cash crops essay

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Biology Article

What are Crops?

Crops are plants grown by the farmers. Agriculture plays a very important role in the Indian economy. It is the backbone of our country. 70% of the Indian population depends on agriculture for food and money. It is the major occupation in the rural areas. The cultivation of crops depends primarily on the weather and soil conditions.

Types of Crops

The crops are of the following types depending upon the season in which they are grown:

Kharif Crops

The crops which are grown in the monsoon season are known as Kharif crops. For eg., maize, millet, and cotton.

The seeds are sown at the beginning of monsoon season and harvested at the end of the monsoon season.

Such crops require a lot of water and hot weather for proper growth.

The name “Rabi” means “spring” – a word derived from Arabic.

The crops that are grown in the winter season and harvested in the spring are called Rabi crops.

Wheat, gram, and mustard are some of the Rabi crops.

Various agricultural practices are carried out to produce new crop varieties.

Such crops require a warm climate for the germination and maturation of seeds. They, however, require a cold climate for their growth.

Such crops are grown between the Kharif and Rabi seasons, i.e., between March and June.

These crops mature early.

Cucumber, pumpkin, bitter gourd, and watermelon are zaid crops.

Factors Affecting Crop Production

The factors affecting the production of crops include:

Internal or Genetic Factors

The genetic makeup decides crop growth and production. Breeders incorporate maximum desirable characters in the crops to obtain a new hybrid variety. The desirable characters include:

Early maturity

High yielding ability

Resistance to drought, flood, and salinity

Tolerance to insect and diseases

Resistance to lodging

The chemical composition of grains

Quality of grains and straw

These characters are transmitted from one generation to another.

External or Environmental Factors

The external factors include:

Socio-economic

Climatic Factors

The climatic factors that affect crop production include:

Precipitation

Temperature

Atmospheric Humidity

Solar radiation

Wind Velocity

Atmospheric Gases

Edaphic Factors

The growth of the plants depends upon the type of soil on which they are grown. These are known as edaphic factors and include the following:

Soil Moisture

Soil Temperature

Soil Mineral Matter

Soil Organic Matter

Soil Organisms

Soil Reactions

Biotic Factors

Plants and animals are biotic factors that affect crop production. Even pests impact crop production, often with negative implications.

Socio-economic Factors

The number of human resources available for cultivation.

The inclination of society towards cultivation.

Appropriate choice of crops.

Breeding varieties for increased yield or pest resistance by human inventions.

A cash crop is the one that is cultivated to be sold in the market to earn profits from the sale.

Most of the crops grown today worldwide are cash crops cultivated for selling in the national and international markets.

Most of the cash crops grown in the developing nations are sold to the developed nations for a better price.

Well-known cash crops include coffee, tea, cocoa, cotton, and sugarcane.

The crops that are grown to feed the human population are known as food crops. There are a number of food crops grown in the country.

Rice: It is the staple food crop in a majority of regions in the country. Rice is a Kharif crop that requires high temperature, heavy rainfall and high humidity for proper growth. The areas with less rainfall use irrigation for rice cultivation.

Wheat: It is the most important cereal crop in the north and north-western parts of the country. It is a rabi crop that requires 50-75 cm of annual rainfall.

Millets: The important millets grown in the country include jowar, bajra and ragi. They are highly nutritious and are known as coarse grains. It grows in the regions which experience rainfall throughout the year.

Maize: This Kharif crop is used as both food and fodder. It grows well in alluvial soil.

Pulses: India is the largest consumer and producer of pulses in the world. Pulses can survive even in dry conditions. These are leguminous crops and help in improving soil fertility by fixing atmospheric nitrogen.

The human population depends upon crops for their food production . Therefore, the crops should be cultivated using proper production techniques and agriculture implements.

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Agriculture in India

Cash crops: production and marketing | agriculture.

In agriculture, a cash crop is a crop which is grown for money. The term is used to differentiate from subsistence crops, which are those fed to the producer’s own livestock or grown as food for the producer’s family.

In earlier times cash crops were usually only a small (but vital) part of a farm’s total yield, while today, especially in the developed countries, almost all crops are mainly grown for cash. In non-developed nations, cash crops are usually crops which attract demand in more developed nations, and hence have some export value.

