act and my whole soul is in it." My whole soul was in it. Today on this January day, my whole soul is in this, bringing America together, uniting our people, uniting our nation and I ask every American to join me in this cause.

Uniting to fight the foes we face: Anger, resentment, and hatred. Extremism, lawlessness, violence, disease, joblessness, and hopelessness. With unity, we can do great things, important things. We can write wrongs, we can put people to work and good jobs, we can teach our children in safe schools. We can overcome the deadly virus. We can reward work and rebuild the middle class and make health care secure for all.

We can deliver racial justice and make America once again the leading force for good in the world. I know speaking of unity can sound to some like a foolish fantasy these days. I know the forces that divide us are deep and they are real. But I also know they are not new. Our history has been a constant struggle between the American ideal that we are all created equal and the harsh, ugly reality that racism, nativism, fear, demonization have long torn us apart.

The battle is perennial and victory is never assured. Through civil war, the great depression, World War, 9/11, through struggle, sacrifice, and setbacks, our better angels have always prevailed. In each of these moments, enough of us have come together to carry all of us forward. We can do that now. History, faith, and reason show the way. The way of unity.

We can see each other not as adversaries, but as neighbors. We can treat each other with dignity and respect. We can join forces, stop the shouting and lower the temperature. Without unity, there is no peace, only bitterness and fury. No progress, only exhausting outrage. No nation, only a state of this is our historic moment of crisis and challenge. Unity is the path forward. We must meet this moment as the United States of America.

If we do that, I guarantee you we will not fail. We have never ever failed in America. We have acted together.

Today at this time and this place, let's start afresh. All of us. Let's begin to listen to one another again. Hear one another, see one another, show respect to one another.

Politics does not have to be a raging fire destroying everything in its path. Every disagreement does not have to be a cause for total war. We must reject the culture to which facts themselves are manipulated and manufactured.

My fellow Americans, we have to be different than this. America has to be better than this. I believe America is so much better than this.

Look around. Here we stand in the shadow of the capitol dome, completed amid the civil war when the union itself was hanging in the balance. Yet we endured, we prevailed.

Here we stand across the Potomac from Arlington Cemetery, where heroes who gave the last full measure of devotion rest in eternal peace.

And here we stand just days after a riotous mob thought they could use violence to silence the will of the people, to stop the work of our democracy, to drive us from this sacred ground.

It did not happen. It will never happen. Not today, not tomorrow, not ever. Not ever.

For all those who have supported our campaign, I'm humbled by the faith you've placed in us. To all those who did not support us, let me say this, hear me out as we move forward, take a measure of me and my heart, and if you still disagree, so be it.

That's democracy. That's America. The right to dissent peaceably within the guardrails of our republic is perhaps this nation's greatest strength. Hear me clearly, disagreement must not lead to disunion. And I pledge this to you. I will be a president for all Americans. All Americans.

And I promise you, I will fight as hard for those who did not support me as for those who did.

Many centuries ago, St. Augustine, the saint of my church, wrote that a people was a multitude defined by the common objects of their love, defined by the common objects of their love.

What are the common objects we as Americans love that define us as Americans? I think we know. Opportunity. Security. Liberty. Dignity. Respect. Honor. And, yes, the truth.

Recent weeks and months have taught us a painful lesson. There is truth and there are lies. Lies told for power and for profit. And each of us has a duty and a responsibility as citizens, as Americans, and especially as leaders, leaders who have pledged to honor our Constitution and protect our nation, to defend the truth and defeat the lies.

Look, I understand that many of my fellow Americans view the future with fear and trepidation. I understand they worry about their jobs. I understand like my dad they lay in bed at night staring at the ceiling wondering can I keep my health care? Can I pay my mortgage? Thinking about their families. About what comes next. I promise you, I get it.

But the answer is not to turn inward, to retreat into competing factions, distrusting those who don't look like you or worship the way you do or don't get their news from the same sources you do.

We must end this uncivil war that pits red against blue, rural versus urban, conservative versus liberal.

We can do this if we open our souls instead of hardening our hearts, if we show a little tolerance and humility. And if we're willing to stand in the other person's shoes as my mom would say, just for a moment, stand in their shoes. Because here's the thing about life. There's no accounting for what fate will deal you. Some days when you need a hand, there are other days when we're called to lend a hand. That's how it has to be. That's what we do for one another. And if we are of this way, our country will be stronger, more prosperous, more ready for the future. And we can still disagree.

My fellow Americans, in the work ahead of us, we're going to need each other. We need all our strength to persevere through this dark winter.

We're entering what may be the toughest and deadliest period of the virus. We must set aside politics and finally face this pandemic as one nation. One nation.

And I promise you this -- as the Bible says, woe may endure for a night, but joy cometh in the morning. We will get through this together. Together.

Look folks, all my colleagues I serve with in the House and the Senate up here, we all understand the world is watching, watching all of us today. So here's my message to those beyond our borders.

America has been tested, and we've come out stronger for it. We will repair our alliances and engage with the world once again. Not to meet yesterday's challenges but today's and tomorrow's challenges.

And we'll lead not merely by the example of our power but by the power of our example.

We will be a strong and trusted partner for peace, progress, and security. Look, you all know, we've been through so much in this nation. And my first act as president, I'd like to ask you to join me in a moment of silent prayer to remember all those who we lost this past year to the pandemic, those 400,000 fellow Americans. Moms, dads, husbands, wives, sons, daughters, friends, neighbors, and co-workers.

We'll honor them by becoming the people and the nation we know we can and should be. So I ask you, let's say a silent prayer for those who have lost their lives and those left behind and for our country.

Folks, this is a time of testing. We face an attack on our democracy and untruth, a raging virus, growing inequity, the sting of systemic racism, a climate in crisis, America's role in the world. Any one of these would be enough to challenge us in profound ways, but the fact is we face them all at once, presenting this nation with one of the gravest responsibilities we've had.

Now we're going to be tested. Are we going to step up, all of us? It's time for boldness, for there's so much to do. And this is certain -- I promise you, we will be judged, you and I, by how we resolve these cascading crises of our era. Will we rise to the occasion is the question. Will we master this rare and difficult hour?

Will we meet our obligations and pass along a new and better world to our children? I believe we must. I'm sure you do as well. I believe we will. And when we do, we'll write the next great chapter in the history of the United States of America, the American story. A story that might sound something like a song that means a lot to me. It's called "American anthem."

There's one verse that stands out, at least for me. And it goes like this: "The work and prayers of the century have brought us to this day. What shall be our legacy, what will our children say? Let me know in my heart when my days are through. America, America, I gave my best to you."

Let's add, let us add our own work and prayers to the unfolding story of our great nation. If we do this, then when our days are through, our children and our children's children will say of us they gave their best, they did their duty, they healed a broken land.

My fellow Americans, I close today where I began, with a sacred oath. Before God and all of you, I give you my word, I will always level with you. I will defend the Constitution. I'll defend our democracy. I'll defend America. And I'll give all, all of you, keep everything I do in your service, thinking not of power but of possibilities, not of personal interest but the public good.

And together we shall write an American story of hope, not fear. Of unity, not division. Of light, not darkness. A story of decency and dignity, love and healing, greatness and goodness. May this be the story that guides us, the story that inspires us, and the story that tells ages yet to come that we answered the call of history, we met the moment.

Democracy and hope, truth and justice did not die on our watch but thrived, that America secured liberty at home and stood once again as a beacon to the world. That is what we owe our forebearers, one another, and generation to follow.

So with purpose and resolve, we turn to those tasks of our time, sustained by faith, driven by conviction, and devoted to one another and the country we love with all our hearts.

May God bless America, and may God protect our troops. Thank you, America.

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'This Is America's Day': Biden's Inaugural Address, Annotated

an inaugural speech

Joe Biden gives his inaugural address on Wednesday. Caroline Amenabar/NPR hide caption

Joe Biden gives his inaugural address on Wednesday.

Updated at 12:22 p.m. ET

Joe Biden addressed the nation for the first time as its 46th president on Wednesday. Biden spoke at a scaled-down event before a divided nation still reeling from the Jan. 6 riot at the U.S. Capitol and from the coronavirus pandemic that has now killed more than 400,000 Americans.

But his remarks were ones of hope.

"This is America's day. This is democracy's day, a day of history and hope, of renewal and resolve through a crucible for the ages," he said. "America has been tested anew, and America has risen to the challenge."

Inauguration Day Ceremony And Events

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NPR reporters from the Washington Desk and across the newsroom are providing live fact checks and analysis of Biden's remarks. Watch the address and read the annotations below. Follow NPR's full online coverage in our live blog .

