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Introduction & Top Questions

Early years

Entry into politics, political unity, creator of pakistan.

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Mohammed Ali Jinnah

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Table Of Contents

What is Mohammed Ali Jinnah known for?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah was the founder and first governor-general (1947–48) of Pakistan. He is revered as the father of Pakistan. He also sought the political union of Hindus and Muslims, which earned him the title of “the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity.”

Where was Mohammed Ali Jinnah born?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah was born in Karachi in what is today Pakistan in 1876 or 1875.

When did Mohammed Ali Jinnah die?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah died on September 11, 1948, in Karachi, Pakistan.

Mohammed Ali Jinnah was sent to England by his father to acquire business experience, but he was interested in becoming a barrister. In London, he joined Lincoln’s Inn, one of the legal societies that prepared students for the bar. In 1895, at the age of 19, he was called to the bar.

When did Mohammed Ali Jinnah join the Muslim League?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah joined the Muslim League in 1913. He did so only when he was assured that the league was as devoted as the Congress Party to the political emancipation of India.

Mohammed Ali Jinnah (born December 25, 1876?, Karachi, India [now in Pakistan]—died September 11, 1948, Karachi) was an Indian Muslim politician, who was the founder and first governor-general (1947–48) of Pakistan .

Jinnah was the eldest of seven children of Jinnahbhai Poonja, a prosperous merchant , and his wife, Mithibai. His family was a member of the Khoja caste, Hindus who had converted to Islam centuries earlier and who were followers of the Aga Khan . There is some question about Jinnah’s date of birth: although he maintained that it was December 25, 1876, school records from Karachi (Pakistan) give a date of October 20, 1875.

German political theorist Karl Marx; communism

After being taught at home, Jinnah was sent in 1887 to the Sind Madrasat al-Islam (now Sindh Madressatul Islam University) in Karachi. Later he attended the Christian Missionary Society High School (also in Karachi), where at the age of 16 he passed the matriculation examination of the University of Bombay (now University of Mumbai , in Mumbai , India ). On the advice of an English friend, his father decided to send him to England to acquire business experience. Jinnah, however, had made up his mind to become a barrister . In keeping with the custom of the time, his parents arranged for an early marriage for him before he left for England .

In London he joined Lincoln’s Inn, one of the legal societies that prepared students for the bar. In 1895, at the age of 19, he was called to the bar. While in London Jinnah suffered two severe bereavements—the deaths of his wife and his mother. Nevertheless, he completed his formal studies and also made a study of the British political system , frequently visiting the House of Commons . He was greatly influenced by the liberalism of William E. Gladstone , who had become prime minister for the fourth time in 1892, the year of Jinnah’s arrival in London. Jinnah also took a keen interest in the affairs of India and in Indian students. When the Parsi leader Dadabhai Naoroji , a leading Indian nationalist, ran for the British Parliament , Jinnah and other Indian students worked day and night for him. Their efforts were crowned with success: Naoroji became the first Indian to sit in the House of Commons.

When Jinnah returned to Karachi in 1896, he found that his father’s business had suffered losses and that he now had to depend on himself. He decided to start his legal practice in Bombay (now Mumbai), but it took him years of work to establish himself as a lawyer.

It was nearly 10 years later that he turned actively toward politics. A man without hobbies, he divided his interest between law and politics. Nor was he a religious zealot: he was a Muslim in a broad sense and had little to do with sects. His interest in women was also limited, to Rattenbai (Rutti)—the daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit, a Bombay Parsi millionaire—whom he married in 1918 over tremendous opposition from her parents and others. The couple had one daughter, Dina, but the marriage proved an unhappy one, and Jinnah and Rutti soon separated. It was his sister Fatima who gave him solace and company.

Jinnah first entered politics by participating in the 1906 session of the Indian National Congress (Congress Party) held at Calcutta (now Kolkata ), in which the party began to split between those calling for dominion status and those advocating independence for India. Four years later he was elected to the Imperial Legislative Council—the beginning of a long and distinguished parliamentary career. In Bombay he came to know, among other important Congress Party personalities, Gopal Krishna Gokhale , the eminent Maratha leader. Greatly influenced by those nationalist politicians, Jinnah aspired during the early part of his political life to become “a Muslim Gokhale.” Admiration for British political institutions and an eagerness to raise the status of India in the international community and to develop a sense of Indian nationhood among the peoples of India were the chief elements of his politics. At that time, he still looked upon Muslim interests in the context of Indian nationalism .

But, by the beginning of the 20th century, the conviction had been growing among the Muslims that their interests demanded the preservation of their separate identity rather than amalgamation in the Indian nation that would for all practical purposes be Hindu. Largely to safeguard Muslim interests, the All-India Muslim League was founded in 1906. But Jinnah remained aloof from it. Only in 1913, when authoritatively assured that the league was as devoted as the Congress Party to the political emancipation of India, did Jinnah join the league. When the Indian Home Rule League was formed, he became its chief organizer in Bombay and was elected president of the Bombay branch.

Jinnah’s endeavours to bring about the political union of Hindus and Muslims earned him the title of “the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity,” an epithet coined by Gokhale. It was largely through his efforts that the Congress Party and the Muslim League began to hold their annual sessions jointly, to facilitate mutual consultation and participation. In 1915 the two organizations held their meetings in Bombay and in 1916 in Lucknow , where the Lucknow Pact was concluded. Under the terms of the pact, the two organizations put their seal to a scheme of constitutional reform that became their joint demand vis-à-vis the British government. There was a good deal of give and take, but the Muslims obtained one important concession in the shape of separate electorates, already conceded to them by the government in 1909 but hitherto resisted by Congress.

Meanwhile, a new force in Indian politics had appeared in the person of Mohandas (Mahatma) Gandhi . Both the Home Rule League and the Congress Party had come under his sway. Opposed to Gandhi’s noncooperation movement and his essentially Hindu approach to politics, Jinnah left both the league and the Congress Party in 1920. For a few years he kept himself aloof from the main political movements. He continued to be a firm believer in Hindu-Muslim unity and constitutional methods for the achievement of political ends. After his withdrawal from Congress, he used the Muslim League platform for the propagation of his views. But during the 1920s the Muslim League, and with it Jinnah, had been overshadowed by Congress and the religiously oriented Muslim Khilafat movement .

When the failure of the noncooperation movement and the emergence of Hindu revivalist movements led to antagonism and riots between Hindus and Muslims, the Muslim League began to lose strength and cohesion, and provincial Muslim leaders formed their own parties to serve their needs. Thus, Jinnah’s problem during the following years was to convert the Muslim League into an enlightened , unified political body prepared to cooperate with other organizations working for the good of India. In addition, he had to convince the Congress Party, as a prerequisite for political progress, of the necessity of settling the Hindu-Muslim conflict.

To bring about such a rapprochement was Jinnah’s chief purpose during the late 1920s and early 1930s. He worked toward this end within the legislative assembly, at the Round Table Conference in London (1930–32), and through his “14 points,” which included proposals for a federal form of government, greater rights for minorities, one-third representation for Muslims in the central legislature, separation of the predominantly Muslim Sindh region from the rest of the Bombay province, and introduction of reforms in the North-West Frontier Province . His failure to bring about even minor amendments in the Nehru Committee proposals (1928) over the question of separate electorates and reservation of seats for Muslims in the legislatures frustrated him. He found himself in a peculiar position at that time: many Muslims thought that he was too nationalistic in his policy and that Muslim interests were not safe in his hands, while the Congress Party would not even meet the moderate Muslim demands halfway. Indeed, the Muslim League was a house divided against itself. The Punjab Muslim League repudiated Jinnah’s leadership and organized itself separately. In disgust, Jinnah decided to settle in England. From 1930 to 1935 he remained in London, devoting himself to practice before the Privy Council . But when constitutional changes were in the offing, he was persuaded to return home to head a reconstituted Muslim League.

Soon preparations started for the elections under the Government of India Act of 1935. Jinnah was still thinking in terms of cooperation between the Muslim League and the Hindu-controlled Congress Party and with coalition governments in the provinces. But the elections of 1937 proved to be a turning point in the relations between the two organizations. Congress obtained an absolute majority in six provinces, and the league did not do particularly well. The Congress Party decided not to include the league in the formation of provincial governments, and exclusive all-Congress governments were the result. Relations between Hindus and Muslims started to deteriorate, and soon Muslim discontent became boundless.

Jinnah had originally been dubious about the practicability of Pakistan, an idea that the poet and philosopher Sir Muhammad Iqbal had propounded to the Muslim League conference of 1930, but before long he became convinced that a Muslim homeland on the Indian subcontinent was the only way of safeguarding Muslim interests and the Muslim way of life. It was not religious persecution that he feared so much as the future exclusion of Muslims from all prospects of advancement within India, as soon as power became vested in the close-knit structure of Hindu social organization. To guard against that danger, he carried out a nationwide campaign to warn his coreligionists of the perils of their position, and he converted the Muslim League into a powerful instrument for unifying the Muslims into a nation.

At that point, Jinnah emerged as the leader of a renascent Muslim nation. Events began to move fast. On March 22–23, 1940, in Lahore , the league adopted a resolution to form a separate Muslim state, Pakistan . The Pakistan idea was at first ridiculed and then tenaciously opposed by the Congress Party. But it captured the imagination of the Muslims. Pitted against Jinnah were many influential Hindus, including Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru . And the British government seemed to be intent on maintaining the political unity of the Indian subcontinent. But Jinnah led his movement with such skill and tenacity that ultimately both the Congress Party and the British government had no option but to agree to the partitioning of India. Pakistan thus emerged as an independent state in 1947.

Jinnah became the first head of the new state. Faced with the serious problems of a young country , he tackled Pakistan’s problems with authority. He was not regarded as merely the governor-general. He was revered as the father of the nation. He worked hard until overpowered by age and disease in Karachi, the place of his birth, in 1948.

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The Charismatic Leadership of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah: His Vision and Constitutionalism

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This is a review of SIkandar Hayat's awarding winning study of charismatic leadership and the rise and realization of the Pakistan Movement. The latest revised edition has been recently published by Oxford University Press.

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Like most charismatic leaders Jinnah was an exceptionally gifted discrete who had the competency to pass out of his nation from solitude. It was his collective understanding of the obligation and the prominence of contribution to his nation. After the self-exile in England, his re-entry into the Indian politics strengthened the strategy of his future’s politics. The instantaneous difficulty for him was how to formulate a stratagem that could form the conditional dynamism in such a way that it generates opportunities for the Muslims to understand their determinations. This study has analysed his task management tactics and goal orientation strategies during the Freedom Movement. This is archival based research, and the argument is developed through the historical, descriptive, and analytical methods. Key Words: Jinnah, Gandhi, Nehru, Congress Ministries, Quit India Movement, Jinnah-Gandhi Talks, Cabinet Mission Plan

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Jinnah was, to some extent, a successful leader in obtaining his goals of becoming the only spokesperson for Muslims in India and gaining a piece of land for Pakistan but the main question is whether these achievements can be attributed to transactional or transformational strategies. Has he managed transactional or transformational change in terms of political culture? This point has been discussed in the paper.