In many tropical and subtropical areas, Arecanut, Betelnut, Cardamom, Pepper, coffee, cocoa, sugarcane, bananas, oranges and cotton are common cash crops. In cooler areas, grain crops, oil-yielding crops and some vegetables predominate an example of this is the United States, where corn, wheat, cannabis and soybeans are the predominant cash crops. In the 1600s, tobacco became a cash crop.

Prices for major cash crops are set in commodity markets with global scope, with some local variation (called basis) based on freight costs and local supply and demand balance. A consequence of this is that a nation, region, or individual producer relying on such a crop may suffer low prices should a bumper crop elsewhere lead to excess supply on the global markets. This system is criticized by traditional farmers. Coffee is a major part of this. Issues involving subsidies and trade barriers on such crops have become controversial in discussions of globalization.

Many developing nations take the position that the current international trade system is unfair because it has caused tariffs to be lowered in industrial goods while allowing for high tariffs and agricultural subsidies for agricultural goods. This makes it difficult for a developing nation to export its goods overseas, and forces developing nations to compete with imported goods which are exported from developed nations at artificially low prices.

The practice of exporting at artificially low prices is known as dumping, and is illegal in most nations. Controversy over this issue led to the collapse of the Cancun trade talks in 2003, when the Group of 22 refused to consider agenda items proposed by the European Union unless the issue of agricultural subsidies were addressed.

Agribusiness, with its high capital-investment and industrial-scale agricultural practices, very often skews production towards cash crops and away from anything that is consumed locally or which cannot be preserved, shipped and sold abroad.

When used in conjunction with practices which seek to maximize crop yield and which favor monoculture, increasing reliance on cash crops is seen by some to have adverse, long term environmental consequences. The prevalence of cash crops also makes ethical consumerism difficult, as production practices cannot easily be determined and removed.

How much land do you need to produce cash crops? In part, this will depend upon what you want to do.

There are three different sizes of land that can be used:

i. Less than 1 acre;

ii. 1 to 2 acres; and

iii. 6 to 20 acres.

The size of your garden determines what your best crops will be in order to produce the most cash. For example – if you have one acre or less, you won’t want to try growing apple and peach trees. You need more space for fruit trees. Instead, focus on crops like asparagus, strawberries, raspberries, herbs and other similar crops that can produce large amounts in small spaces.

The other important factor is the type of soil in your area. Most crops require certain kinds of soil to produce the highest yield and the best quality. The good news is that you can improve your soil by using fertilizers. Most of customers will prefer “organically grown” produce. Since most “store bought” produce is usually laced with some kind of chemical, featuring organically grown crops can assure you of increased sales. There’s always a market for health oriented produce.

A great way to improve your soil is by composting. Composting turn’s leaves, grass clippings, scrap food, and other organic material into a rich soil. There are both long and short procedures for producing compost.

Here’s how:

Pick a spot for a compost pile (4 x 4 or 6 x 6 feet) and begin by putting down a 4 to 5 inch layer of leaves or grass clippings. Cover with an inch or so of dirt and a shovel-full or two of manure. Then start another layer of organic matter. Continue in this manner until the pile is 3 or 4 feet high. You can sprinkle each layer lightly with water. If you like, you can construct an enclosed wire “box” for this compost pile.

If you want to use the protracted method for composting, simply let the pile “cook” for about 9 months. If you want a “faster” compost wait 8 to 9 days then mix the pile. Then wait 3 or 4 days and mix again. Do this until the pile has-turned into a rich soil-like mixture. This compost can then be worked into your oil.

The purpose of composting is to develop heat and moisture within the pile. This will cause the organic matter to decompose into components that are usable by the plants. It will produce a lot of nitrogen-rich material as well as material rich loaded with minerals.

You may need to add a cup of lime or bone meal between the layers of the pile to make an even better compost. You should have your soil tested to determine its acid, nitrogen, and mineral condition, or content. You’ll en be able to determine what to add to the soil to correct any deficiencies.

You’ll also be able to determine what grows best in your type of soil. There are low cost soil testing kits available, or you can find local testing groups, such as your local county extension office or the agriculture department at most colleges.