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Inaugural Addresses

Table of Inaugural Addresses

Washington 1789 - Biden 2021

Included here as "Inaugural Addresses" are speeches made by elected presidents following a public ceremony in which they take the oath of office.  "Accidental" presidents may also have given (or issued) a prominent address following taking office, but we do not classify those as Inaugural Addresses.

1431
  135

2321
1730
  2166

1177
  1211
3375
  4472

2915
1128
  1176

3843
8460

4809
1090

3336
2831

3637
  700

1127
  1339
2486
2979

1686
4392

2015
3968
  2218

984
5434

1704
  1526
3329
4055
3672

1880
  1808
  1359
  559
2273

2459
  1658
1366

1507
2128
  1803

1229

2427
  2561
2320

1598
  2155
1592
  2071

2395
  2096
1433
2540

Citation: Gerhard Peters, "Table of Presidential Inaugural Addresses," The American Presidency Project . Santa Barbara, CA: University of California (hosted), Gerhard Peters (database), https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/node/324108

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The Inaugural Address: Why do presidents start a new term with a speech?

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The Inaugural Address graphic

The inaugural address, delivered by the president of the United States after they take the oath of office, is one of the most anticipated events each election cycle. The newly elected president is not required to deliver an inaugural address, but following the example of George Washington, it has become a tradition that kicks off a new president’s time in office. In this resource, learners will examine the purpose of inaugural addresses, consider why these speeches matter to the American people, and assess the goals and strategies employed by many presidents in their inaugural addresses. Learning is centered on this driving question: Why do presidents start a new term with a speech?

National Standards

Common core state standards, ccr anchor standards for writing.

CCSS.ELA-Literacy.CCRA.W.7 (Research to Build and Present Knowledge): Conduct short as well as more sustained research projects based on focused questions, demonstrating understanding of the subject under investigation.

CCSS.ELA-Literacy.CCRA.W.9 (Research to Build and Present Knowledge): Draw evidence from literary or informational texts to support analysis, reflection, and research.

CCR Anchor Standards for Speaking and Listening

CCSS.ELA-Literacy.CCRA.SL.2 (Comprehension and Collaboration): Integrate and evaluate information presented in diverse media and formats, including visually, quantitatively, and orally.

CCSS.ELA-Literacy.CCRA.SL.3 (Comprehension and Collaboration): Evaluate a speaker's point of view, reasoning, and use of evidence and rhetoric.

College, Career, and Civic Life (C3) Framework for Social Studies State Standards

2: applying disciplinary tools and concepts.

D2.Civ.2.6-8. (Civics): Explain specific roles played by citizens (such as voters, jurors, taxpayers, members of the armed forces, petitioners, protesters, and office-holders).

D2.Civ.6.6-8. (Civics): Describe the roles of political, civil, and economic organizations in shaping people's lives.

D2.Civ.8.6-8. (Civics): Analyze ideas and principles contained in the founding documents of the United States, and explain how they influence the social and political system.

D2.Civ.10.6-8. (Civics): Explain the relevance of personal interests and perspectives, civic virtues, and democratic principles when people address issues and problems in government and civil society.

D2.Civ.14.6-8. (Civics): Compare historical and contemporary means of changing societies, and promoting the common good.

D2.His.12.6-8. (History): Use questions generated about multiple historical sources to identify further areas of inquiry and additional sources.

D2.His.13.6-8. (History): Evaluate the relevancy and utility of a historical source based on information such as maker, date, place of origin, intended audience, and purpose.

D2.His.16.6-8. (History): Organize applicable evidence into a coherent argument about the past.

D2.Civ.5.9-12. (Civics): Evaluate citizens' and institutions' effectiveness in addressing social and political problems at the local, state, tribal, national, and/or international level.

D2.Civ.8.9-12. (Civics): Evaluate social and political systems in different contexts, times, and places, that promote civic virtues and enact democratic principles.

D2.Civ.10.9-12. (Civics): Analyze the impact and the appropriate roles of personal interests and perspectives on the application of civic virtues, democratic principles, constitutional rights, and human rights.

D2.Civ.14.9-12. (Civics): Analyze historical, contemporary, and emerging means of changing societies, promoting the common good, and protecting rights.

D2.His.12.9-12. (History): Use questions generated about multiple historical sources to pursue further inquiry and investigate additional sources.

D2.His.16.9-12. (History): Integrate evidence from multiple relevant historical sources and interpretations into a reasoned argument about the past.

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What is an inaugural address.

Presidents of the United States deliver a plethora of speeches during their time in office. One of the most important of them all is the inaugural address. What is an inaugural address? What is the intention of the speech, why is it so significant, and how can the President be sure to get it right? 

What is an inaugural address?

The inaugural address is the speech delivered by the President following their Oath of Office. It is a chance to speak directly to the nation and provide a clear message about the four years ahead. When well-crafted and delivered effectively, it can give the President a positive start to their first term .

Delivering an Address During an Inauguration

The inaugural address is a massive moment in the long inauguration process. There is a grand ceremony on the western front of the United States Capitol where the President and Vice President are sworn into office to begin the new term. After the oath at noon, the new President delivers their speech to the nation. 

The position of the ceremony allows the President to speak to hundreds of guests in attendance, but also thousands lining the National Mall and the millions watching on TV worldwide. It is no surprise that there is a lot of pressure to get the speech just right. 

Everything from the structure and length of the speech to the tone and eloquence of the delivery falls under a microscope. People will judge the new President based on these words, especially those that voted for the other guy. So, each speech must be bipartisan, inspiring, perfectly composed, and just the right length. 

The Length of an Inaugural Address

There is no specific length for an inaugural address. Presidents can make theirs as long or as short as they want. Some choose the former to make the most of their time and say all they need to say, while others keep it short and sweet. 

President George Washington’s second inaugural address was a good example of keeping things short. As the only person to hold office, there was no precedent in place or any expectation for a long speech and drawn-out speech. So, he said just 135 words, repeated the oath, and returned to work. 

Over the decades, the speech has become a more symbolic moment in the ceremony, with greater expectations over the message and length. When Washington’s Vice President , John Adams, won his election, he delivered a speech of 2308 words – including one 737-word sentence. The longest ever came from William Henry Harrison , with an 8,445-word address in the pouring rain. 

Quality Over Quantity Helps With a Good Inaugural Address

The length of a speech is nowhere near as important as the message within. We will probably forget how long we spent waiting for a speech to end but will share quotes and videos from a good speech for a long time. So, each new President has to ensure that they set out their goals and principles in an appropriately presidential manner without going too far. 

Franklin D Roosevelt was a good example of one who knew when to keep things short and to the point. His fourth address did not overstay its welcome at just 559 words. By this point, the nation knew the man and his ideals as he had been elected to a historic fourth term. On top of that, Roosevelt was keen to keep things simple with a basic ceremony at the White House due to America’s involvement in World War II. 

Creating a Strong Bipartisan Address

An inauguration marks a new chapter in the nation’s history, so it makes sense for the President to highlight this after taking the oath. Some will reflect on the chance to make improvements for the nation or to lead them out of times of trouble. Others will reaffirm their desire to continue their hard work and dedication for a second term. 

Ideally, these speeches should be bipartisan. This isn’t a time to talk down to the opposition in victory or to talk about all the ways a previous administration failed the nation. Doing so runs the risk of causing a divide in the crowds of people watching – either at the National Mall or on TV. 

President Joe Biden’s 2021 address is a good example of this with its opening lines. “This is America’s day. This is democracy’s day. A day of history and hope. Of renewal and resolve.” This speech set a strong positive tone, whereas his predecessor, Donald Trump’s speech, was criticized for its bleak and dystopian outlook. 

Who Writes the Presidential Inaugural Address?

You might assume that the President is the one to write the speech if it is such an important moment for them to articulate their vision and goals. However, the scale of the occasion and scrutiny of the speech means that this isn’t always the case. In the past, the first presidents undoubtedly did spend hours penning their own speeches, but not today.

The idea of the political speech writer is not such a big deal these days. We know that the White House has a communications team to create important speeches – often with multiple versions depending on a desired tone or outcome. They have been in use since the days of Calvin Coolidge . 

Therefore, it makes sense that this grand public address is another writer’s work. They are typically skilled and trusted members of the President’s team who can take the ideas and references given by the President and spin them into gold. 

The Inaugural Address Will Always Be an Important Moment in the Presidency

There will always be debate over who created the best or worst inaugural addresses in history. Often, the oratory skills of the man elevate the words into something even more profound. What is clear is that these speeches have great power, and each President must get it just right. Otherwise, the inauguration day address will go into the history books for all the wrong reasons. 

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Remembering the Best (and Worst) Presidential Inaugural Addresses

In two days, Joe Biden gets to do what  only thirty-nine other Americans  have ever done: deliver a presidential inaugural address. It is a tough task to do well under any circumstance. It’s even tougher when it comes against the backdrop of a pandemic that has killed 400,000 Americans and two weeks after a mob ransacked the U.S. Capitol.