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This essay, published in 1999, deals mainly with politics in colonial India in the period from the late 1920s till independence in 1947. It is argued that, as with V D Savarkar, few of Jinnah's political positions till the partition of India and formation of Pakistan can find a natural place in a secular constitution. Some of these might even serve to legitimize a Hindutva framework. It is therefore not logically possible to counter Hindutva from a Jinnahesque political stance.

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Mohammed Ali Jinnah

M. A. Jinnah

Mahomedali Jinnabhai

1893-6, 1913, 1914, 1930-4

Mohammed Ali Jinnah was the founding father of Pakistan. He was the eldest of seven children born to Jinnabhai Poonja, a merchant, and his wife Mithibhai, and attended the Sind Madrassa then the Christian Mission High School, Karachi, where he failed to excel. He first travelled to Britain when just seventeen years old to take up an apprenticeship with the British managing agency Douglas Graham and Company, marrying his first wife Emibhai shortly before he set sail. Emibhai died just a few months later. Jinnah worked in accounts at the firm’s head office in the City of London, and lived in various lodgings including at 35 Russell Road, Kensington, the home of Mrs F. E. Page-Drake and her daughter. Once in London, he shortened his surname from Jinnahbhai and took to wearing tailored suits and silk ties. Just two or three months after his arrival in England, Jinnah left his apprenticeship to train as a barrister at Lincoln’s Inn. Fascinated by politics, he frequently viewed parliamentary debates from the visitor’s gallery at the House of Commons, and was present there to witness Dadabhai Naoroji ’s maiden speech in 1893. He studied at the Reading Room of the British Museum , listened to speeches at Hyde Park Corner, visited friends at Oxford, and developed a keen interest in the theatre, even considering a stage career. He was called to the Bar in 1895 and returned to Bombay, India, the following year.

In Bombay, Jinnah joined the Indian National Congress and began to practice law, attaining a position in the chambers of the acting advocate-general, John Macpherson. He first attended the Indian National Congress in 1904, and in 1906 served as secretary to the Congress President, Naoroji , in the Calcutta sessions. In 1909 he was elected to the Muslim seat on the Bombay Legislative Council, and he joined the All-India Muslim League in 1913, becoming its President in 1916 and playing a key role in the Lucknow Pact which brought the Congress and League together on issues of self-government to make a united stand to the British. Jinnah made trips to London in 1913 and 1914 – the latter as chair of the Congress deputation to lobby parliament over their proposed Council of India bill. He also helped to found the All-India Home Rule League in 1916. In 1918, he married his second wife, the Parsee Rattanbai Petit, with whom he had a daughter, Dina, born in 1919.

The next few years saw a decline in Jinnah’s political influence and success. In 1919 he resigned from the legislative council in protest against the Rowlatt Acts, and in 1920 he broke with Congress and resigned from the Home Rule League because he disagreed with the increasingly popular Gandhi ’s policy of non-cooperation with the British and aim of complete swaraj or self-rule. He remained active with the Muslim League throughout the 1920s, however, and in 1927 negotiated with Hindu and Muslim leaders on constitutional reform in the wake of the Simon Report . In 1930, Jinnah returned to London to participate in the first, abortive Round Table Conference . In his short speech, he represented Indian Muslims as a distinct ‘party’ with their own demands and needs, and warned of the urgent need for a settlement that satisfied all of India, including its minorities. At the close of the conference, he decided to remain in England, calling for his sister Fatima and daughter Dina to join him. Despairing of the settlement of Hindu-Muslim conflict, he immersed himself in law, securing chambers at London’s Inner Temple. Jinnah lived in Hampstead during this period. He tried to enter parliament, first as a Labour Party candidate, joining the Fabian Society in an attempt to gain credibility, and then as a Conservative candidate – but he failed on both counts. He also failed to achieve his ambition of practising in the Privy Council Bar. He was invited by Wedgewood Benn to sit on the Federal Structure Committee of the second Round Table Conference, but played a very minor role there, with Gandhi , as the voice of Congress , taking centre stage. During his years in London, Jinnah received persuasive requests from prominent leaders for his return to India to assume leadership of the newly formed Muslim League, including a visit to his Hampstead home by Liaquat Ali Khan and his wife. In 1934, he succumbed to these demands, and returned to Bombay.

Back in India, Jinnah struggled to strengthen the League’s position. In the 1940 League sessions, the Pakistan resolution was adopted by the party. In 1941, he founded the newspaper Dawn which increased support for the League, and in the 1945-6 elections the League was successful in securing the vast majority of Muslim electorate seats. Jinnah’s concern now was to ensure the best possible outcome for Indian Muslims after independence . He assented to the British Cabinet Mission’s proposals of June 1946 for groupings of Muslim- and Hindu-majority provinces under a weak Indian union government, but later rejected it when Congress refused the idea of parity with the League, and advocated instead the formation of the separate state of Pakistan. On 3 June 1947, Jinnah accepted the Mountbatten plan to transfer power to two separate states. On 14 August 1947, he was appointed as governor-general of Pakistan and set to work establishing a government and restoring order after the horrific communal violence that had accompanied the partition of India. Already suffering from tuberculosis, Jinnah succumbed to the strain of this enormous task and died at home in Karachi just a year the creation of Pakistan. He is remembered by Pakistanis as Quaid-i-Azam, or Great Leader.

Ayub Ali , Choudhary Rahmat Ali , M. Asaf Ali , Surendranath Banerjea , Wedgewood Benn, Virendranath Chattopadhyaya , M. C. Chagla , Stafford Cripps , Lawrence John Lumley Dundas , M. K. Gandhi , G. K. Gokhale, Mohammad Iqbal , M. R. Jayakar , Dosabhai Framji Karaka , Liaquat Ali Khan , Ramsay MacDonald, Pherozesha Mehta, Sarojini Naidu , Dadabhai Naoroji , Jawaharlal Nehru , Pulin Behari Seal , B. G. Tilak.

Simon Report , 1930

British Commonwealth of Nations , 1931

Round Table Conferences , 1930-31

Cripps Mission , 1942

Quit India Movement , 1942

Independence and Partition , 1947

Congress Leaders’ Correspondence with Quaid-i-Azam (Lahore: Aziz Publishers, nd)

(with M. A. H. Ispahani and Z. H. Zaidi) M. A. Jinnah-Ispahani Correspondence, 1936-1948 (Karachi: Forward Publications Trust, 1976)

The Collected Works of Quai-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah , compiled by Syed Sarifuddin Pirzada (Karachi: East and West Publishing Company, 1984-6)

Ahmed, Akbar, Jinnah, Pakistan, and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin (London: Routlege, 1997)

Ahmad, Riaz, Jinnah and Jauhar: Points of Contact and Divergence (Islamabad: Quaid-i-Azam University, 1979)

Ahmad, Ziauddin, Mohammad Ali Jinnah: Founder of Pakistan (Karachi: Ministry of Information & Broadcasting, 1976)

Jalal, Ayesha, The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, The Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985)

Jinnah, F., 'A Sister's Recollections', in Hamid Jalal (ed.) Pakistan Past & Present: A Comprehensive Study Published in Commemoration of the Centenary of the Birth of the Founder of Pakistan (London: Stacey International, 1977)

Khan, Aga, The Memoirs of Aga Khan: World Enough and Time (London: Cassell & Co. Ltd, 1952)

Khurshid, K. H., and Hasan, Khalid, Memories of Jinnah (Karachi and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990)

Montagu, Edwin Samuel, and Montagu, Venetia, An Indian Diary (London: Heinemann, 1930)

Mujahid, Sharif Al, Founder of Pakistan, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948) (Islamabad: National Committee for Birth Centenary Celebrations of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammed Ali Jinnah, 1976)

Mujahid, Sharif Al, Quaid-I-Azam Jinnah: Studies in Interpretation (Karachi: Quaid-I-Azam Academy, 1981)

Pirzada, Syed Sharifuddin, Foundations of Pakistan: All India Muslim League Documents, 1906-1947 (Karachi: National Pub. House, 1969)

Robinson, Francis, ' Jinnah, Mohamed Ali (1876–1948)' , Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford University Press, 2004) [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/34191]

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Wolpert, Stanley A., Jinnah of Pakistan (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984)

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Syed Shamsul Hasan Collection, National Bank of Pakistan, Karachi, Pakistan

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Muhammad Ali Jinnah

(1876-1948)

Who Was Muhammad Ali Jinnah?

Muhammad Ali Jinnah he joined the Indian National Congress in 1906. Seven years later, he joined the India Muslim League. The independent state of Pakistan that Jinnah had envisioned came to be on August 14, 1947. The following day, he was sworn in as Pakistan’s first governor-general. On September 11, 1948, he died near Karachi, Pakistan.

Jinnah was born in a rented apartment on the second floor of Wazir Mansion in Karachi, Pakistan (then part of India), on December 25, 1876. At the time of his birth, Jinnah’s official name was Mahomedali Jinnahbhai. The eldest of his parents’ seven children, Jinnah was underweight and appeared fragile at the time of his birth. But Jinnah’s mother, Mithibai, was convinced her delicate infant would one day achieve great things. Jinnah’s father, Jinnahbhai Poonja, was a merchant and exporter of cotton, wool, grain and range of other goods. As a whole, the family belonged to the Khoja Muslim sect.

When Jinnah was 6 years old, his father placed him in the Sindh Madrasatul-Islam School. Jinnah was far from a model student. He was more interested in playing outside with his friends than focusing on his studies. As the proprietor of a thriving trade business, Jinnah’s father emphasized the importance of studying mathematics, but, ironically, arithmetic was among Jinnah’s most hated subjects.

When Jinnah was nearly 11 years old, his only paternal aunt came to visit from Bombay, India. Jinnah and his aunt were very close. The aunt suggested that Jinnah return with her to Bombay; she believed the big city would provide him with a better education than Karachi could. Despite his mother’s resistance, Jinnah accompanied his aunt back to Bombay, where she enrolled him in the Gokal Das Tej Primary School. Despite the change of scenery, Jinnah continued to prove himself a restless and unruly student. Within just six months he was sent back to Karachi. His mother insisted he attend Sind Madrassa, but Jinnah was expelled for cutting classes to go horseback riding.