Most of the small cash crop growers use a rototiller for preparing the soil. If the soil has never been used for a garden, you should have it worked up good with a tractor the first year. After that, a rototiller can do the job. Of course, if you have more than a one acre garden you may still want to save a lot of work and hire someone with a tractor to plow your soil. You should find several full time and part time farmers advertising in the classified section of your local newspaper for their tilling services.

The better prepared your soil is, the better the results will be. So take the time to find out the soil’s current condition, add plenty of fertilizing material and work the soil up in preparation for planting. Crop selection is largely a matter of preference and how you want to market your product For example, some products can easily be sold only locally while other products can be sold nationally as well as locally Herbs are examples of produce that can be sold both ways.

You don’t just plant one type of crop unless you have signed contracts to sell that crop, or have plenty of marketing experience. There are some exceptions to this rule- for example, specialized crops such as mushrooms and problems if something doesn’t produce as well as expected, or if the market becomes saturated.

Using good mulching techniques will help to eliminate weeds and lessen the amount of labor you’ll need to put into the garden. It will also keep the soil around your plants moist and produce stronger plants. Almost all successful small cash crop growers use the mulching method.

Small Fruits :

There are tremendous opportunities for part time fruit growers. Every large metropolitan area could use more fruit producers. This article will focus on the basic small fruit crops, such as blueberries, raspberries and strawberries. These fruits generally produce an excellent return on your investment.

Much of the demand is for “U-Pick” fields near larger cities. Thus, a few acres of small fruits can produce a substantial income. Except for strawberries, most of the fruit plants can keep producing for as long as 10 years, or more. Also, small fruit crops produce a high return per acre — up to $15,000 gross income per acre.

Blueberries grow on small bushes and require an acid type soil. You can get about 1,000 bushes on an acre. Many farmers argue that blueberries are the best crop for “U-Pick” operations. But blueberries take a little more care and careful adjustment of the soil acidity, and are a bit harder to grow than other berries. Yet once you have a good established stand of blueberries, they can produce an excellent income.

Grapes can be grown almost anywhere there is fertile, well-drained soil. Grapevines will last decades (up to 80 years!) and therefore, can produce a permanent income. Grapes can be used in “U-Pick” operations, and also sold via retail stores. It’s important to study the proper pruning methods for grapes. Further information can be gleaned from U.S. Government agriculture publications found in most libraries or from the U.S. Government Printing Office in Washington, DC.

Raspberries can produce quick results and will continue producing for many years. The plants are low cost to purchase and establish, have little disease problems, and usually produce large crops. Best of all, there simply aren’t enough of these delicious berries available. Thus, the demand is high and they will bring a large price per quart. You can easily propagate new plants yourself, adding to your crop each year. Raspberries require lots of sun, fertile, well-drained soil, and effective mulching.

Strawberries are also an extremely popular crop. You can easily sell all you grow either by the “U-Pick” arrangement or sell direct to the consumer. The cost to establish a strawberry patch is generally low. And yields range from 6,000 to 15,000 pounds per acre.

Here are a few tips for “U-Pick” operations:

1. Have adequate parking, signs, and portable restrooms available.

2. Send each picker into assigned rows.

3. Use reusable containers and sell by the container, instead of by the pound.

4. Have plenty of empty containers to use, and make your customers feel at home.

Some growers are also producing other types of lesser-known crops such as kiwi, guavas, and Chinese dates. But, for most people just starting in the “cash crop” business, the 4 small fruits recommended in this section are the most cost effective.

There are several different ways to make profits from flowers- selling flower bulbs, cut flowers, and flower plants. These can be sold in a variety of wholesale and retail ways. A sizable flower business can be built upon 1/2 acre or less. Thus, flowers are an excellent choice if you have very little space.

Here are a few examples of the most popular types of flowers:

1. Bulbs – canna, crocus, daffodils, gladiolus, iris, lilies, tulips.

2. Cut flowers – carnations, chrysanthemums, roses, snapdragons.

3. Live flowers – roses, violets, wildflowers, and virtually all other types of flowers.

Recently, a USDA horticulturist stated that the production of flowers is the fastest growing agriculture business today. The demand far outstrips the supply.