It’s appropriate then that the theme of Biden’s inauguration is “ America United .” Unity over division was the core message of his campaign from the start. In the words of the Presidential Inaugural Committee, Biden hopes his inauguration will spark “the beginning of a new national journey that restores the soul of America, brings the country together, and creates a path to a brighter future.”

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That is a tall order. You don’t need to read the polls to know that Americans are deeply split. No single speech, however well written or delivered, can sweep away those differences—or the legacies they have created. But words matter. They can set a tone. They can make us think. They can give us hope.

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As Biden and his speechwriters fashion his remarks, they would do well to seek inspiration from what past presidents have said as they came to office in critical times. On that score, seven inaugural addresses stand out for their eloquence, their wisdom, and their vision. Perhaps Biden’s speech could join this list.

1.  Thomas Jefferson (1801) . Jefferson took office as the nation’s first political parties were taking shape. His election marked the first time that the presidency passed from one party to another. The man he defeated, John Adams, was so bitter over the election results that  he skipped the inauguration . But Jefferson understood the moment. He reminded his fellow citizens that more united than divided them:

But every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.

2.  Abraham Lincoln (1861) . As the United States stood on the brink of Civil War, Lincoln held out hope for his nation. He urged North and South to settle their differences within the Union rather than break it apart. His call went unheeded, but not for a lack of eloquence.

I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.

3.  Abraham Lincoln (1865) . Lincoln had good reason to be bitter as he took the oath of office for the second time. Thousands of his countrymen had died on the battlefield, and many thousands more had seen their lives uprooted. Many of his supporters wanted him to be unsparing in his treatment of the soon-to-be-defeated Confederacy. Rather than speaking of punishment and revenge, however, Lincoln delivered a speech of incredible generosity and wisdom.

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation’s wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.

4.  Theodore Roosevelt (1905) . TR took the oath of office just as the United States was coming into its own as a global power. He encouraged his fellow citizens to recognize their good fortune, and he called on them to undertake the hard work necessary to keep the United States a great power. In all, it was the inaugural address one would expect from a man who  wouldn’t let a bullet stop him from giving a speech .

Never before have men tried so vast and formidable an experiment as that of administering the affairs of a continent under the forms of a Democratic republic….Upon the success of our experiment much depends, not only as regards our own welfare, but as regards the welfare of mankind.

5.  Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1933) . FDR took office during the depth of the Great Depression. Facing a country gripped with uncertainty and self-doubt, he knew he needed to restore not just the public’s confidence in the economy but also in themselves. He succeeded.

So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself–nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.

6.  John F. Kennedy (1961) . As the 1960s dawned, Americans worried that their epic victory in World War II was being eclipsed by the inexorable march of global communism. JFK responded to these fears with a sweeping pledge that America would  bear any burden  in the defense of liberty. He added in an unforgettable call for Americans to support their country.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you–ask what you can do for your country.

7.  Ronald Reagan (1981) . The 1970s were a tough decade for the United States. It lost in Vietnam. The economy sagged. Interest rates, unemployment, and deficits all soared. Reagan promised to get America’s mojo back by dismantling big government. His inaugural address ushered in what in retrospect was a new, conservative era in American politics.

The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we’ve had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom. In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.

No list of the best inaugural addresses ever would be complete without mentioning which president delivered the worst one ever. You might think that the winner in this category would be William Henry Harrison. He took nearly two hours to deliver  an 8,000-word speech  outdoors, without a hat or coat, on a bitterly cold and snowy day. Pity the poor crowd that had to listen to that. (Or tried to listen to it. This was eighty years before loudspeakers were used for the first time.)

But no, that performance only earns William Henry Harrison third place. The two worst inaugural speeches ever given were by James Buchanan and Donald Trump. Buchanan used his  1,857-word speech  to complain that the country was so consumed in debating slavery that it was ignoring other, more important issues. Trump’s  1,433-word speech  railed against “American carnage” and painted such a dystopian picture of the United States that a former president in the audience  remarked , “That was some weird sh*t.” Perhaps the quality of an inaugural address says something about the quality of the presidency to follow. Buchanan tops  virtually every list  of the  worst presidents  in American history. Trump is likely  to join him  there.

Anna Shortridge assisted in the preparation of this post.

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Inauguration of the president of the United States

Inauguration Day is the day when the president-elect and vice-president-elect are sworn in and take office.

When is Inauguration Day?

Inauguration Day occurs every four years on January 20 (or January 21 if January 20 falls on a Sunday). The inauguration ceremony takes place at the U.S. Capitol building in Washington, DC. The next presidential inauguration is scheduled to be on January 20, 2025.

What is the presidential oath of office?

The vice-president-elect is sworn in first and repeats the same oath of office, in use since 1884, as senators, representatives, and other federal employees:

"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter: So help me God."

Around noon, the president-elect recites the following oath in accordance with Article II, Section I of the U.S. Constitution:

"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States."

What events take place on Inauguration Day?

The inauguration is planned by the Joint Congressional Committee on Inaugural Ceremonies (JCCIC). Inaugural events include the swearing-in ceremony, the inaugural address, and the pass in review. Learn more about each event from the JCCIC.

For more information on the history of presidential inaugurations, explore the inaugural materials from the collections of the Library of Congress.

LAST UPDATED: March 4, 2024

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Words Matter: What an Inaugural Address Means Now

Vanderbilt

Jan 15, 2021, 6:35 AM

UNIFYING THEME:  Polarization: Its Past, Present and Future

Presidents' words create national identity. For better or worse, presidential rhetoric tells the American people who they are.  Ultimately, a president's voice must provide the American people with a concrete vision of how-and more importantly, why-to move forward together.

RELATED NEWS  featuring Vanessa Beasley:

  • U.S. News & World Report:   "Limited Power for the World's Most Powerful Man"  (July 16, 2021)

By Vanessa B. Beasley , Associate Professor of Communication Studies and Vice Provost for Academic Affairs

Presidents' words matter.  Such a statement may seem especially relevant right now, but it has been true throughout the course of U.S. history. Richard Neustadt wrote in 1960 that "presidential power is the power to persuade," and much of his focus was on how chief executives must bargain with members from other branches of government. Yet consider how much of presidents' executive action can be done through their words alone as well as how far those words can now reach due to the rise of mass and social media. They can veto, nominate, declare war, agree to peace, issue executive orders, define the state of the union, and pardon.  Today, as Karlyn Kohrs Campbell and Kathleen Hall Jamieson have argued, "[P]residential rhetoric is the source of executive power, enhanced in the modern presidency by the ability to speak where, when, and on whatever topic they choose and to reach a national audience through coverage by the electronic media."

In the aftermath of the 2020 presidential election, many are thinking about the difference between what a president's words can do and what they should do.  Recent images of the Capitol steps captured this contrast clearly when insurrectionists, determined to break into the building and terrorize its occupants, transformed the scaffolding installed for the ceremony of a peaceful transfer of power on Inauguration Day into scaling ladders.  In the days since, amidst heightened fears for public safety, there have been recurring questions about what kinds of security will be required on Inauguration Day 2021.  But what kinds of words could possibly be deployed as well?

When we consider the history of what most presidents have said when inaugurated, it is worth remembering this is an invented tradition; there is no Constitutional requirement for a new president to give an inaugural address. The actual requirement is only for the new president to be sworn in and take an oath per Article II, Section 1.  Yet ever since George Washington chose to give an inaugural address in April 1789, in New York City, his successors have given such a speech.  In addition to becoming a traditional part of a larger civic ritual, over time this speech has come to occupy a unique space in the public performance of the presidency.

Listening to-and later, watching-an inaugural address can inform both U.S. citizens and the broader world alike what kind of leader a new president will be.  Think of a young John F. Kennedy, inexperienced in foreign policy, giving his inaugural address at the height of the Cold War, with outgoing president (and architect of D-Day) Dwight Eisenhower nearby in camera shot from almost every angle.  Today Kennedy's inaugural address may be remembered for its elegant, moving chiasmus-"Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country"-focused on domestic service. On the day it was given, though, the visual message designed for a global television audience in general and the Soviet Union in particular was meant to be just as noticeable: The United States might have a new president, but it was no less prepared to protect democracy around the world.

As this example indicates, a presidential inaugural address is arguably less about an individual president and more about how well and fully he (and one day soon, she) comprehends this new role and its symbolic import.  This speech offers the first public test.  Does the new office holder truly know how to act on the oath just taken, acknowledging the necessity to transcend the views of one person or one party?  In other words, this speech signals how much the new president understands what the presidency means-or can mean-to the American people, whose communal shared interests the U.S. president, as opposed to members of Congress shivering behind him, has vowed to safeguard. For this reason, the inaugural address needs to be grounded in historical tradition but also responsive to the emergent needs of its own time.