Jinnah’s parents then enrolled him in the Christian Missionary Society High School, hoping he would be better able to concentrate on his studies there. As a teen, Jinnah developed an admiration for his father’s business colleague, Sir Frederick Leigh Croft. When Croft offered Jinnah an internship in London, Jinnah jumped at the chance, but Jinnah’s mother was not so eager for him to accept the offer. Fearful of being separated from her son, she persuaded him to marry before leaving for his trip. Presumably she believed his marriage would ensure his eventual return.

At his mother’s urging, the 15-year-old Jinnah entered into an arranged marriage with his 14-year-old bride, Emibai, in February 1892. Emibai was from the village of Paneli in India, and the wedding took place in her hometown. Following the marriage, Jinnah continued attending the Christian Missionary Society High School until he left for London. He departed Karachi in January of 1893. Jinnah would never see his wife or his mother again. Emibai died a few months after Jinnah’s departure. Devastatingly, Jinnah’s mother, Mithibai, also passed away during his stay in London.

After disembarking at Southampton and taking the boat train to Victoria Station, Jinnah rented a hotel room in London. He would eventually, however, settle at the home of Mrs. F.E. Page-Drake of Kensington, who had invited Jinnah to stay as a guest.

After a few months of serving his internship, in June of 1893 Jinnah left the position to join Lincoln’s Inn, a renowned legal association that helped law students study for the bar. Over the next few years, Jinnah prepared for the legal exam by studying biographies and political texts that he borrowed from the British Museum Library and read in the barristers’ chambers. While studying for the bar, Jinnah heard the terrible news of his wife and mother’s deaths, but he managed to forge on with his education. In addition to fulfilling his formal studies, Jinnah made frequent visits to the House of Commons, where he could observe the powerful British government in action firsthand. When Jinnah passed his legal exam in May of 1896, he was the youngest ever to have been accepted to the bar.

With his law degree in hand, in August 1896 Jinnah moved to Bombay and set up a law practice as a barrister in Bombay’s high court. Jinnah would continue to practice as a barrister up through the mid-1940s. Jinnah’s most famous successes as a lawyer included the Bawla murder trial of 1925 and Jinnah’s 1945 defense of Bishen Lal at Agra, which marked the final case of Jinnah’s legal career.

During Jinnah’s visits to the House of Commons, he had developed a growing interest in politics, deeming it a more glamorous field than law. Now in Bombay, Jinnah began his foray into politics as a liberal nationalist. When Jinnah’s father joined him there, he was deeply disappointed in his son’s decision to change career paths and, out of anger, withdrew his financial support. Fortunately, the two had mended fences by the time Jinnah’s father died in April 1902.

Jinnah was particularly interested in the politics of India and its lack of strong representation in British Parliament. He was inspired when he saw Dadabhai Naoroji become the first Indian to earn a seat in the House of Commons. In 1904, Jinnah attended a meeting of the Indian National Congress. In 1906 he joined the congress himself. In 1912, Jinnah attended a meeting of the All India Muslim League, prompting him to join the league the following year. Jinnah would later join yet another political party, the Home Rule League, which was dedicated to the cause of a state’s right to self-government.

In the midst of Jinnah’s thriving political career, he met a 16-year-old named Ratanbai while on vacation in Darjeeling. After "Rutti" turned 18 and converted to Islam, the two were married on April 19, 1918. Rutti gave birth to Jinnah’s first and only child, a daughter named Dina, in 1919.

As a member of Congress, Jinnah at first collaborated with Hindu leaders as their Ambassador of Hindu Muslim Unity, while working with the Muslim League simultaneously. Gradually, Jinnah realized that the Hindu leaders of Congress held a political agenda that was incongruent with his own. Earlier he had been aligned with their opposition to separate electorates meant to guarantee a fixed percentage of legislative representation for Muslims and Hindus. But in 1926, Jinnah shifted to the opposite view and began supporting separate electorates. Still, overall, he retained the belief that the rights of Muslims could be protected in a united India. At that stage of his political career, Jinnah left Congress and dedicated himself more fully to the Muslim League.

By 1928 Jinnah’s busy political career had taken a toll on his marriage. He and his second wife separated. Rutti lived as a recluse at the Taj Mahal Hotel in Bombay for the next year, until she died on her 29th birthday.

During the 1930s Jinnah attended the Anglo-Indian Round Table Conferences in London, and led the reorganization of the All India Muslim League.

Independent Pakistan

By 1939 Jinnah came to believe in a Muslim homeland on the Indian subcontinent. He was convinced that this was the only way to preserve Muslims’ traditions and protect their political interests. His former vision of Hindu-Muslim unity no longer seemed realistic to him at this time.

During a 1940 meeting of the Muslim League at Lahore, Jinnah proposed the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan, in the area where Muslims constitute a majority. At this juncture, Jinnah was both displeased with Mohandas Gandhi's stance at the London Round Table Conference in 1939, and frustrated with the Muslim League. Much to Jinnah’s chagrin, the Muslim League was on the verge of merging with the National League, with the goal of participating in provincial elections and potentially conceding to the establishment of a united India with majority Hindu rule.

To Jinnah’s relief, in 1942 the Muslim League adopted the Pakistan Resolution to partition India into states. Four years later, Britain sent a cabinet mission to India to outline a constitution for transfer of power to India. India was then divided into three territories. The first was a Hindu majority, which makes up present-day India. The second was a Muslim area in the northwest, to be designated as Pakistan. The third was made up of Bengal and Assam, with a narrow Muslim majority. After a decade, the provinces would have the choice of opting out on the formation of a new federation. But when the Congress president expressed objections to implementing the plan, Jinnah also voted against it. The independent state of Pakistan that Jinnah had envisioned came to be on August 14, 1947. The following day, Jinnah was sworn in as Pakistan’s first governor-general. He was also made president of Pakistan's constituent assembly shortly before his death.

Death and Legacy

On September 11, 1948, just a little over a year after he became governor-general, Jinnah died of tuberculosis near Karachi, Pakistan — the place where he was born.

Today, Jinnah is credited with having altered the destiny of Muslims in the Indian subcontinent. According to Richard Symons, Muhammad Ali Jinnah "contributed more than any other man to Pakistan’s survival." Jinnah’s dream for Pakistan was based on the principles of social justice, brotherhood and equality, which he aimed to achieve under his motto of "Faith, Unity, and Discipline." In the wake of his death, Jinnah’s successors were tasked with consolidating the nation of Pakistan that Jinnah had so determinedly established.

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Name: Muhammad Ali Jinnah
Birth Year: 1876
Birth date: December 25, 1876
Birth City: Karachi
Birth Country: Pakistan
Gender: Male
Best Known For: Muslim statesman Muhammad Ali Jinnah led Pakistan’s independence from British-controlled India and was its first governor-general and president of its constituent assembly.
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Death Year: 1948
Death date: September 11, 1948
Death City: Karachi
Death Country: Pakistan

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Url: https://www.biography.com/political-figures/muhammad-ali-jinnah
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Last Updated: May 18, 2021
Original Published Date: April 2, 2014
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Pakistan National Hero: Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah

The founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, is the Pakistan National Hero who played a significant role in the independence movement of Pakistan. He was a visionary leader who fought for the rights of Muslims in the subcontinent and eventually succeeded in creating a separate homeland for them. In this article, we will discuss the life, achievements, and legacy of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

Pakistan’s history is incomplete without mentioning the name of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. He was a lawyer, politician, and statesman who dedicated his entire life to the cause of Pakistan’s independence. Born in Karachi on December 25, 1876, Jinnah was the eldest child of his parents. He received his early education in Karachi and went to England to study law.

Table of Contents

Early Life and Education of the Pakistan National Hero

Jinnah was a brilliant student and excelled in his studies. After completing his education, he started his legal practice in Bombay and soon became a prominent lawyer. He was a man of principles and never compromised on his beliefs. He was deeply influenced by the teachings of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and Allama Iqbal, who were prominent Muslim leaders of the time.

Political Career of the Pakistan National Hero

Jinnah’s political career started when he joined the Indian National Congress in 1906. He believed that the Indian National Congress was the best platform to fight for the rights of Muslims in the subcontinent. However, he soon realized that the Congress was dominated by Hindus and that the interests of Muslims were not being protected. He, therefore, resigned from the Congress in 1920 and joined the All India Muslim League, which was formed to protect the rights of Muslims.

Struggle for Pakistan

Jinnah’s struggle for Pakistan started in the 1930s when he demanded a separate homeland for Muslims in the subcontinent. He believed that Hindus and Muslims could not live together in a united India and that the only solution to the Hindu-Muslim problem was the creation of a separate homeland for Muslims. He worked tirelessly to convince Muslims of the need for a separate homeland and finally succeeded in achieving his goal in 1947 when Pakistan was created.

Achievements of the Pakistan National Hero

Jinnah’s achievements are numerous. He was the architect of Pakistan and played a crucial role in the creation of the country. He was also the first Governor-General of Pakistan and worked tirelessly to establish the country’s political, economic, and social institutions. He was a strong advocate of democracy, human rights, and equality and believed that these were the foundation stones of a progressive and prosperous society.

Legacy of the Pakistan National Hero

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s legacy is immense. He is considered to be one of the greatest leaders of the 20th century and an inspiration to millions of people around the world. His vision, determination, and leadership continue to inspire generations of Pakistanis to this day. His legacy is a reminder of the sacrifices and struggles of the people who fought for Pakistan’s independence and the need to uphold the principles of democracy, human rights, and equality.

Who was Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah?

Answer: Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the founder of Pakistan and a national hero who fought for the rights of Muslims in the subcontinent.

What were Jinnah’s achievements?

Answer: Jinnah’s achievements are numerous. He was the architect of Pakistan and played a crucial role in the country’s creation. He was also the first Governor-General of Pakistan and worked tirelessly to establish the country’s political, economic, and social institutions.

What was Jinnah’s political career?

Answer: Jinnah’s political career started when he joined the Indian National Congress in 1906. He later resigned from the Congress and joined the All India Muslim League, which was formed to protect the rights of Muslims.

What was Jinnah’s vision for Pakistan?

Answer: Jinnah’s vision for Pakistan was to create a separate homeland for Muslims in the subcontinent. He believed that Hindus and Muslims could not live together in a united India and that the only solution to the Hindu-Muslim problem was the creation of a separate homeland for Muslims.

What is Jinnah’s legacy?

Answer: Jinnah’s legacy is immense. He is considered to be one of the greatest leaders of the 20th century and an inspiration to millions of people around the world. His vision, determination, and leadership continue to inspire generations of Pakistanis to this day.