A great way to start making money from flowers is by building a greenhouse. You can then grow plants for selling to the many retail outlets that sell flowers in the spring. A number of people have reported that they completely paid for a $7,000 – $10,000 greenhouse in just one season using this method.

Flowers are always popular and will remain so. If you want to get into this business, you must become knowledgeable. And, more importantly, you must have or develop a love for flowers.

Herb crops can be divided into three primary groupings.

There are some herbs that may fit into more than one of the following categories:

1. Culinary herbs – used for flavorings, or as food.

2. Fragrant herbs – used for scents, potpourris, and sachets.

3. Medicinal – herbs used for as herbal remedies.

Herbs are continually becoming more in demand. The demand outstrips the current domestic supply, thus there is plenty of opportunity for growing and selling herbs. It’s a pleasant business that costs little to start, takes little space and can produce a substantial income. One of the best things about herbs is that you can produce a fair amount of income per acre. Some growers produce as much as $12,000 – $15,000 per acre.

Another important fact is that almost all areas of the United States are suitable for growing some type of herbs. Most herb crops can begin producing incomes in the same year they are planted. Therefore, you can plan a herb crop this winter and reap the profits next fall!

You can find sources for herb plants and seeds by looking through the various gardening and farming magazines. Publications like, The Mother Earth News, Fine Gardening, Harrowsmith and Organic Gardening contain many ads for herb suppliers. Look in both the classified and display ad sections.

Herbs can be sold in a wide variety of ways:

1. Direct to the customer as plants.

2. Direct to the customer as a finished product.

3. Wholesaling to retail stores.

4. Wholesaling to bulk herb buyers.

5. Wholesaling to arts and crafts people who use the herbs in other products.

6. Fresh herbs to restaurants.

If you wish to become involved in growing herbs for profit, the first thing to do is to educate yourself about the different herbs. You’ll discover that some herbs take special growing conditions to flourish. Then devise a plan to detail what herbs you will grow and how you’ll market them.

Here are a few examples of some popular herbs from the three classes listed earlier:

1. Culinary herbs – Basil, sage, chives, dill, parsley, savory, rosemary, thyme.

2. Fragrant herbs – mints, tansy, clove, rue, thyme, rosemary, chamomile.

3. Medicinal herbs – borage, catnip, ginseng, gold seal, lobelia, pennyroyal, valerian.

Most successful herb growers plant a variety of herbs. They also use several different marketing techniques, such as- direct to the consumer, selling herb plants to other growers, and selling to restaurants. Dried herbs can also be sold by mail order. A few herb growers concentrate on one or two varieties for which there is a big demand. Examples include – peppermint and catnip. Usually, they already have contracts for selling the product to large wholesalers or companies that use the herbs in their products.

Vegetable s:

Fresh, home grown vegetables is a constant in-demand product. You can often beat the large supermarket chain on prices, and always on product quality. You can even become a supplier to small grocery stores. But most of your profits will come from direct retail sales to consumers who are looking for “farm fresh, chemical free” produce.

There are literally dozens of different vegetable crops you can grow. You pick 8 or 10 of the most popular vegetables. Using intensive gardening techniques can greatly increase the amount produced per acre. Some growers have reported incomes of up to $20,000 per acre.

These are a few of the most popular vegetables:

1. Asparagus – yields up to 2,000 pounds per acre at $2 per pound. Plants are started as roots and are ready to use in about 3 years. And will continue producing for up to 20 years.

2. Beans – always one of the most popular crops, and come in many easy-to-grow varieties. Beans will produce several crops each growing season.

3. Brussels Sprouts – relatively easy to grow and can produce late into the year, even after a frost.

4. Carrots – requires lots of loose fertile soil. There is a strong demand for “baby carrots.”

5. Corn – one of the most popular fresh picked vegetables, although it does have a slightly lower profitability per acre.

6. Lettuce – a quick and easy-to-grow vegetable. You should grow several different varieties, and it can be planted very early.

7. Peppers – both the mild and hot varieties. Peppers need a long warm growing season and well-drained soil. Other popular items include okra, onions, peas, radishes, spinach, squash, tomatoes, watermelon, and eggplant.