Arguably, few presidents have understood this need better than Washington did.  In his inaugural address, he referred to the speech itself as his "first official act" as president, a role many of his contemporaries were dubious about due to fears the position would simply replicate the British monarchy or otherwise steer too much power into a nascent federal system.  Within this context, Washington crafted the very first presidential words ever uttered for the purpose of reassuring his audience, those in attendance in the Senate Chamber as well as those who would read about the speech in the following days.  His intentions were clear. He would remain humble and serve despite his own "anxieties," a word he used in the first sentence; remain reverent to the "Almighty Being who rules over the universe" and who might presumably favor the new nation; and, more than anything else, remain obliged to the new Congress (acknowledging he understood the Constitutional limitations imposed on the executive) and therefore the "public good."

To define this wholly new concept of an American public good, Washington did not spell out a policy agenda but identified what his role as its guardian would require: "no local prejudices, or attachments; no separate views, nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests…." With Federalists and Anti-Federalists having been at odds about the structure and scope of the new government, Washington was not only carving out clear ground for the presidency, but he was also providing ideological rivals with an alternative way to view themselves.  They might remain political adversaries, but they should always remember that they were the custodians of an "experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people," who must surely remain focused on "a regard for the public harmony."

It would be up to Washington's successors to similarly define and eventually expand American national identity in such transcendent terms.  As I have argued elsewhere, the great majority of presidents have done so with remarkable similarity, using themes related to civil religion to define American identity as overriding other partisan or sectional allegiances.  Historically, civil religious themes have been associated with American national identity not only because of their pseudo-religious aspects (e.g.,  a promise of providential favor on the United States, as in Washington's inaugural, or the subsequent political appropriation of John Winthrop's scriptural framing of the land as "a shining city on a hill") but also because of the idea that the nation offered its citizens opportunities to become someone new, a recurring theme of American identity also famously captured by early foreign observers such as Crevecoeur and de Tocqueville.

This idea of the inaugural address as an invitation to collective renewal--of convening a new beginning, together--is also one of the patterns identified by Campbell and Jamieson in their study of the characteristic rhetorical elements consistent in all presidential inaugurals over time. Especially after contentious elections, they write, this first speech must respond to an urgent need to "unif[y] the audience by reconstituting its members as 'the people,' who can witness and ratify the ceremony." Viewed through this lens, the address is therefore not only an opportunity for presidents to demonstrate an understanding of their role, but it is also an opportunity for "the people" to do the same.

An example is Thomas Jefferson's first inaugural after the fiercely divisive election of 1800, which was also the first time an incumbent president had not been reelected.  To reunite a divided people, Jefferson did not ignore the reality of the divisions still among them or the unprecedented nastiness of the campaign.  "During the contest of opinion through which we have passed, the animation of discussion and of exertion has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak and to write what they think," he noted, reminding citizens that it was their unique democratic privilege to be able to disagree so openly about politics.  "But this now being decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the Constitution, all will, of course, arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good." Jefferson was defining American identity by setting a clear boundary:  Americans follow the rules, even when they do not like the outcome.

And yet of course any discussion of Jefferson's definition of American character must state the obvious: Like Washington, he was never really speaking to or about all of the inhabitants of the United States. There was no acknowledgement of enslaved people or indigenous people as part of this common good. There was no sense that these people were part of what was being reunited after an election or at any other time either.  Following the rules of the day, in fact, demanded otherwise, including the violent separation of kin and tribe in order to build a new nation. Likewise, while white women were considered invaluable to a virtuous republic, there was no understanding that their interests might be in any way different from the white men who voted presumably, if not always accurately, for them.

In 2021, an awareness of how many of "the people" have been ignored in prior inaugural addresses raises questions about what an inaugural address means now.  If it is to be rooted in rhetorical traditions, which ones?  Like other genres of presidential speech, inaugural addresses are constructed around pillars of baked-in impulses and assumptions held by previous generations about who deserved to be called an American and whose interests should be included in a non-partisan, unifying sense of the common good. Even one of the most beautiful phrases in any inaugural, Lincoln's appeal to the "better angels of our nature" in his first, gives pause when you realize that the "us" implied in Lincoln's sense of "our nature," was necessarily almost exclusively white and male because of who his intended audience in 1861 was as well as his stated intent in the same speech not to interfere with "the institution of slavery" during his presidency.

Does this fact mean that Lincoln's first words as president, like the traditions they were written to follow, are irrelevant to what presidents should do today when they invite the American people to renew their faith in a democratic republic? To the contrary, they are instructive exactly because they reveal where to begin the rhetorical work that remains to be done:  the revision of a tradition of presidential speech with the explicit goal of expanding the common good into something larger than partisan interest or individual gain, as the previous examples indicate, but also making it clear in unequivocal terms that everyone has a stake in this good.  Everyone.

At this moment, it may be difficult to imagine what that would sound like. Barack Obama's notion of the nation as an imperfect but evolving union comes to mind as one possible foundational trope, even though it originally came from one of his campaign speeches and not the bully pulpit.  It may also be true that, over time, the televised spectacle of the inauguration itself-coverage of the formal breakfast, the fancy dress balls, and even the breathiness of the news announcers pointing out who is and is not attending this time-has increasingly turned our collective attention to the ceremony as primarily a visual event rather an oratorical one.  If this is true, it could explain why Donald Trump clung so tightly to his claims about how many attendees packed onto the Capitol lawn and parade route in January, 2017. Perhaps his belief was that such imagery alone was sufficient to represent a nation united in its hopes for a new president.

Images are rhetorical, to be sure.  I began this essay by referencing the horrific images of the U.S. Capitol on the afternoon of January 6, 2021.  As haunting as those photographs and videos are, and as much as even a rhetorician like myself must concede that words cannot repair everything, words are almost always the place to start looking for both cause and effect.  Now is the moment to take seriously what presidents' words can do.

A president's words on Inauguration Day reveal not only what kind of president he or she will be, but they also should offer an idiom of identity the American people might imagine they can share.  In 2021, as it was in another speech given by Abraham Lincoln in 1863, it may be time to think carefully about how words may have the potential to remake America. At minimum, we must consider more expansively and honestly than ever before who "we" are, who "we" have been, and how "we" can move forward if the nation is to be renewed. Does the peaceful transition of power from one U.S. president to another require that a new chief executive give an inaugural address as part of a civic ritual of renewal? No.  Does the prospect of authentic unity among the American people depend on the invocation of an expansive "us" able to imagine a common good not yet realized? Yes.

Vanessa Beasley

  • Vanessa Beasley

Vanessa Beasley , a Vanderbilt University alumna and expert on the history of U.S. political rhetoric, is vice provost for academic affairs, dean of residential faculty and an associate professor of communication studies. As Vice Provost and Dean of Residential Faculty, she oversees Vanderbilt's growing Residential College System as well as the campus units that offer experiential learning inside and outside of the classroom.

Following stints on the faculty of Texas A&M University, Southern Methodist University and the University of Georgia, she returned to Vanderbilt in 2007 as a faculty member in the Department of Communication Studies . Active in the Vanderbilt community, she has served as chair of the Provost's Task Force on Sexual Assault, director of the Program for Career Development for faculty in the College of Arts and Science, and as a Jacque Voegeli Fellow of the Robert Penn Warren Center for the Humanities.

Beasley's areas of academic expertise include the rhetoric of American presidents, political rhetoric on immigration, and media and politics. She is the author of numerous scholarly articles, book chapters and other publications, and is the author of two books, Who Belongs in America? Presidents, Rhetoric , and Immigration and You, the People: American National Identity in Presidential Rhetoric, 1885-2000.  She was recently named president-elect of the Rhetoric Society of America , set to begin her term in July 2022.

Beasley attended Vanderbilt as an undergraduate and earned a bachelor of arts in speech communication and theatre arts. She also holds a Ph.D. in speech communication from the University of Texas at Austin.

[1] Richard Neustadt, Presidential Power and the Politics of Leadership (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1960), 11.

[2] Karlyn Kohrs Campbell and Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Presidents Creating the Presidency: Deeds Done in Words , 2 nd ed (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008), 6.

[3] Authenticated text available at https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/inaugural-address-2.

[4] Authenticated text available at https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/people/president/george-washington

[5] Authenticated text available at https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/people/president/george-washington

[6] Authenticated text available at https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/people/president/george-washington

[7] Vanessa B. Beasley, You, The People: American National Identity in Presidential Rhetoric (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2004).

[8] Karlyn Kohrs Campbell and Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Presidents Creating the Presidency: Deeds Done in Words , 2 nd ed (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008).