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah is a national hero and a symbol of hope and inspiration for millions of Pakistanis. His vision, determination, and leadership continue to inspire people around the world, and his legacy is a reminder of the sacrifices and struggles of those who fought for Pakistan’s independence. We should strive to uphold his principles of democracy, human rights, and equality and work towards a more prosperous and progressive Pakistan.

“Muhammad Ali Jinnah” by Encyclopedia Britannica: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Muhammad-Ali-Jinnah
“Muhammad Ali Jinnah” by History.com: https://www.history.com/topics/india/muhammad-ali-jinnah
“Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah – Father of the Nation” by Government of Pakistan: https://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid-e-Azam-Muhammad-Ali-Jinnah-Profile

Essay on Qaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah With Quotations

by Pakiology | Jun 20, 2024 | Essay | 0 comments

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a prominent political leader and the founder of Pakistan. Born in Karachi in 1876, Jinnah studied law and became a successful lawyer before entering politics. Over the course of his career, he played a pivotal role in the creation of the country of Pakistan and served as its first Governor-General.

Jinnah’s political career began in 1906 when he joined the Indian National Congress, a political party that sought greater autonomy for India within the British Empire. However, Jinnah quickly became disillusioned with Congress and its leadership, and he left the party in 1913.

In 1919, Jinnah joined the All-India Muslim League, a political party that represented the interests of India’s Muslim population. At the time, many Muslims felt that their rights and interests were not being adequately protected by Congress, and they saw the Muslim League as a way to promote their own political agenda.

Jinnah was a strong advocate for the rights of Muslims in India. In a speech to the All India Muslim League in 1943, he said,

“I have always maintained that the Muslims are a nation apart. The Hindu and the Muslim are two major nations by any definition or test of a nation. We are a nation of a hundred million, and what is more, we are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of value and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and calendar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions.”

In 1940, the Muslim League adopted the Lahore Resolution, which called for the creation of a separate Muslim state in the northwestern and northeastern regions of India. This marked the beginning of the movement for the creation of Pakistan. Jinnah worked tirelessly to achieve this goal, negotiating with the British government and other political parties to secure support for the creation of Pakistan.

In a speech to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan in 1947, Jinnah said,

“You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed – that has nothing to do with the business of the State.”

Jinnah’s efforts finally paid off in 1947 when the British government agreed to partition India and create the independent state of Pakistan. Jinnah became the first Governor-General of Pakistan, and he worked to establish the country’s government and institutions. However, he faced numerous challenges, including a refugee crisis, economic instability, and tensions with India over the disputed territory of Kashmir.

In a speech to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan in 1948, Jinnah said,

“We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one state. Now I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State.”

Despite these challenges, Jinnah remained committed to building a strong and prosperous Pakistan, and he worked tirelessly to lay the foundations for the country’s future success. He believed that Pakistan should be a country where all citizens, regardless of their gender, religion, or ethnicity, were treated equally and had equal opportunities.

“I have full faith in the future of Pakistan and the destiny of our people. You have to stand guard over the development and maintenance of Islamic democracy, Islamic social justice, and the equality of manhood in your own native soil.”

Jinnah’s legacy as the founder of Pakistan is undeniable. He was a visionary leader who saw the potential for a separate Muslim state and worked tirelessly to achieve it. His efforts were instrumental in the creation of Pakistan, and he remains an important figure in the country’s history. He will always be remembered as the father of the nation.

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Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah

Pakistan, one of the largest Muslim states in the world, is a living and exemplary monument of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. With his untiring efforts, indomitable will, and dauntless courage, he united the Indian Muslims under the banner of the Muslim League and carved out a homeland for them, despite stiff opposition from the Hindu Congress and the British Government.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah was born in Karachi on December 25, 1876. His father Jinnah Poonja was an Ismaili Khoja of Kathiawar, a prosperous business community. Muhammad Ali received his early education at the Sindh Madrasa and later at the Mission School, Karachi. He went to England for further studies in 1892 at the age of 16. In 1896, Jinnah qualified for the Bar and was called to the Bar in 1897.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah started his political career in 1906 when he attended the Calcutta session of the All India National Congress in the capacity of Private Secretary to the President of the Congress. In 1910, he was elected to the Imperial Legislative Council. He sponsored the Waqf Validating Bill, which brought him in touch with other Muslim leaders. In March 1913, Jinnah joined the All India Muslim League.

Until the publication of Nehru Report, Jinnah continued his efforts for Hindu-Muslim unity. The Nehru Report, published in 1928, was severely criticized by all sections of the Muslim community. In December 1928, the National Convention was called to consider the Report. Jinnah proposed some amendments, but they were all rejected. He finally parted ways with the Congress.

The Muslim League held its annual session at Lahore in March 1940. This was presided over by Quaid-i-Azam. The demand for Pakistan was formally put forward here. This goal was realized on August 14, 1947. Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was appointed as its first Governor General.

This article was last updated on Sunday, June 01, 2003

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Essay On Quaid-e-Azam 200 & 500 Words For Students

Aspect	Important Points
	Muhammad Ali Jinnah
	December 25, 1876
	Karachi, British India (now Pakistan)
	Founding Father of Pakistan
	Studied law at Lincoln’s Inn, London
Party	All India Muslim League
Contributions
Notable
Vision for
	First Governor-General of Pakistan

200 Words Essay On Quaid E Azam

Introduction.

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the esteemed founder of Pakistan, was a charismatic leader whose pivotal role in the creation of an independent nation for Muslims in the Indian subcontinent remains indelible. His exceptional qualities and unwavering determination continue to inspire individuals to this day. This essay sheds light on the unique and captivating attributes of Quaid-e-Azam that made him an iconic figure in Pakistan’s history.

Visionary Leadership

Quaid-e-Azam’s visionary leadership served as a beacon of hope for millions. With resolute conviction, he envisioned a separate homeland where Muslims could live with dignity and freedom. His farsightedness, coupled with his ability to articulate the aspirations of the people, inspired a sense of unity and purpose among his followers.

Unyielding Determination

Quaid-e-Azam’s determination knew no bounds. Despite facing formidable challenges, he remained steadfast in his pursuit of a separate nation. His resolute stance during negotiations with the British and his unwavering commitment to the cause of independence were instrumental in realizing the dream of Pakistan.

Charismatic Persona

Quaid-e-Azam possessed a magnetic personality that captivated the masses. His eloquence, grace, and dignified demeanor left an indelible impression on all who encountered him. His ability to connect with people from all walks of life made him an influential leader and an inspiration for generations to come.

Defender of Rights

Quaid-e-Azam was a staunch advocate for the rights of all individuals. He firmly believed in upholding justice, equality, and freedom for every citizen. His tireless efforts to protect the rights of minorities and marginalized communities showcased his unwavering commitment to building a just and inclusive society.

Quaid-e-Azam’s visionary leadership, indomitable spirit, and commitment to justice continue to inspire and guide Pakistan toward a brighter future. His legacy remains a testament to his remarkable character and enduring impact.

500 Words Essay On Quaid E Azam

Introduction:.

Quaid-e-Azam, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, stands as the eminent founding father of Pakistan. His influential role in the creation of Pakistan and his exceptional leadership during the independence movement has shaped the destiny of the nation. This essay delves into the remarkable life and achievements of Quaid-e-Azam, presenting a captivating account of his invaluable contributions to the birth of Pakistan.

Early Life and Education

Born into a privileged family on December 25, 1876, Quaid-e-Azam hailed from Karachi, which was then part of British India. His family background instilled in him a sense of dignity and honor. With a strong educational foundation, he pursued his studies in Karachi and later moved to England to refine his legal education at Lincoln’s Inn. Quaid-e-Azam’s unwavering dedication and commitment to his work as a lawyer earned him immense respect among his peers.

Political Career

Quaid-e-Azam’s journey in politics commenced with his early association with the Indian National Congress, where he sought to advocate for the rights of all Indians. However, growing disillusionment with Congress’s inability to protect the interests of Muslims led Quaid-e-Azam to part ways and spearhead the All India Muslim League. Under his astute leadership, he aimed to unite the fragmented Muslim population and secure their rightful place in the Indian subcontinent.

Demand for Pakistan

Quaid-e-Azam’s historic Fourteen Points and the Lahore Resolution are emblematic of his resolute determination to establish an independent Muslim state. He envisaged a land where Muslims could thrive and flourish without fear of marginalization. His unwavering commitment and persuasive negotiations with the British and Congress paved the way for the creation of Pakistan on August 14, 1947.

Leadership during the Independence Movement

As the leader of the Muslim League, Quaid-e-Azam emerged as a skilled diplomat and negotiator during the tumultuous partition process. Despite facing numerous challenges, he navigated the delicate political landscape with remarkable resilience, ensuring the rights and protection of minority communities. His indomitable spirit and steadfast leadership provided the strength needed to overcome the trials of independence.

Vision for Pakistan

Quaid-e-Azam’s vision for Pakistan was rooted in democratic values, inclusivity, and social justice. He championed the cause of religious freedom and emphasized the importance of equality among all citizens. Through his impassioned speeches and addresses, he outlined his vision for a modern, progressive, and prosperous Pakistan, where every individual had the opportunity to succeed.

Quaid-e-Azam’s enduring legacy remains etched in the fabric of Pakistan’s history. His contributions to nation-building, such as the drafting of the country’s constitution, continue to shape the nation’s trajectory. As Pakistan’s first Governor-General, he nurtured unity and stability during the early years, setting a precedent for future leaders.

In conclusion, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s exceptional leadership and visionary guidance played a pivotal role in the creation of Pakistan. His unwavering commitment to the rights of Muslims and his relentless pursuit of a separate homeland have left an indelible mark on the nation. Today, Pakistan stands as a testament to Quaid-e-Azam’s principles, serving as a source of inspiration for generations to come. As we remember his illustrious legacy, we must strive to uphold the values of unity, equality, and progress that he ardently advocated.

Jinnah’s 11 August, 1947 Speech

June 14, 2023

Muhammad Ali Jinnah meant every word of what he said on 11 August 1947. He was opposed to an Islamic State as understood by its protagonists in Pakistan like Abul Ala Maududi relying on Abul Hasan al-Marwardi and others but of which Jinnah was innocent – he did not demand because he wanted to establish an Islamic State.

By A. G. Noorani*

Like others he was concerned at the play of majority rule in a country with communal divisions. The Congress rejected power-sharing in 1937-39 and drove him to ask for partition. It was a political not a religious demand.)

Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s Presidential address on 11 August 1947, to the inaugural session of Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly, was one of the most consequential pronouncements in the history of South Asia. Even sixty years later and despite archival disclosures, debate persists on its true import and significance. Very understandably, because it touches the very fundamentals of the state, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. In contrast to the Constitution of 1956, the Constitution of 1973 prescribes in its various oaths of office a pledge to “strive to preserve the Islamic Ideology which is the basis for the creation of Pakistan.” (Third Schedule; vide the Second Schedule to the Constitution of 1956).

There was no ambiguity whatever in the formulations Jinnah used: “You may belong to any religion or caste or creed – that has nothing to do with the business of the State … you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State” (Jamiluddin Ahmad (ed.)., Speeches and Writings of Mr. Jinnah; Vols. I and II; Sh. Muhammad Ashraf; Lahore; Vol. II, pp. 403-4).

This marked the abandonment of the two-nation theory, explicitly. For Jinnah referred in the same speech to “a nation of 400 millions souls in subjection” to the British rule. His much acclaimed biography by Stanley Wolpert, far from providing any cogent explanation for this volte face, expresses bewilderment. “What was he talking about? Had he simply forgotten where he was? Had the cyclone of events so disoriented him that he was arguing the opposition’s brief? Was he pleading for a united India – on the eve of Pakistan – before those hundreds of thousands of terrified innocents were slaughtered ….?” (Jinnah of Pakistan; Oxford University Press; p. 304). This tells us more about Wolpert than Jinnah.

What lends ambiguity to the text is the context. Since 1939, even before he demanded Pakistan, Jinnah had put forth the two nation theory. From 1940 onwards the demand was sought to be justified on the basis of the theory. The “Muslim nation” had fought for and achieved statehood in Pakistan. Inevitably it would be a Muslim state. But he had not hesitated in his programme of mass mobilization, to press Islam into service. References to the Quran were freely made. The followers – at least a good many of them – could hardly be blamed for imagining that Pakistan would indeed be an Islamic state. It is unthinkable that Jinnah also shared this ideal. The speech sowed the seeds of a contest between the modernists and the Islamists, which has continued to rock Pakistan to this day. It did not declare closure. For even after the speech, Jinnah now Governor-General and head of state – continued to invoke Islam and the Quran.

Not surprisingly the speech came as a shock to his followers. The chronicler of Pakistan’s Press, Zamir Niazi, one of the most honest journalists, has recorded the reaction in his book The Press in Chains (Royal Book Company, Karachi; pp. 36-37). His account is based on authentic contemporary sources. Hamid Jalal revealed that the Establishment sent a press advisory to black out the speech. Altaf Husain, editor of Dawn, foiled the move by threatening to “go to the Quaid himself.” Zamir Siddiqui corroborated Hamid Jalal’s account. The prime culprit was Majid Malik the Principal PRO. The fact that he spoke to Chaudhry Mohammed Ali, Secretary-General of the Cabinet, before withdrawing the advisory casts the latter in a dubious role. Zamir Niazi records also attempts in later years to censor the speech (p. 38).

The speech passed muster in the historical records. It did not shape policy. There is an aspect, however, which is commonly overlooked by those who cite Jinnah’s references to Islam and the Quran to imply that he did not quite mean what he had said. Jinnah knew the personal law of Muslims. Very few, in his times, knew of “the Islamic State”. It was some time after the establishment of Pakistan that the concept began to be defined, with varying degrees of vagueness. Jinnah never did, never could have subscribed to the concept as propounded. It is dishonest to extrapolate his strong occasional remarks to the formulation of advocates of an Islamic State. (Vide the writer’s essay The Islamic State; A Mirage; Criterion; July-September 2009; pp. 28-55).

We have two authentic accounts of his rejection of the concept totally. One is by the Raja of Mahmudabad, who was close to him. He wrote “My advocacy of an Islamic State brought me into conflict with Jinnah. He thoroughly disapproved of my ideas and dissuaded me from expressing them publicly from the League’s platform lest the people might be led to believe that Jinnah shared my view and that he was asking me to convey such ideas to the public.” (C.H. Philips and Mary Doreen Wainwright (Eds.) The Partition of India; George Allen and Unwin Ltd.; Some Memories p. 388).

Sir Prakasa, India’s first High Commissioner to Pakistan, took up the issue with Jinnah in September 1947 on the basis of a speech he had never made. Sir Prakasa urged Jinnah that no “stress should be laid on Pakistan being an Islamic State. … he said he had never used the word ‘Islamic.’ He added ‘You are a responsible man, and you should tell me where I have done so.’ ” Sir Prakasa cited “in your broadcast from Lahore on 31 August you had yourself spoken of Pakistan as an Islamic State.” Jinnah was quite sure that he had not done so, and asked me to let him have the original version, if I could. At this he suddenly got up. I could see he was visibly livid with rage. I was summarily dismissed.” (Sir Prakasa; Pakistan: Birth and Early Days; Meenakshi Prakashan; p. 57). Jinnah was perfectly justified. The memoirs cite no detail significantly. None of the compilations of the Governor-General’s speeches contain the broadcast. What is fully established is that Jinnah regarded advocacy of an Islamic State as a reproach since he rejected the idea completely. He did broadcast from Pakistan Radio, Lahore. It was on 30 October 1947. He spoke of Pakistan as a “Muslim State” (ibid; p. 427).

However this fact does not answer a reproach based on the incontrovertible record of his speeches in which he did speak of Islam and the Quran. A noted scholar Farzana Shaikh grapples with this problem in her able work, Making Sense of Pakistan (Foundation Books, New Delhi, Hurst & Company, London; 2009).

Her views deserve to be quoted in extenso. “Uncertainty about national identity and the lack of consensus over Islam greatly affected the country’s constitutional and political development; they also impinged on the construction of a coherent economic and social vision. Jinnah was famously ambivalent about his understanding of the relationship between Islam and politics. While he had done more than most to tighten the bond between religion and nationalism, thus laying the foundations of Pakistan, he was by all accounts a reluctant convert to his own idea. Moreover Jinnah, like the political and military leaders who succeeded him, was unable to resist the temptation of mobilizing the language of Islam to generate power – power that lay for the most part beyond the reach of mass democratic politics, about which Jinnah was also ambivalent.”

She proceeds to add “Jinnah, no romantic, soon realized that while the principles of Islam might represent a panacea for the resolution of the Muslim national question, they were unlikely to help address the real shortcomings of Muslim society. These shortcomings were brutally exposed at Partition, when Muslims (like others) demonstrated that the primeval impulses of their religion remained dangerously in place. By August 1947 Jinnah was forced to recognize that, whatever the national famous inaugural speech to the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, he appeared to acknowledge the damaging effects flowing from the use of religious rhetoric to justify his demand for Pakistan.” ….

“Jinnah’s own prevarication did little to clear the confusion. In a speech to the Sind Bar Association in Karachi on 25 January 1948, he even seemed ready to abandon his earlier stance, which had called for religion to be kept out of politics, and denouncing as ‘mischief’ attempts to ignore ‘Shari’at Law’ as the basis of Pakistan’s constitution. While few would deny that these inconsistencies were to be expected from Jinnah, who by that time was consumed by fatal ill-health, they set an unfortunate precedent for his successors. Many have since used the ambiguity cultivated by Jinnah to negotiate their own positions and, in doing so, have continued the legacy of a movement that under Jinnah himself came to represent all things to all men.

“The Objectives Resolution passed in March 1949, which has served as a preamble for all three of Pakistan’s constitutions (1956, 1962 and 1973), was symptomatic of this ambiguity. Though regarded as the country’s ‘constitutional Grundnorm,’ its endorsement was marred by a discord that demonstrated the fragility of the consensus underpinning the new state.” (pp.82-83).

As will be pointed out later, her reading of Jinnah’s speech is inaccurate. But it speaks volumes for the speech that despite the Objectives Resolution, the Constitutions of 1956, 1962 and 1973 and four military coups, its central theme is still recalled as a beacon light. In January 2001 President Pervez Musharraf announced a ban on all militant groups, including sectarian outfits, signaling thereby a break in relations between the army and its militant protégés in Afghanistan and Kashmir. His decision came in the wake of a daring attack by militants on the Indian Parliament in December 2001, which had brought Pakistan to the brink of a dangerous military confrontation with India. In his speech justifying the ban, Musharraf recalled Jinnah’s vision of ‘the ideology of Pakistan,’ which he claimed stood in contrast to the ‘theocratic state’ advocated by Islamist parties and their militant allies. Their attempts to establish a ‘state within a state,’ he declared, would be defeated by his military regime, which had come to recognize that “today Pakistan is not facing any threat from outside … the real threats are posed from within.’”

Since ambiguity arises from Jinnah’s other speeches, before and after the partition, the best way to unravel the mystery, such as it is, is first, to determine Jinnah’s “Public Philosophy,” to use Walter Lippmann’s expression, trace the slide towards the two-nation theory and the invocation of the faith, and lastly, analyze the terms of the speech in the light of the speaker’s pronouncements before and after he spoke as he did. Speaking in the Central Legislative Assembly on 7 February 1935 on the Communal Award, Jinnah said: “I entirely reciprocate every sentiment which the Honourable the Leader of the Opposition expressed, and I agree with him that religion should not be allowed to come into politics, that race should not be allowed to come into politics. Language does not matter so much. I agree with him, if taken singly one by one. Religion is merely a matter between man and God. I agree with him there entirely, but I ask him to consider this, – Is this a question of religion purely? Is this a question of language purely? No, Sir, this is a question of minorities and it is a political issue.” (Ahmad; Vol. 1; p. 5).

He repeated these views even after the Lahore Resolution on Pakistan (1940) when he addressed students of the Ismaili College in Bombay on 1 February 1943. He said “Which government, claiming to be a civilized government can demolish a mosque, or which government is going to interfere with religion which is strictly a matter between God and man? The question is that the Musalmans are a nation, distinct from the Hindus.” (ibid; p. 469).

His presidential address to the Delhi session of the All India Muslim League on 21 April 1943 was a documented indictment of Gandhi’s injection of religion into politics. (ibid. pp. 481-482).

Jinnah took pride in the fact that “What the League has done is to set you free from the reactionary elements of Muslims …. it has certainly freed you from that undesirable element of Maulvis and Maulanas” (ibid. p.43). The record is consistent and clear and the speech of 11 August 1947 fully accorded with the outlook these remarks expressed.

This brings us to a sorry omission in the entire discussion on that speech. It was delivered on the establishment of Pakistan. Surely in order to ascertain “the ideology of Pakistan” it is far more relevant to consider Jinnah’s speech delivered at the first espousal of Pakistan, at the Lahore Session of the League on 23 March 1940. It had not the faintest hint of an Islamic State. It offered arguments in support of a political solution.

In a broadcast on All India Radio on Eid Day 15 November 1939 he said pointedly “we shall be guided by our rational interpretation of the Quran.”