Vegetables can be marketed in a variety of ways. There are even many “U-Pick” vegetable operations. However, by far the best way to sell vegetables is by operating a small roadside stand, or at an established farmer’s market. Most communities have a farmer’s market operating on weekends.

There’s a booming market for organically grown vegetables. And that market will continue. Chemical free produce will always bring you premium prices. Organically grown vegetables take a little more soil preparation and effort, but they can be well worth the extra effort.

Other ways to market vegetables are- directly to restaurants, local stores, and to food co-ops. The key to all of these marketing efforts is to have a high quality, chemical free products.

Specialty Crops :

This article will briefly cover other special cash crops. Some of these crops can only be grown in certain section of the countries. Also, some must have special growing conditions.

I. Landscaping Plants :

Special plants for landscaping are always in demand. These plants include shrubs such as – rhododendron, azaleas and juniper, as well as some decorative trees. Landscaping plants can be sold directly to the consumer or to landscaping companies. If you begin supplying a landscape company or retail outlets with good stock, you’ll soon have a steady source of income. A couple of important things to know about landscape plants are that they must be attractive and have a good survival rate. And you probably need to give some sort of guarantee that the plants are free from disease.

II. Nut Crops :

Including almonds, chestnuts, filberts, pecans and walnuts. You can expect a wait of from 3 to 20 years for nut production. But some growers also produce and sell various aged nut trees for replanting. Nice two and three old trees will bring a premium price. Since nut tree crops require a long time to mature, some growers use a dual method … they plant a raspberry crop between the nut trees.

It takes about 8 to 10 years to get nut trees into nut production. But, after they have produced crops, they can also be used for valuable lumber production in 30 years or so. Nut trees could make an excellent retirement crop if you plant them while you’re young. Some arrow-straight walnut trees, black walnut specifically, have brought as much as $10,000 each!

III. Bamboo :

This crop is grown for its edible shoots, and can produce 3 to 10 tons per acre. Bamboo is also used for a wide variety of construction items, including furniture. Currently, U.S. growers cannot keep up with the demand, so bamboo is being imported from Asia.

i. Dried Plants:

Are used for decoration and fragrance. Dried floral arrangements are especially popular. Many arts and craft shops, gift stores and specialty shops need a constant supply of dried flowers. There are two steps involved in producing these crops. First you must produce an attractive, quality plant. Next, you must have used the proper drying techniques to preserve the plants while maintaining its looks.

ii. Mushrooms:

Have become a very popular specialty food in fancy restaurants. The Shitake mushroom is specially adapted for production by small family farms. It can be harvested during the spring and fall. And it has both a meaty taste and medicinal properties. These mushrooms are usually grown outdoors on 6 to 8 foot logs.

The logs are prepared and then inoculated with the mushroom spores. Then it’s a 6 to 8 month wait for the first crop. A few growers have developed indoor growing techniques which result in a shorter growing season.

iii. Oyster Mushrooms:

Is another variety that is fast becoming popular. These mushrooms are fast growing and produce high yields. They can be grown on easily available material, such as wheat straw. The largest market for specialty mushrooms are restaurants, food co-ops, grocers and health food stores. You can enjoy a year round booming market for dried Shitake mushrooms.

IV. Seeds :

Many small growers are supplying the large seed companies with special crop seed. These include flower seeds, wildflowers seeds and hard-to-find vegetables. Some small producers occasionally sell directly to the consumer.

V. Sprouts :

Growing sprouts can be ideal for those who have very little space. Fresh sprouts can be supplied to major grocery stores as well as to restaurants and health food stores.

Marketing Techniques :

There are a variety of selling techniques that can be used get cash from your crops. Some producers use several of the methods at the same time. Several things can help make your marketing efforts easier. The first is quality. You want to produce the best product possible. Your product’s good, clean, healthy appearance will impress buyers. Sub-par products will be hard to sell.

The way to produce quality is by proper initial soil preparation, using good seeds and by adhering to accepted growing methods. There many plants that act as natural atnip, marigolds, nasturtiums, savory, garlic, horseradish, tansy, and thyme.

An important marketing consideration is timing. If you can get a crop ready when other producers aren’t, sales will be easy. This can be done by using greenhouses, planting early, using hotbeds and, of course, good planning. Pricing is also important.