[9] Campbell and Jamieson, Presidents Creating the Presidency , 31.

[10] Authenticated text available at https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/inaugural-address-19

[11] Beasley, You, the People.

[12] Authenticated text available at https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/inaugural-address-34

[13] Authenticated text and audio available at https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=88478467

[14] Gary Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg: The Words that Remade America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992).

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  • Polarization
  • Polarization: Its Past Present and Future

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Rubenstein Center Scholarship

The Inaugural Address

Origins, Shared Elements, and Elusive Greatness

  • Colleen Shogan Senior Vice President and Director of the David M. Rubenstein Center

George Washington established the tradition of the inaugural address on April 30, 1789. After taking the presidential oath of office on the balcony of Federal Hall in New York City, he gave a speech inside the Senate chamber before members of Congress and invited dignitaries. Approximately one hundred people heard Washington speak. Many of the formal details, such as the location for the administration of the oath and his speech, were determined by parallel committees in the House of Representatives and the Senate. 1

Representative James Madison of Virginia persuaded Washington to give a short speech about governing values and principles rather than a long, detailed lecture elucidating plans for his presidency. 2 Senator William Maclay of Pennsylvania noted that President Washington, not particularly comfortable with oratory, trembled as he spoke during the twenty-minute address. In addition to his aversion to public speaking, Washington was also likely affected by the enormous grandeur of the moment marking the inception of a constitutional democracy in the United States. 3 Indeed, Washington began by admitting that “no greater event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order.” 4 Washington’s tempered reluctance and measured ambition are emphasized throughout his first inaugural, perhaps reflective of the doubts entertained by Anti-Federalists that an independent, unitary executive was not compatible with the principles of republican government.

The Inaugural Address: Origins, Shared Elements, and Elusive Greatness - Photo 1

Currier & Ives 1876 lithograph of the first inauguration of George Washington.

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Since Washington established the tradition of the inaugural address (such practice is not required by the United States Constitution), presidents have used their first speech to speak about the nation’s past, hopes for the future, and their general policy goals for the next four years. While public expectation and tradition dictate some constraints, considerable latitude remains, enabling presidents to adapt the address to their particular speaking style or preferred leadership posture.

Inaugural addresses vary in length, with an average of 2,337 words. William Henry Harrison gave the longest inaugural speech in history at 8,460 words. 5 The length of the speech may have cost Harrison his life; he contracted pneumonia soon thereafter and died one month later.

Due to developments in technology and expectations of the president’s public leadership, the method of delivery, its traditions, and immediate audience for the inaugural address has changed over time. In 1797, John Adams reversed the order of the oath and address, giving his speech first and then reciting the oath of office. Thomas Jefferson spoke inside the newly built Senate chamber in the United States Capitol in 1801; his address was subsequently distributed in writing by the National Intelligencer newspaper. In 1817, James Monroe became the first president to take the oath and give his inaugural address outdoors, in front of the Old Brick Capitol. In 1845, James Polk’s inaugural address was transmitted by telegraph, widening the proximate audience. During his second inauguration in 1865, Abraham Lincoln took the oath first and then gave his speech, reversing the previously established order. The first inaugural speech projected by an electronic amplification system was Warren Harding’s address in 1921; Calvin Coolidge’s in 1925 was the first broadcast on radio; and Herbert Hoover’s 1929 inaugural speech was the first recorded on newsreel. Harry Truman received the first televised coverage in 1949. In 1981, Ronald Reagan became the first president to take the oath of office and give his inaugural address on the West Front of the Capitol, facilitating a larger in-person audience. Previously, the East Portico of the Capitol had been used. In 1997, the Bill Clinton gave the first inaugural address broadcast live through the internet. 6

The Inaugural Address: Origins, Shared Elements, and Elusive Greatness - Photo 2

Photograph of Lincoln delivering his second inaugural address in 1865.

Although the transmission of inaugural addresses and the mode of dissemination have changed over time, it does not necessarily follow that form determines substance. 7 In fact, a careful examination indicates that common elements in inaugural addresses persist throughout American history.

Communication scholars Karlyn Kohrs Campbell and Kathleen Hall Jamieson treat the inaugural address as its own rhetorical genre. They argue that five key elements establish the inaugural as its own classification of presidential speech. 8 Throughout American history, inaugural addresses typically contain the following arguments or attributes:

  • Unification of the audience after an election
  • Celebration of the nation’s communal values
  • Establishment of political principles or policy goals for the president’s term in office
  • Demonstration of understanding executive power’s constitutional limits
  • Focusing on the present while incorporating elements of the past and future

Thinking about inaugural addresses as a distinct type of rhetoric enables an analysis that focuses on the similarities of speeches over time. Historian Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. believed that the inaugural address, as a genre of presidential rhetoric, was disadvantaged due to the numerous formulaic constraints placed upon it. He remarked in 1965, “The platitude quotient tends to be high, the rhetoric stately and self-serving, the ritual obsessive, and the surprises few.” 9

Despite Schlesinger’s doubts, several inaugural addresses have withstood the test of time and become noteworthy examples of presidential rhetoric. The persistence of common rhetorical elements throughout American history does not negate the fact that certain speeches have distinguished themselves as exemplary. 10

President Kennedy Speaks with Robert Frost

John F. Kennedy meets with poet Robert Frost in the White House’s Green Room on Inauguration Day in 1961.

To determine which are considered the most regarded examples of the genre, I consulted the recent rankings of inaugural addresses from six organizations: U.S. News and World Report , the Council on Foreign Relations, USA Today , the Washington Post , ABC News , and CNN . 11 These were the top searched rankings for “best inaugural addresses” online. After compiling a database of all rankings, I determined that there are five inaugural addresses in American history are commonly cited as the most historic, eloquent, and memorable. In chronological order with brief descriptions, they are:

Thomas Jefferson (1801)

In his first inaugural address, Jefferson realized the importance of a peaceful transition of power. After a contested election decided by the House of Representatives, he reached out to his political opponents in his speech, famously stating: “We are all republicans. We are all federalists.” He also established a firm call for unity and reconciliation: “Let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind.”

Abraham Lincoln (1865)

Lincoln’s second inaugural address was delivered shortly after the conclusion of the Civil War and less than six weeks before his assassination. Perhaps heralded as the most eloquent inaugural in American history, the speech attempted to examine the war and slavery in a broader context and establish principles for Reconstruction. His concluding sentence is often quoted, although not always in its entirety: “With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan-- to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations."

Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1933)

In his first inaugural, Roosevelt confronted the paralyzing force of the economic depression engulfing the country by diminishing its power: “So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself.” He then used a biblical reference (“money changers”) to describe those financiers responsible for money shortages. Then, Roosevelt argued for the aggressive, yet constitutional, use of federal power to ease the blight: “Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form.”

John F. Kennedy (1961)

This short, 14-minute speech contains perhaps the most famous sentence in the history of inaugural addresses: “And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.” Kennedy’s famous call for public service was one of the few lines in his speech focused on domestic policy. Most of the speech focused on the United States, foreign policy, and the Cold War. He included a number of principles to follow in world affairs, including “Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.”

Ronald Reagan (1981)

When Reagan became president, the nation faced an economic slowdown, rising inflation, and high unemployment. Reagan argued that a reduction in size and scope of the federal government was the answer: “In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.” After acknowledging the challenges ahead, Reagan infused his speech with unbridled optimism. He stated: “Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.”

The Inaugural Address: Origins, Shared Elements, and Elusive Greatness - Photo 3

The inauguration of Ronald Reagan in 1981, the first inaugural ceremony held on the West Front of the United States Capitol.

What do the most memorable inaugural addresses in American history have in common? First, they emphatically signify the end of political division and campaigning in an attempt to foster national unity. Second, they emphasize enduring governing principles instead of specific policy proposals. Third, they underscore the collective nature of ideas rather than focusing on the president in first person as the sole originator of those conceptions (“we” rather than “I”). Lastly, they tend to be shorter, under 2,000 words. 12 The abbreviated length may indicate the speech contains a singular theme or focus. 13

Inaugural addresses are the first time a new chief executive speaks directly the American people about their vision for the next four years. The purpose of inaugural rhetoric is not to sway public opinion. Instead, the text of inaugural speeches provides an initial blueprint of governance for the electorate. Additionally, inaugural addresses serve as a guidepost for historians, both contemporary and forthcoming, who will subsequently evaluate and contextualize a president’s decisions and leadership. For these reasons, it is no surprise that presidents and their closest advisers spend considerable time and energy crafting these speeches. The gravitas surrounding a presidential inaugural address is a familiar reminder that there is no second chance for a first impression.