The address at the Lahore session fell in to two parts. One concerned recent politics, the other, the demand for Pakistan. The two-nation theory cemented both (ibid.; p. 156 and 162). Islam came last in the peroration which exhorted “come forward as servants of Islam.” But neither the Lahore Resolution nor the League President asserted that India’s partition was being demanded in order to establish an Islamic or, for that matter, a Muslim State. “The ideology of Pakistan” is a belated, artificial and an utterly bogus construct.

However, it must be emphasized that it was not a secular state but a majoritarian State that Jinnah began demanding with strident consistency. It was far removed from Jawaharlal Nehru’s concept of secularism. Few of his senior colleagues shared it. (S. Gopal; Nehru; Oxford University Press; Vol. II; p.15).

There was a false construct which Jinnah began tirelessly to propound – the homelands of Muslims lay in the areas in which they formed a majority. This is based on a historical falsehood. Islam came first to Malabar not to the north. To this day the namaz is said in an ancient mosque in Cannonore in the manner it was in the days of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH). It is absurd to aver that the seats of Muslim culture in U.P., Hyderabad, and Bengal are not the Muslims homelands.

This theory had a pernicious corollary – the rest of India comprised the Hindus’ homelands. Sample this amplification of the Lahore resolution. “The question for the Muslim minorities in Hindu India is whether the entire Muslim India of 90,000,000 should be subjected to a Hindu majority raj or whether at least 60,000,000 of Musalmans residing in the areas where they form a majority should have their own homeland and thereby have an opportunity to develop their spiritual, cultural, economic and political life in accordance with their own genius and shape their own future destiny, at the same time allowing Hindus and others to do likewise. Similar will be the position of the Hindus and other minorities in the Muslim homelands.” (ibid.; p. 166). Specifically “What the Muslim League wanted was that the Muslims should have opportunity to have their own governments in the two zones which they considered as their homelands and develop their own culture. He wished Godspeed to the Hindus to have their own governments in the other parts and develop according to their own genius.” (ibid. p. 220).

The two States would be given over to the two communities. But note this formulation on 2 January 1941. “The question is not merely cultural but of political, economic and social problems which can only be solved according to our genius in our homelands, provided that they are independent states and in no way under the control of any centre for all India. Safeguards, constitutional or otherwise, will be of no use. So long as there is communal Hindu majority at the centre, safeguard will remain on paper. Therefore I think of nothing better or more suitable having regard to the conditions and realities than separation of Muslims in my proposed homelands.”

A statement issued in May 1941 came close to the “faith” but it was obviously rhetorical. “Therefore, the Muslims asked that where they were in a majority they should be allowed to have their own way of life, and that where Hindus were in a majority they should continue to have their way of life, each nation according to its own philosophy, faith and culture.” (ibid., p. 292).

It was bad enough propounding a proposal which did not, could not possibly, resolve the communal problem. It was far worse to embellish it with a theory which legitimized majoritarian States in both parts – a Muslims State and Hindu State. It is most unfair to deny Nehru the credit for rejecting this theory and opting instead for a secular state, however imperfect it may be in actual practice. The minorities have a yardstick by which to hold the State to account.

It was of course, not an Islamic State that Jinnah had in mind. The ideas he floated gave succour to those who did. Jinnah did not realize this. He resented charges that he wanted a religious state in a speech at Aligarh on 2 November 1941. K. M. Munshi was reported to have said, “The State under the Pakistan scheme would not be a civil government responsible to a composite legislature consisting of all communities, but a religious State pledged to rule according to the teachings of that religion thus by implication excluding all others not following that religion from a share in the government. One crore and thirteen lakhs of Sikhs and Hindus would constitute a minority under the protection of the religious State of the Muslims. These Hindus and Sikhs would be on sufferance in the Punjab and would be foreigners in Hindustan.” Jinnah replied “Is it not an incitement to the Sikhs and excluding them from all power, is entirely untrue. He seems to suggest that non-Muslims in Pakistan will be treated as untouchables. Let me tell Mr. Munshi that untouchability is only known to his religion and his philosophy and not ours. Islam stands for justice, equality, fair play, toleration and even generosity to non-Muslims who may be under our protection. They are like brothers to us and would be the citizens of the State.” (ibid.; June 1941; pp 313-314).

Jinnah’s honesty is not questioned. His clarity of thought, consistency and lack of sense of responsibility is. He had not thought through the implications and consequences of his ideas.

He regarded the minorities virtually as citizens of the “other” State. “You will protect and safeguard our minorities in your zones and we will protect and guard your minorities in ours” (ibid., p. 441; 2 November 1942).

It was Muslim exclusivism in excelsis. If a plebiscite on Pakistan was to be taken in the Muslim majority provinces, the Hindus and Sikhs were not to vote. His demand repeated all too often was “give effect to the verdict of a Muslim plebiscite and carry out the Pakistan scheme” (ibid.; p. 448). How could the disfranchised minorities have an equal position in a state formed thus?

A careful student of Jinnah’ policies will notice a significant shift in emphasis every time he spoke in the NWFP. A message to the NWFP Students Federation, on 4 April 1943, read thus: “You have asked me to give you a message. What message can I give you? We have got the greatest message in the Quran for our guidance and enlightenment” (ibid., p. 472).

By then the maulanas at whose political marginalization he had rejoiced were being invited to join and did join the League in droves. The infiltration increased as elections began to loom large. Jinnah was too wide alert not to sense the danger which “ideological confusion” posed in such a situation. He declared emphatically at the League’s Session in Delhi on 24 April 1943: “The Constitution of Pakistan can only be framed by the Millat and the people. Prepare yourselves and see that you frame a constitution which is to your heart’s desire. There is a lot of misunderstanding. A lot of mischief is created. Is it going to be an Islamic government? Is it not begging the question? Is it not a question of passing a vote of censure on yourself? The constitution and the government will be what the people will decide. The only question is that of minorities.

“The minorities are entitled to get a definite assurance and ask: ‘Where do we stand in the Pakistan that you visualize?’ That is an issue of giving a definite and clear assurance to the minorities. We have done it. We have passed a resolution that the minorities must be protected and safeguarded to the fullest extent and as I said before any civilized government will do it and ought to do it. So far as we are concerned our own history, our Prophet have given the clearest proof that non-Muslims have been treated not only justly and fairly but generously.” (ibid., pp 507-8).

At no time did Jinnah utter the words “Islam in danger” which his detractors attribute to him; never citing the source. “It is for you all to put your heads together, your Council of the All-India Muslim League, and undertake proper and systematic planning, I can only repeat once again, for educational uplift, social uplift, economic uplift, political uplift and cultural uplift of the nation.” –protection of Islam was not mentioned. (ibid., p. 513).

But faith kept cropping up. “What was it that kept the Muslims united as one man, and what was the bedrock and sheet-anchor of the community,” asked Mr. Jinnah. “Islam,” he said, and added; “It is the Great Book, Quran, that is the sheet-anchor of Muslim India. I am sure that as we go on and on there will be more and more of oneness – one God, one Book, one Prophet, and one Nation.” (ibid., p. 575).

With the character of the State was bound up its duty to persons of the same religious affiliation in the other part of the split country. “How could Pakistan help the Musalmans of C.P., U.P., Madras, Bombay and elsewhere? What could be the objective of the Musalmans of these provinces? Safeguards could be the only thing. But what would be the use of these safeguards if there was no authoritative sanction to ensure their fulfillment. If they achieved for provinces where Muslims were in a majority the cherished goal of Pakistan, it would mean independence for seven crores of their brothers and enforcement of safeguards in the Muslim minority provinces, and this would guarantee a just and fair treatment to all minorities.” (Ahmad, Vol.; 2; pp. 19-20, on 13 March 1944).

The linkage between the State and its wards outside was clearly stated. “The crux of the issue is, are you prepared to trust your minorities with us and are we prepared to trust our minorities with you and accept the position that where you are dominant it shall be your dominant government and it shall our dominant government where we are in a majority?” (ibid., p. 166).

The nature of the help was not left vague, either. He had no wish to quarrel, Jinnah said but if “our minorities are ill-treated Pakistan cannot remain a passive spectator. If Britain in Gladstone’s time could intervene in Armenia in the name of protection of minorities, why should it not be right for us to do so in the case of our minorities in Hindustan – if they are oppressed?” This was stated as late as on 11 April 1946 at the League Legislators’ convention. Gladstone intervened militarily on behalf of the world’s strongest imperial power. Moreover, was Jinnah not conferring, implicitly, a similar right to the stronger neighbour? (ibid.; p. 286).

The record must be viewed as a whole and objectively. The debate has been reduced to an exchange of polemics on both sides. Which is why Jinnah’s statements are recalled here at some, perhaps tiresome, length in a quest for understanding; not in an effort at proving a pre- conceived thesis. One thing is clear. Even when recalling the Quran and its injunctions he never extended them to the structure of the State.

Sample this. “Everyone, except those who are ignorant, knows that the Quran is the general code of the Muslims. A religious, social, civil, commercial, military, judicial, criminal, penal code; it regulates everything from the ceremonies of religion to those of daily life; from the salvation of the soul to the to the health of the body; from the rights of all to those of each individual; from morality to crime, from punishment here to that in the life to come, and our Prophet has enjoined on us that every Musalman should possess a copy of the Quran and be his own priest. Therefore Islam is not merely confined to the spiritual tenets and doctrines or rituals and ceremonies. It is a complete code regulating the whole Muslim society, every department of life, collective and individually.” This comprehensive formulation made on Eid Day 1945 omitted the State. (ibid., p. 209).

The Associated Press of America was told on 1 November 1945 that “This would be a Muslim State. As far as the Musalmans are concerned there would be no social barriers of any kind against the Hindus or anyone else. The Musalmans are a people who believe in and act on the basic principle of equality of manhood and fraternity.

… Hindu minorities in Pakistan can rest assured that their rights will be protected. No civilized Government can be run successfully without giving minorities a complete sense of security and confidence. They must be made to feel that they have a hand in Government and to do this they must have adequate representation in it. Pakistan will give this.” (ibid.; p. 232). This was a pledge in the most explicit terms that the minorities would have a share in power, “a hand in Government”, as distinct from what he called “paper safeguards.” (ibid., p. 232).

Pakistan would be “a Muslim State in which the minorities would enjoy equal rights. The duality is glaring.

Peshawar always inspired him to go the extra length to keep the flock together. Students of the Islamia College were assured during his tour of the Province in November 1945 that “the League stood for carving out States in India where Muslims are in a numerical majority to rule them under Islamic law.” (ibid., p. 233).

We do history no service in glossing over the flaws in the thinking. Jinnah’s pronouncements on Islam and the minorities were riddled with contradictions. On the occasion of his 70th birthday the Memon Merchants Chamber hosted a tea party in Bombay. It was a good occasion for reassuring Muslims in non-Muslims majority provinces. He seized on a statement by Ravi Shankar Shukla, former Premier of the Central Provinces and one of the more rabid Hindu communalists in the Congress, that Muslims in such provinces would be treated as foreigners. “It was amazing to find that Congress leaders were indulging in such reckless and irresponsible threats” (ibid., p. 269).

A little over three months later, in an interview to the BBC at New Delhi on 3 April 1946 – when partition had emerged as a distinct possibility – Jinnah himself offered three options to the Muslims minorities and did so in terms which the BJP and RSS could playfully quote in support of their credo though it is diametrically opposite to Jinnah’s liberal credo. He said “These areas, like Madras for instance will have a Hindu government and the Muslim minorities will have three courses open to them: they may accept citizenship in the State in which they are. They can remain there as foreigners; or they can come to Pakistan. I will welcome them.” (ibid.; p. 282).

A year later he stressed that all the minorities would be equal and loyal citizens of the State to which they belong. This was not a new formulation. The fundamentals of the 11 August 1947 speech were always present; not least at the Legislator’s Convention on 11 April 1946. “What are we fighting for? What are we aiming at? It is not theocracy, not for a theocratic state. Religion is there and religion is dear to us. All the worldly goods are nothing to us when we talk of religion; but there are other things which are very vital; our social life, our economic life, and without political power, how can you defend your faith and your economic life?” (ibid.; p. 284).

This brings us to the speech. Jinnah’s biographer Hector Bolitho asserts that “he worked, for many hours, on the Presidential Address” which was undoubtedly “the greatest speech of his life.” (Jinnah Creater of Pakistan; Oxford University Press, Karachi; pp. 175-6).

A textual analysis suggests that it was delivered extempore. It was rambling in parts. The man spoke from his heart. Notice the topics he addressed first. They were “law and order;” “bribery and corruption;” “black-marketing;” and “nepotism and jobbery” – in this order. He next turned to the partition of India and of the Punjab and Bengal. “I know there are people who do not quite agree with” it. He understood the feelings of the minorities, but “a division had to take place.” A united India could not have worked, adding “may be that view is correct; may be it is not; that remains to be seen”. It was “impossible to avoid” the situation of minorities in both states. “Now what shall we do?”

The famous, indeed immortal words, are an answer to that question. Their core is reproduced here. “If you will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet you are bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a spirit that every one of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this state with equal rights, privileges and obligations, there will be no end to the progress you will make.

“I cannot emphasize it too much. We should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities, the Hindu community and the Muslim community because even as regards Muslims you have Pathans, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis and so on and among the Hindus you have Brahmans, Vashnavas, Khatris, also Bengalees, Madrasis, and so on – will vanish. Indeed if you ask me this has been the biggest hindrance in the way of India to attain the freedom and independence and but for this we would have been free peoples long long ago. No power can hold another nation, and specially a nation of 400 million souls in subjection; nobody could have conquered you, and even if it had happened, nobody could have continued its hold on you for any length of time but for this. …”

Inter-Muslim differences were put on a par with Hindu-Muslim differences and the fact of “a nation of 400 million souls was accepted.” He added “Therefore, we must learn a lesson from this. You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed – that has nothing to do with the business of the State. …”

“Now, I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State.” (ibid.; pp. 403-4).

The theme was repeated with increasing emphasis in passage after passage and it is one which is in accord with the theme for which the vintage Jinnah was known. Later on in October 1947 he advised Muslims in India “to give unflinching loyalty to the state in which they happen to be.” (ibid., p. 420).

One is at a loss to understand why the 11 August 1947 speech is regarded almost as a unique pronouncement. Compare the words he uttered then with what he used at his last press conference in New Delhi on 14 July 1947:

Q. Could you as Governor-General make a brief statement on the minorities problem?

A. At present I am only Governor-General-designate. We will assume for a moment that on August 15, I shall be really the Governor- General of Pakistan. On that assumption, let me tell you that I shall not depart from what I said repeatedly with regard to the minorities. Every time I spoke about the minorities I meant what I said and what I said I meant.

‘Minorities to whichever community they may belong, will be safeguarded. Their religion or faith or belief will be secure. There will be no interference of any kind with their freedom of worship. They will have their protection with regard to their religion, faith, their life, their culture. They will be, in all respects, the citizens of Pakistan without any distinction of caste or creed.

“They will have their rights and privileges and no doubt, along with it goes the obligation of citizenship. Therefore, the minorities have their responsibilities also and they will play their part in the affairs of this State. As long as the minorities are loyal to the State and owe true allegiance and as long as I have any power, they need have no apprehension of any kind.

Q. You said that minorities in Pakistan, if they are loyal, will be dealt with generously and justly, may we take it this applies to Muslims in Hindustan as well?

A. It applies to any minority anywhere in the world. You cannot have a minority which is disloyal and plays the role of sabotaging the State. That minority, of course, becomes intolerable in any State. I advise Hindus and Muslims and every citizen to be loyal to his State.

Q. Will Pakistan be a secular or theocratic state?

A. You are asking me a question that is absurd. I do not know what a theocratic state means.

Q. A correspondent suggested that a theocratic state meant a state where only people of a particular religion, for example, Muslims, could be full citizens and non-Muslims would not be full citizens.

A. Then it seems to me that what I have already said is like throwing water on a duck’s back. When you talk of democracy, I am afraid you have not studied Islam. We learned democracy thirteen centuries ago. “ (Jinnah: Speeches and Statements 1947 – 1948; Oxford University Press Karachi; pp. 13 and 15).

In his interview to Reuters on 25 October 1947 Jinnah recalled his famous speech. “Minorities belonging to different faiths living in Pakistan or Hindustan do not cease to be citizens of the respective States by virtue of their belonging to a particular faith, religion or race. I have repeatedly made it clear, especially in my opening speech to the Constituent Assembly, that the minorities in Pakistan would be treated as our citizens and will enjoy all the rights and privileges that any other community gets. Pakistan shall pursue that policy and do all it can to create a sense of security and confidence in the non-Muslim minorities in Pakistan.

“Every citizen is expected to be loyal to the State and to owe true allegiance to it. The arm of law should be strong enough to deal with any person or section or body of people that is disloyal to the State. We do not, however, prescribe any school boy tests of their loyalty. We shall not say to any Hindu citizen of Pakistan ‘if there was war, would you shoot a Hindu.’” (ibid., p. 61).

Hindus in East Pakistan were assured on 22 March 1948 that the Central and Provincial Government “were now their own Governments.” (ibid.; p. 153).

In a broadcast to the United States in February 1948, he said “In any case Pakistan is not going to be a theocratic State – to be ruled by priests with a divine mission. We have many non-Muslims – Hindus, Christians, and Parsis – but they are all Pakistanis. They will enjoy the same rights and privileges as any other citizens and will play their rightful part in the affairs of Pakistan.” (ibid.; p. 125). He repeatedly characterized Pakistan as a Muslim state; except on one occasion, at Peshawar, predictably. It was at the Edwards College on 18 April 1948 when he described Pakistan as land “under a rule, which is Islamic, Muslim rule, as a sovereign independent State” (ibid., p. 201).

Jinnah could not have failed to learn the reaction the August speech had produced. The speech which Farzana Sheikh considers as a virtual retraction of the August speech must be read in context. He was trying to assuage fears but without committing himself to accepting the demands. He was speaking on the occasion of the Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) birthday at the Bar Association in Karachi. According to the report published in Dawn on 26 January 1948, “Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Governor-General of Pakistan, speaking at a reception given to him on the Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) birthday, by the Bar Association, Karachi, said ‘Why this feeling of nervousness that the future constitution of Pakistan is going to be in conflict with Shariat Laws?’ The Quaid-i- Azam said ‘Islamic principles today are as applicable to life as they were 1,300 years ago.’

“The Governor-General of Pakistan said that he would like to tell those who are ‘[some are] misled by propaganda’ that not only the Muslims but also the non-Muslims have nothing to fear.

‘Islam and its idealism have taught democracy. Islam has taught equality, justice and fair play to everybody. What reason is there for anyone to fear democracy, equality, freedom on the highest standard of integrity and on the basis of fair play and justice for everybody.’ (ibid.; p. 97).

In this the Quaid-i-Azam adopted the very technique which was later deployed by Charles de Gaulle on 4 June 1958. He had just come to power and desperately needed time, de Gaulle assured the rebellious colors in Algeria “Je vous ai compris … “ (I have understood you). A few days later he spoke of “algerie francaise” (French Algeria). De Gaulle alone could have granted independence to Algeria and that too at the risk of his life. In both cases those in the know knew what the leader was aiming it.

But, ambiguity always exacts a toll especially if used in defining the nation’s identity. “If the trumpet give an uncertain sound, who shall prepare himself to the battle?” (I Corinthian xiv, 8). India is still paying the price for defining itself in the very first Article of the Constitution as “India, that is Bharat. ..” and capping this with a “Directive Principle of State Policy” for banning the slaughter of cows. The likes of Abul Ala Maududi were opposed to the demand for Pakistan. They seized on some stray utterances of the Quaid to argue that he too wanted an Islamic State.

The Pir of Manki Sharif urged Jinnah on 19 July 1947, to establish a separate portfolio “for affairs concerned with Shariat.” (Z.H. Zaidi (ed.) Jinnah Papers, First Series Vol. III; p. 512). The Governor of NWFP Rob Lockhart reported to the Governor-General Lord Mountbatten on 9 August 1947, “dissensions amongst the local League leaders.” He added that “some are annoyed because Jinnah said he could not establish Shariat law” (ibid.; Vol. IV, p. 462).

Jinnah’s rhetoric exacted a toll. Significantly not one political party, not even the Muslim League, over which he had presided for over a decade, championed Jinnah’s credo. Nor did Z. A. Bhutto, by no means a religious person. That was left to a band of intellectuals. Sibte Hasan wrote in Dawn of 28 March 1976 “The Struggle for Secularim is an integral part of the struggle against feudalism.” In 1986 appeared his book The Battle of Ideas in Pakistan (Pakistan Publishing House, Karachi).

Hasan Zaheer was no Communist. He lamented “had it not been for its involvement in the (Rawalpindi) Conspiracy, the Communist Party might have become a significant element in the mainstream politics in both wings in Pakistan.” (The Times and Trial of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case 1951; Oxford University Press, Karachi, p. 208). The lament was made in the specific context of “the feudal and tribal social structure of West Pakistan.” In India, likewise, anti-Communists like this writer noted the Communist Parties’ fight against anti-secular forces. This the legacy which Jinnah’s ambiguous rhetoric left.