This was originally published on November 18, 2020

Footnotes & Resources

  • Edward J. Larson. The Return of George Washington 1783-1789 . New York: HarperCollins, 2014. pp. 287-288.
  • Richard Brookhiser. Founding Father: Rediscovering George Washington. New York: The Free Press, 1996. p. 76.
  • “George Washington’s First Inaugural Address, April 30, 1789.” The National Archives . https://www.archives.gov/legis...
  • “Washington’s Inaugural Address of 1789: A Transcription.” The National Archives. https://www.archives.gov/exhib...
  • “Inaugural Address Lengths.” https://www.potus.com/presiden...
  • CBS News. https://www.cbsnews.com/htdocs...
  • Colleen J. Shogan. “Rhetorical Moralism in the Plebiscitary Presidency: New Speech Forms and Their Ideological Entailments.” Studies in American Political Development , 17 (Fall 2003) 149-167.
  • Karlyn Kohrs Campbell and Kathleen Hall Jamieson. Presidents Creating the Presidency: Deeds Done in Words . 2nd edition. University of Chicago Press, 2008.
  • Jill Lepore. “The Speech.” The New Yorker . Vol. 84, Issue 44 (January 12, 2009), p. 49.
  • Lee Sigelman. “Presidential Inaugurals: The Modernization of a Genre.” Political Communication , 13 (1996) 81-92.
  • While not a large meta-analysis, by surveying six lists of the “best inaugural addresses” in American history, the confidence of these five addresses being the most historically noteworthy is substantial. The rankings are provided here: https://www.cfr.org/blog/remembering-best-and-worst-inaugural-addresses, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-fix/wp/2013/01/18/the-10-most-famous-inaugural-addresses/, https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/onpolitics/2017/01/17/best-and-worst-inaugural-addresses/96664320/, https://www.usnews.com/opinion/articles/2013/01/18/the-5-best-inaugural-addresses, https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/OTUS/best-worst-inaugural-addresses/story?id=18253082, https://www.cnn.com/2013/01/20/politics/top-5-inaug-addresses/index.html.
  • The exception is Ronald Reagan’s 1981 speech, which was 2,463 words.
  • “What the Best Inaugural Addresses Have in Common.” Vox. January 19, 2017.

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In April 1789, George Washington took the oath of office in New York City. Constitutional guidelines for inaugurations are sparse, offering only the date and the words of the oath. All else is driven by tradition. After the oath is administered the president gives an address, usually one stressing national unity. Inaugural events have become more elaborate over the years, including

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On April 30, 1789, George Washington took the oath of office in New York City. Later he said of this new presidential role, "I walk on untrodden ground." Inauguration Day began with the sounds of ceremonial artillery and church bells ringing across New York City, our nation's first capital. At noon Washington made his way through large crowds to Federal Hall where

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A reviewing stand is usually constructed for the use of the president during the inaugural parade, the necessity arising as inaugural parades got longer — sometimes lasting for more than five hours. The design of these stands has varied greatly over time, with some being little more than platforms, while others were ornate two-story edifices. In the past, additional grandstands were co

Presidential Inaugurations: Celebrate New Times

Thomas Jefferson’s 1801 inaugural, the first held in the city of Washington, bore little resemblance to modern extravaganzas. Avoiding monarchical touches, Jefferson, after walking to the Capitol for his swearing-in, read his address, and returned to his boarding house. As time passed, simple civilian and militia escorts eventually evolved into fancy inaugural parades. Grover Cleveland’s 1885 inaugural parade lasted three hour

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Presidential Inaugural Addresses

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Published: January 22, 2021

"Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation:—“I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States." The Constitution of the United States, Article II, Section I

In addition to the Constitutionally-mandated Oath of Office, Presidents since George Washington have customarily given inaugural addresses upon assuming office. On GovInfo, these addresses are included within the daily and bound versions of the Congressional Record. Until 1937, Presidential Inaugurations were held on March 4th. The date was changed to January 20th as part of the 20th Amendment .

For Presidents prior to Ulysses S. Grant, see the Joint Congressional Committee on Inaugural Ceremonies' Inaugurations site .

Inaugural Addresses

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  • Swearing-In following the Assassination of President McKinley - Saturday, September 14, 1901
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  • First Inaugural Address - Thursday, March 04, 1897
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  • Inaugural Address - Monday, March 04, 1889

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  • First Inaugural Address - Wednesday, March 04, 1885

Chester Arthur (1881-1885)

  • Swearing-In following the Assassination of President Garfield - Tuesday, September 20, 1881

James A. Garfield (1881)

  • Inaugural Address - Friday, March 04, 1881

Rutherford B. Hayes (1877-1881)

  • Inaugural Address - Monday, March 05, 1877

Ulysses S. Grant (1869-1877)

  • First Inaugural Address - Thursday, March 04, 1869
  • Second Inaugural Address - Tuesday, March 04, 1873

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US lawmakers pledge support for Taiwan and its new president after China’s military drills

A US congressional delegation met Taiwan’s new president Monday in a show of support shortly after China held drills around the self-governing island in response to his inauguration speech.

In this photo released by the Taiwan Presidential Office, Taiwan President Lai Ching-te, right, puts on a cowboy hat given by Rep. Michael McCaul, R-Texas during a meeting in Taipei, Taiwan, Monday, May 27, 2024. A U.S. congressional delegation met Taiwan's new leader on Monday in a show of support shortly after China held drills around the self-governing island in response to his inauguration speech. (Taiwan Presidential Office via AP)

In this photo released by the Taiwan Presidential Office, Taiwan President Lai Ching-te, right, puts on a cowboy hat given by Rep. Michael McCaul, R-Texas during a meeting in Taipei, Taiwan, Monday, May 27, 2024. A U.S. congressional delegation met Taiwan’s new leader on Monday in a show of support shortly after China held drills around the self-governing island in response to his inauguration speech. (Taiwan Presidential Office via AP)

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In this photo released by the Taiwan Presidential Office, Taiwan President Lai Ching-te, right, shakes hands with Rep. Michael McCaul, R-Texas during a meeting in Taipei, Taiwan, Monday, May 27, 2024. A U.S. congressional delegation met Taiwan’s new leader on Monday in a show of support shortly after China held drills around the self-governing island in response to his inauguration speech. (Taiwan Presidential Office via AP)

In this photo released by the Taiwan Presidential Office, Taiwan President Lai Ching-te, second right, meets with Rep. Michael McCaul, fourth right, R-Texas and his congressional delegation during a meeting in Taipei, Taiwan, Monday, May 27, 2024. A U.S. congressional delegation met Taiwan’s new leader on Monday in a show of support shortly after China held drills around the self-governing island in response to his inauguration speech. (Taiwan Presidential Office via AP)

In this photo released by the Taiwan Presidential Office, Rep. Michael McCaul, R-Texas, center, delivers his speech during a meeting with Taiwan President Lai Ching-te, right, in Taipei, Taiwan, Monday, May 27, 2024. A U.S. congressional delegation met Taiwan’s new leader on Monday in a show of support shortly after China held drills around the self-governing island in response to his inauguration speech. (Taiwan Presidential Office via AP)

In this photo released by the Taiwan Presidential Office, Taiwan President Lai Ching-te, right, shares a light moment with Rep. Michael McCaul, R-Texas after receiving a cowboy hat in Taipei, Taiwan, Monday, May 27, 2024. A U.S. congressional delegation met Taiwan’s new leader on Monday in a show of support shortly after China held drills around the self-governing island in response to his inauguration speech. (Taiwan Presidential Office via AP)

In this photo released by the Taiwan Presidential Office, Taiwan President Lai Ching-te, right, talks to Rep. Michael McCaul, R-Texas during a meeting in Taipei, Taiwan, Monday, May 27, 2024. A U.S. congressional delegation met Taiwan’s new leader on Monday in a show of support shortly after China held drills around the self-governing island in response to his inauguration speech. (Taiwan Presidential Office via AP)

TAIPEI, Taiwan (AP) — A U.S. congressional delegation met Taiwan’s new leader on Monday in a show of support days after China held drills around the self-governing island in response to his inauguration.

Rep. Andy Barr, the co-chair of the Taiwan caucus in the U.S. Congress, said the United States is fully committed to supporting Taiwan militarily, diplomatically and economically.

“There should be no doubt, there should be no skepticism in the United States, Taiwan or anywhere in the world, of American resolve to maintain the status quo and peace in the Taiwan Strait,” the Republican from Kentucky said at a news conference in the capital, Taipei, after the delegation met Taiwan President Lai Ching-te.

China regards Taiwan as a renegade province that must come under its control, by force if necessary. The U.S., like most countries, does not have formal diplomatic ties with Taiwan but is bound by its own laws to provide the island with the means to defend itself.

The Chinese government expressed strong opposition to the congressional visit, saying it undermined China-U.S. relations and peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, referring to the waterway between China and Taiwan.

An injured man is brought to the Government Medical College Hospital in Jammu after the bus he was traveling in fell into a deep gorge in the Pouni area of Jammu's Reasi district, India, Sunday, June 9, 2024. Officials in Indian-controlled Kashmir say at least nine people have been killed after suspected militants fired at a bus with Hindu pilgrims, which then fell into a deep gorge. (AP Photo/Channi Anand)

The lawmakers’ five-day visit “ran against the political commitment of the U.S. government to maintain only unofficial relations with Taiwan, sending a seriously wrong signal to the separatist force of Taiwan independence,” Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Mao Ning said in Beijing.

Lai, who took office one week ago, is expected to continue the policies of Tsai Ing-wen, his predecessor from the same Democratic Progressive Party.

The new foreign minister, Lin Chia-lung, noted the recent Chinese drills and called the American delegation’s visit “an important gesture of solidarity” at a critical time.

The delegation included four Republicans and two Democrats and was led by Rep. Michael McCaul, the chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. Last year, China sanctioned the Texas Republican after he visited Taiwan in April.

“America is and always will be a reliable partner, and no amount of coercion or intimidation will slow down or stop the routine visits by the Congress to Taiwan,” he said.

McCaul cited congressional approval last month of a military aid bill for Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan. China firmly opposes the U.S. arming Taiwan, Mao said.

The other delegation members were Republicans Young Kim from California and Joe Wilson from South Carolina and Democrats Jimmy Panetta from California and Chrissy Houlahan from Pennsylvania.

Moritsugu reported from Hong Kong. Associated Press video producer Liu Zheng in Beijing contributed to this report.

Follow AP’s Asia-Pacific coverage at https://apnews.com/hub/asia-pacific

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Congressman’s son steals the spotlight while his dad delivers remarks at the Capitol

A U.S. representative's 6-year-old son became a hit with news junkies after videos of him making hilarious faces during his dad's speech on the House floor went viral.

On June 3, Rep. John Rose of Tennessee brought his young son Guy with him to the Capitol where he stole the show by sticking out his tongue as his dad spoke out against former president Donald Trump’s recent felony convictions on 34 counts of falsifying business records related to a hush money payment during the 2016 presidential election.

In a video posted by C-SPAN on X , Rose speaks while unaware that young Guy is sitting behind him mugging for the camera.

Congressman's son puts on quite the performance on the House floor

Guy begins his show by grinning for the camera before sticking out his tongue and rolling his eyes upward. At other points, the fidgety child busies himself by making various shapes with his hands.

He also plays with a green squeeze toy and waves directly at the camera.

Congressman's son puts on quite the performance on the House floor

“This is what I get for telling my son Guy to smile at the camera for his little brother,” Rose wrote alongside C-SPAN's video while sharing it with his own followers on X .

Rose shares Guy and a younger son, Sam, with his wife, Chelsea, according to his official website.

Congressman's son puts on quite the performance on the House floor

Guy's new fans celebrated his star-making C-SPAN debut on X.

"He found the camera immediately, lol," wrote one.

"Kiddo is adorable," said another.

Others compared the little boy's cute antics to former New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani’s son, Andrew, who at age 7 made New Yorkers laugh when he upstaged his dad's January 1994 inaugural address by waving and blowing kisses to the crowd.

The younger Giuliani, who also splashed his dad's legs with cold water after knocking over a pitcher, inspired a hilarious “Saturday Night Live” sketch starring Chris Farley as him and Kevin Nealon as his politician dad.

Gina Vivinetto is a writer for TODAY.com.

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Taiwan’s New President Faces Tensions with China and Domestic Division

KEY TAKEAWAYS

  • Lai’s inaugural address signaled much policy continuity but a tougher stance on China.
  • Beijing responded with fierce rhetoric and military pressure, which is likely to continue.
  • Debates and protests over controversial legislative reform bills suggest four years of government division.

Thursday, June 6, 2024

/ READ TIME: 9 minutes

By: Jennifer Staats, Ph.D. ;  Naiyu Kuo

Over four months after winning Taiwan’s presidential election, William Lai Ching-te from the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) officially took office on May 20. Beijing fiercely criticized Lai’s inaugural address and conducted military drills and patrols around Taiwan in a bid to “punish” Lai for failing to heed China’s preferred positions. In the days following the speech, Lai also faced challenges at home, as opposition parties in Taiwan’s legislature passed a set of reform bills that critics warn could increase China’s ability to interfere in Taiwan’s domestic affairs.

Taiwan’s new president, William Lai Ching-te, center, during a rally in Taipei, Taiwan, on Jan 13, 2024. (Lam Yik Fei/The New York Times)

All signs point to increasing cross-Strait tensions over the next four years as Taipei and Beijing test each other’s limits and seek to advance their political objectives.

Lai Signals a Tougher Approach on China

Lai, who was vice president under previous president Tsai Ing-wen, aimed to reassure Taiwan voters that his administration would have continuity with his predecessor’s approach to domestic issues such as economic development and energy policy, as well as foreign policy. On cross-Strait relations, however, Lai made three key points that demonstrated a relatively tougher stance on China, surprising some in Beijing.

First, Lai pledged to stand firm on Taiwan's sovereignty. Lai used the word “sovereignty” seven times during his speech, a significant increase over Tsai's single mention of the word in her 2016 inaugural address and its total absence from her 2020 speech . Lai also referenced “Taiwan” 82 times, far exceeding Tsai's 41 mentions in her 2016 speech and 47 uses in 2020. While many use the terms Taiwan and Republic of China interchangeably, calling the island “Taiwan” suggests that it is a separate entity from China. The Republic of China, or ROC, is the official name and more palatable to Beijing. And while Tsai used diplomatic terms like “the other side of the Strait” or “Beijing authorities” in her inaugural speech, Lai directly mentioned “China” seven times, clearly distinguishing Taiwan from China.

Second, Lai’s speech adopted a stronger and more assertive position toward Beijing. Although Lai’s cross-Strait approach seems largely aligned with Tsai’s broad direction on the surface, subtle differences lie in the finer details. He endorsed Tsai’s “ Four Commitments ” but specifically only elaborated on the one that Taiwan and China are not subordinate to each other. Lai also condemned China’s military threat in a more straightforward and assertive way than Tsia ever did. He called China’s military actions and gray-zone coercion “the greatest strategic challenges to global peace and stability,” and emphasized that “China’s ambition to annex Taiwan will not simply disappear.”  

Third, “democracy” was a prominent theme throughout Lai's speech. Lai positioned democratic Taiwan as a beacon of global peace and a driver of global prosperity. By placing Taiwan in the pantheon of the world's democratic nations, Lai was likely hoping to build international support for Taiwan’s political system, boost Taiwan’s status on the global stage, and further distance Taiwan from Beijing.

Lai sent a clear signal to Beijing that he would not back down in the face of pressure. Still, his speech reflected a degree of restraint. The new president’s team knew that China would object to any speech that did not explicitly accept the 1992 Consensus — a vague agreement reached in the early 1990s that stipulates that both sides of the Taiwan Strait belong to “one China” — which Lai would not do. Instead, he mixed tough words with subtle olive branches to Beijing, such as mentioning the historical figure Chiang Wei-shui, who is deemed acceptable on both sides of the Strait. He also used the term ROC 15 times, which was more than Tsai did in 2016 or 2020. In Beijing’s eyes, however, the limited conciliatory language in the speech was not enough to counterbalance Lai’s harsher rhetoric.

Lai sent a clear signal to Beijing that he would not back down in the face of pressure. Still, his speech reflected a degree of restraint.

China Pushes Back

No matter what Lai might have said in his speech, Beijing’s opposition to the address was a foregone conclusion. But Lai’s stance on cross-Strait relations and Taiwan’s sovereignty further intensified Beijing's displeasure. Since Lai was nominated as the DPP’s presidential candidate in April 2023, Beijing has consistently accused him of being a “stubborn Taiwan independence worker” and “destroyer of cross-Strait peace.”

Indeed, Beijing’s rhetorical response was swift and harsh. Just hours after the speech, China’s Taiwan Affairs Office (TAO) issued a short statement accusing Lai of “vigorously promoting the separatism fallacies” and “inciting cross-Strait confrontation,” echoing previous criticisms. The following day, the TAO gave a comprehensive response to Lai’s speech, characterizing it as a complete “confession of Taiwan independence.” The statement accused Taiwan’s leader of promptly “revealing the true face of ‘Taiwan independence’ upon taking office.” China’s foreign minister, Wang Yi, said that “all Taiwan independence separatists will be nailed to the pillar of shame in history.” On May 29, during the TAO’s first press conference after the speech, a spokesperson further criticized the speech for filling with lies and deceit, distorting history , and promoting Taiwan independence under the guise of “democracy. ”

On May 21, the Chinese Communist Party’s official People's Daily newspaper dedicated its entire fourth page to strongly refuting Lai's approach to cross-Strait affairs. A commentary titled “Taiwan independence worker’s empty rhetoric harms Taiwan” accused Lai of deceitfully promoting a “two-state theory” and exacerbating cross-Strait tensions. Mainland academics described the speech as sending a “very intense” signal to Beijing with its “pro-independence” language. Zhou Zhihuai, former director of the Institute of Taiwan at the Chinese Academy of Social Science, said Lai’s was the “most pro-independence speech” ever given by a Taiwanese leader.