The record, like any other, must be viewed as a whole without allowing one’s views to emphasize one or the other statement or factor or circumstance unduly. Seven propositions emerge incontestably. First, Muhammad Ali Jinnah meant every word of what he said on 11 August 1947; Secondly, he was opposed to an Islamic State as understood by its protagonists in Pakistan like Abul Ala Maududi relying on Abul Hasan al-Mawardi and others but of which Jinnah was innocent; Thirdly, he did not demand Pakistan because he wanted to establish an Islamic State. Like others he was concerned at the play of majority rule in a country with communal divisions. The Congress rejected power-sharing in 1937-39 and drove him to ask for partition. It was a political not a religious demand; but, fourthly, his espousal of the pernicious two- nation theory – which he threw out of the window on 11 August 1947

– inescapably brought in Islam as part of the identity of Muslims as he defined it; fifthly, some of Jinnah’s statements in his campaign of political mobilization were just that and no more; sixthly, while Jinnah indubitably described Pakistan as a Muslim State, equally indubitably he insisted on equal rights for all citizens, regardless of their religion. The two-nation theory could be discarded. Pakistan’s identity which it had forged was fixed with a Muslim character; and lastly, even this would disappear with the passage of time as he said all too clearly on 11 August 1947. Therein lies the enduring, undying legacy of Quaid-e- Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s famous speech which the Islamists wish had never been delivered. The speech will remain to inspire all who fight for Jinnah’s Pakistan.

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MUHAMMAD ALI JINNAH

February 3, 2022
Posted by: OptimizeIAS Team
Category: DPN Topics

TOPIC: Indian History

Context- As the Uttar Pradesh election rhetoric gets shriller, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, is back in the news.

About Jinnah:

Born on 25 December 1876 in Karachi, now in Pakistan, (then part of British-controlled India) , Jinnah was a barrister by occupation at Lincoln’s Inn in London, England.
Jinnah was the person who successfully structured the dream for an independent Pakistan and became its first leader.
He is popularly called there as ‘Quaid-I Azam’ or ‘Great Leader’.

Role in Indian politics

In 1916, he was elected as the president of the Muslim league.
Jinnah rose to prominence in the Indian National Congress in the first two decades of the 20th century. In these early years of his political career, Jinnah advocated Hindu–Muslim unity, in which Jinnah had also become prominent.
In 1920 , however, Jinnah resigned from the Congress when it agreed to follow a campaign of satyagraha, which he regarded as political anarchy.
In 1940 , in the Lahore Muslim League session, the first official demand for the partition of India and the creation of a Muslim state of ‘Pakistan ‘ was called upon
His continuous efforts and negotiations with the British government resulted in the partition of India and the formation of the state of Pakistan on 14 August 1947.
Jinnah became the first governor general of Pakistan, but died of tuberculosis on 11 September 1948.

Major Contributions by him:

Muhammad Ali Jinnah is known to be the ﬁrst political leader to raise a voice against the Salt Tax.
He helped in shaping the 1916 Lucknow Pact between the Congress and the All-India Muslim League.
Jinnah, also, was a key leader in the All-India Home Rule League.
He even proposed a fourteen-point constitutional reform plan for protecting the political rights of Muslims in the Indian subcontinent.

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Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah

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Mohammed Ali Jinnah
Mohammed Ali Jinnah (born December 25, 1876?, Karachi, India [now in Pakistan]—died September 11, 1948, Karachi) was an Indian Muslim politician, who was the founder and first governor-general (1947-48) of Pakistan.. Early years. Jinnah was the eldest of seven children of Jinnahbhai Poonja, a prosperous merchant, and his wife, Mithibai.His family was a member of the Khoja caste, Hindus who ...
Muhammad Ali Jinnah
Muhammad Ali Jinnah (born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai; 25 December 1876 - 11 September 1948) was a barrister, politician, and the founder of Pakistan. Jinnah served as the leader of the All-India Muslim League from 1913 until the inception of Pakistan on 14 August 1947, and then as the Dominion of Pakistan 's first governor-general until his death.
(PDF) The Charismatic Leadership of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah
October 10, 2021 Accepted: February 05, 2022 Online: February 06, 2022 Keywords: Charisma, Constitution, Constitutionalist, Freedom Movement, Jinnah *Corresponding Author ghulam.shabbir@u og.edu.pk Introduction Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah is widely regarded as a charismatic leader who played a pivotal role in the creation of Pakistan and ...
Historic Figures: Mohammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948)
He is known there as 'Quaid-I Azam' or 'Great Leader'. Mohammed Ali Jinnah was born on 25 December 1876 in Karachi, now in Pakistan, but then part of British-controlled India. His father was a ...
Muhammad Ali Jinnah
Jinnah, Muhammad Ali (1876-1948) Founder of Pakistan.A British-trained lawyer, he joined the Indian National Congress in 1906, but left it in 1920 when they rejected his demand for a separate Muslim electorate. Jinnah led the Muslim League in campaigning for political equality for Indian Muslims, while continuing to seek agreement with Hindus. By 1940, he had adopted the aim of a separate ...
Muhammad Ali Jinnah
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Quaid e Azam. Jinnah was born in 1876, two decades after the British brought India into its growing empire. British imperialism was based on mercantilism and controlling sea ...
Mohammed Ali Jinnah
Dates of time spent in Britain: 1893-6, 1913, 1914, 1930-4. About: Mohammed Ali Jinnah was the founding father of Pakistan. He was the eldest of seven children born to Jinnabhai Poonja, a merchant, and his wife Mithibhai, and attended the Sind Madrassa then the Christian Mission High School, Karachi, where he failed to excel.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah
Muhammad Ali Jinnah he joined the Indian National Congress in 1906. Seven years later, he joined the India Muslim League. The independent state of Pakistan that Jinnah had envisioned came to be on ...
Pakistan National Hero: Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah
April 20, 2023 by Mahmood Rehan. The founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, is the Pakistan National Hero who played a significant role in the independence movement of Pakistan. He was a visionary leader who fought for the rights of Muslims in the subcontinent and eventually succeeded in creating a separate homeland for them.
Essay on Qaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah With Quotations
Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a prominent political leader and the founder of Pakistan. Born in Karachi in 1876, Jinnah studied law and became a successful lawyer before entering politics. Over the course of his career, he played a pivotal role in the creation of the country of Pakistan and served as its first Governor-General.
Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah
His father Jinnah Poonja was an Ismaili Khoja of Kathiawar, a prosperous business community. Muhammad Ali received his early education at the Sindh Madrasa and later at the Mission School, Karachi. He went to England for further studies in 1892 at the age of 16. In 1896, Jinnah qualified for the Bar and was called to the Bar in 1897.
Jinnah Speeches & Statements
Mahomed Ali Jinnah. Oxford University Press, 2000 - History - 242 pages. With a detailed introduction by well-known historian, Samuel M. Burke, this book carries all the significant speeches and statments of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah is his position as Governor-General of the newly-founded State of Pakistan.
Essay On Quaid-e-Azam 200 & 500 Words For Students
Introduction: Quaid-e-Azam, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, stands as the eminent founding father of Pakistan. His influential role in the creation of Pakistan and his exceptional leadership during the independence movement has shaped the destiny of the nation. This essay delves into the remarkable life and achievements of Quaid-e-Azam, presenting a ...
ENG 1A My Hero Jinnah
its an essay on my hero my hero: muhammad ali jinnah in karachi, the great leader establishing father of the islamic republic of pakistan, quaid azam mahomet. Skip to document. ... perspective, in 1941. After changing into the president of the Muslim League, Muhammad Ali Jinnah was drawn into a conflict between a pro- Congress and a pro-British ...
Jinnah's 11 August, 1947 Speech
Muhammad Ali Jinnah meant every word of what he said on 11 August 1947. He was opposed to an Islamic State as understood by its protagonists in Pakistan like Abul Ala Maududi relying on Abul Hasan al-Marwardi and others but of which Jinnah was innocent - he did not demand because he wanted to establish an Islamic State. By.
MUHAMMAD ALI JINNAH
Jinnah became the first governor general of Pakistan, but died of tuberculosis on 11 September 1948. Major Contributions by him: Muhammad Ali Jinnah is known to be the ﬁrst political leader to raise a voice against the Salt Tax. He helped in shaping the 1916 Lucknow Pact between the Congress and the All-India Muslim League.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah
Jinnah on an Iranian postage stamp. Muhammad Ali Jinnah (26 December 1876 - 11 September 1948) was the founder of the country of Pakistan.After the independence of Pakistan, he became the Governor-General of Pakistan.As a mark of respect, Pakistanis call him Quaid-e-Azam. Quaid-e-Azam is a phrase which, in the Urdu language, means "the great leader".". He is also called Baba-e-Qaum, another ...
A short essay on Mohammad Ali Jannah
A short essay on Mohammad Ali Jannah. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was born in 1876 in Karachi and was the first of seven children. He went to school in Karachi and Bombay, and then to England to study law on his father's advice. When he returned to India, he started his legal practice in Bombay. Jinnah entered politics in 1906 by joining the Indian ...
Descriptive Essay
Descriptive Essay - Free download as Word Doc (.doc / .docx), PDF File (.pdf), Text File (.txt) or read online for free. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a lawyer and politician who served as Pakistan's first governor-general and is regarded as the founder of Pakistan. He possessed exemplary leadership qualities, including honesty and integrity in always speaking the truth, having strong decision ...
Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah Free Essay Example
Essay, Pages 3 (586 words) Views. 5600. Muhammad Ali Jinnah born on 25th December 1876 at Wazir Mansion Karachi. His father's name was Ponja Jinnah. He got admission in Sindh Madrissah High School in 1887 and got admitted in Mission High School from where he passed matriculation. His father on the advice of his friend and business partner Sir ...
Essay On Muhammad Ali Jinnah
Muhammad Ali Essay. Muhammad Ali Muhammad Ali, was the first Islamic boxer to win a World Title. Grit is perseverance, passion, and faith to get to your life goals and over difficult challenges. Muhammad Ali born January 17, 1942 Louisville Kentucky he passed June 03, 2016.
Free Essay: Muhammad Ali Jinnah
Muhammad Ali Jinnah was born on 25 December 1876 in Karachi. He was a lawyer, politician, and the founder of Pakistan. He is revered in Pakistan as Quaid-i-Azam and Baba-i-Qaum. His birthday is observed as a national holiday. Jinnah served as leader of the All-India Muslim League from 1913 until Pakistan's independence on 14 August 1947, and as ...

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