China also used its military to intimidate Taiwan after the speech. On May 23, China conducted two days of military exercises that encircled Taiwan. A spokesperson for the Chinese military’s Eastern Theater Command, which is responsible for the drills and a potential Taiwan contingency, called the exercise “a strong punishment for the separatist acts of Taiwan independence forces and a serious warning against interference and provocation by external forces.”

The duration and scale of China’s military drills were smaller than those conducted in August 2022 after then-House Speaker Pelosi visited Taipei and in April 2023 after Tsai transited through California. Yet a Taiwanese military expert noted that unlike previous exercises, these drills simulated a “full-scale armed invasion of Taiwan,” encompassed Taiwan's outlying islands for the first time, and were conducted at the edge of the 24 nautical miles of Taiwan's contiguous zone. Beijing continued its military pressure and intimidation campaign on May 28, by conducting “joint combat readiness patrols” in the air and waters around Taiwan.

China has also used economic tools to express its displeasure. On May 20, the Ministry of Commerce added three U.S. companies to its “ unreliable entities ” list for their involvement in arms sales to Taiwan. The next day China sent a clear signal that it was also not satisfied with Washington’s posture on Taiwan, issuing sanctions on former U.S. congressman Mike Gallagher, who chaired the U.S. House of Representatives’ Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party, for his “interference in China's internal affairs, undermining China's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and infringing on China's interests.” And last week, China’s State Council announced the suspension of preferential tariff arrangements on 134 items under the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, a cross-Strait trade agreement signed in 2010.  

Although China’s response to Lai’s speech has been strong, it has also been carefully calibrated not to provoke the United States, as Beijing does not want to make the cross-Strait issue a major area of focus in the U.S. presidential campaign.

The continued harassment is all part of Beijing’s broader effort to redefine a “new normal” of heightened military pressure on Taiwan.

The continued harassment is all part of Beijing’s broader effort to redefine a “new normal” of heightened military pressure on Taiwan. These actions, coupled with additional diplomatic, economic and military gray-zone coercion, are intended to undermine the Lai administration’s legitimacy and ability to govern.

Indeed, Lai is already experiencing challenges from Taiwan’s legislature, where opposition parties rapidly approved several bills that will greatly expand the legislature’s power, citing the goal of improving institutional checks and balances. Critics are primarily concerned about the swift and forceful push to pass the bills without considering public feedback on the details. Some also called the measures “pro-China” and warned that they would make it easier for Beijing to interfere in Taiwan’s domestic affairs and weaken civil society. Tens of thousands of people are protesting the bills outside the legislature building, and this new “Bluebird Movement,” now a highly partisan issue in Taiwan, could signal the potential for  discord in the divided government ahead.

The Risk of Unwanted Conflict Remains

Over the next four years, Taipei and Beijing will likely continue to probe each other's implicit boundaries, seeking opportunities to advance their political agendas and shift political narratives and conventional wisdom in the region and around the world. Taiwan’s leaders will work to further strengthen the island democracy’s distinct political identity, while Beijing will use a combination of carrots and sticks to encourage Taiwan voters to seek peaceful unification on Beijing’s terms. While this tension may remain restrained until the U.S. presidential election, it will likely escalate in 2025.

As tensions rise, so does the risk of unwanted conflict. Improved communication between Washington and Beijing, and between Beijing and Taipei, will be critical for ensuring that all parties are sending clear signals and correctly interpreting the messages sent by others.

Improved communication between Washington and Beijing, and between Beijing and Taipei, will be critical for ensuring that all parties are sending clear signals and correctly interpreting the messages sent by others.

The U.S. Congress will continue to play a key role in U.S. policy toward Taiwan and cross-Strait relations more broadly. Lai’s speech made only one direct mention of the United States, and that was a reference to the Indo-Pacific Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, which provided support to Taiwan. A week after Lai’s inauguration, two bipartisan House and Senate delegations traveled to Taipei to demonstrate U.S. support for the new government.

Given Lai’s tougher line on China and Beijing’s unyielding position on Taiwan, it’s unlikely that cross-Strait relations will improve or that tensions will lower anytime soon. Even as Washington is occupied with the wars in Ukraine and Gaza, it should remain laser-focused on helping Taiwan defend itself and deter military conflict. Conflict in the Taiwan Strait is neither imminent nor inevitable , but all sides — Taipei, Beijing and Washington — must work to keep the peace in what is one of the world’s most dangerous flashpoints for great power conflict.   

Naiyu Kuo is a research analyst with the China Program at USIP.

The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s).

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Programs 2024 TechSprint: Generative AI in Housing Finance

Generative AI in Housing Finance

Register to Livestream FHFA’s Generative Artificial Intelligence (AI) in Housing Finance TechSprint

Register here  to livestream Opening Day and Demo Day of FHFA’s Generative AI in Housing Finance TechSprint.

  • Opening Day, beginning at 10:30 am EST on Monday, July 22, will feature remarks from FHFA leadership and keynote speakers.
  • Demo Day, beginning at 9:00 am EST on Thursday, July 25, will feature remarks from FHFA leadership and keynote speakers and presentation​s from the TechSprint teams.

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The FHFA Generative AI in Housing Finance TechSprint will be an in-person, team-based problem-solving event hosted by the Federal Housing Finance Agency’s (FHFA) Office of Financial Technology (OFT). The TechSprint will bring together technology, regulatory, housing, and consumer finance experts to identify use cases and associated control measures to support the responsible use of generative AI in housing finance.​

Partici​pants are organized into TechSprint teams and work over a three-day period to solve for problem statements centered around the question:

“How might the responsible use of generative AI promote a transparent, fair, equitable, and inclusive housing finance system, while fostering sustainable homeownership and rental opportunities?”

The TechSprint culminates in a Demo Day where each team will present its ideas to an independent panel of judges drawn from subject matter experts in government, industry, nonprofits, and academia.

The Generative AI in Housing Finance TechSprint will be held at FHFA’s Constitution Center headquarters in Washington, DC, and will run from July 22 to July 25, 2024. The application period to participate in-person at the TechSprint was open from March 20 through May 24, 2024.

FHFA Generative AI in Housing Finance TechSprint: Problem Statements

Umbrella Stateme​​nt​

Generative artificial intelligence (AI) has captured the imagination and interest of a diverse set of stakeholders, including industry, government, and consumers. For the housing finance system, the transformative potential of generative AI extends beyond technological advancement. Generative AI presents an opportunity to promote a housing finance system that is transparent, fair, equitable, and inclusive and fosters sustainable homeownership. Realizing this potential, however, is contingent on a commitment to responsible innovation and ensuring that the development and use of generative AI is supported by ethical considerations and safety and soundness.

FHFA’s Generative AI in Housing Finance TechSprint challenges participants to address the question,  “How might the responsible use of generative AI promote a transparent, fair, equitable, and inclusive housing finance system while fostering sustainable homeownership and rental opportunities?”​

TechSprint participants will demonstrate:

  • A key  use case  for generative AI in one of the four areas of focus provided below; and
  • Recommended  control measures , incorporating​ careful consideration of the associated risks.

Focused Statements ​

The four areas of focus are as follows:

  • Consumer Experience:  How might generative AI be used to further educate and empower prospective homebuyers in evaluating, comparing, and obtaining a mortgage loan and in sustaining their homeownership over time?
  • Assessing Creditworthiness:  How might generative AI be used to improve the evaluation of homebuyer credit, as well as the fairness of the credit decisions related to mortgage loans, particularly for homebuyers from underserved communities?
  • Operations:  How might generative AI be used to enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of operational processes within the housing finance system, from origination to servicing and secondary market activities?
  • Risk Management and Compliance:  How might generative AI be used to enhance the effectiveness of risk management and compliance processes within the housing finance system?

Have additional questions about the 2024 TechSprint?  Please contact OFT at  [email protected] . To learn more about OFT, please visit  the OFT home page . And to learn more about FHFA’s inaugural TechSprint held in 2023, please visit the  Velocity TechSprint webpage .​​

Page Last Updated: May 28​​, 2024​​​​​

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