Most sellers recommend that you price your products 10% to 20% below those in grocery stores. (But don’t lock yourself into a price war by trying to undercut your competition from other small producers.) Products that are grown using organic methods will most often bring higher prices. Check will all the local retail stores and at farmers markets to get a feel for your local current selling rates.

One of the most common marketing techniques is selling your wares at roadside stands. Two of the most important factors to consider before setting up your stand are signs and ample parking space. Your signs should be no longer than 6 to 8 words, neat, legible and easy to understand. Signs need to be placed far enough ahead of your stand to give the customer time to pull into your parking area.

Next, you want your stand to be well organized and neat in appearance. Make it easy for the customer to see the product and prices. Neatness and cleanliness will pay off. Combined with quality products and good prices, you’ll enjoy a lot of free advertising by “word of mouth.” A variation of the roadside stand is to sell from the back of your pickup truck or car. You’ll need to locate a well-traveled road and a spot with parking that doesn’t interfere with anyone.

Another common selling method is at farmer’s markets and flea markets. These gatherings are held in most localities. If not, you’ll want to get together with other producers and organize a farmer’s market. All of these methods can also be aided by advertising in local newspapers, “penny saver” papers, radio stations, and by posting notices on bulletin boards.

Selling directly to retail grocery stores and restaurants is another good procedure. If you can provide them with a steady supply of fresh produce, sales should be easy. When contacting these stores be prepared to offer a 30% to 40% discount from regular retail prices. This allows the retailer a good profit margin. If you are a reliable producer, you may be able to set up a weekly route to service several retail locations.

There are many food co-ops that are eager to buy large quantities of quality produce. You’ll need to offer reasonable discounts. Too, you’ll want to scout out these local co-ops and contact them directly. For some products you may have to prepare neat individualized packages of produce. Example – 1 or 2 ounces of herbs in labeled, plastic bags.

This marketing method will work for almost any product. However, it does present some special problems. Example – you cannot let very young kids into the picking areas as they may get hurt and/or damage some crops. In order to operate a successful U-Pick operation, you’ll need to get along well with people. You also need to be friendly, courteous and treat everyone as if they are individually important which, of course, they are.

Getting Help :

There’s a variety of ways to get help with gardening and marketing your products. Almost every state offers free agriculture help through universities and state agriculture offices. The U.S. Department of Agriculture also offers many free programs. Local bookstores, newsstands, and libraries also contain many informative sources.

Study these diligently and become skillful in gardening. Finally, you’ll be able to find many newsletters and growers associations advertised in the gardening magazines. These are often your best sources for plants, seeds, growing techniques, and marketing strategies.

Marketing of Agricultural Produce: 12 Stages | India | Agriculture
How to Improve Agricultural Marketing in India ? | Agriculture

Agriculture , Crops , Cash Crops , Production of Cash Crops

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Table of Contents

Introduction to Cash Crops

The term “ cash crops ” carries immense significance in agriculture and economic sustainability. These crops are the backbone of agricultural economies worldwide, playing a crucial role in driving economic growth and trade. This article will delve into cash crops’ definition, examples, and importance. We will explore their types and significance and address common questions like whether rice and sugarcane are considered cash crops .

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What are Cash Crops?

Cash crops are agricultural commodities cultivated primarily for sale and profit rather than personal consumption. These crops are intended to generate revenue and contribute significantly to a region’s economy. Cash crops often hold high market demand, are produced on a large scale, and play a vital role in international trade. They have historically shaped the economic landscapes of various nations and have been instrumental in building and sustaining economies.

Examples of Cash Crops

Cash crops come in a diverse range, reflecting regions’ varied climatic and geographical conditions. Some prime examples of cash crops include:

Oilseeds (such as soybeans, sunflower, and canola)
Spices (such as vanilla, saffron, and cardamom)
Fruits (such as bananas, citrus fruits, and pineapples)
Vegetables (such as tomatoes, peppers, and cucumbers)

Cash Crop Definition

A cash crop can be defined as any agricultural product grown to be sold in the market for profit rather than personal consumption. These crops are strategically chosen based on market demand, climate suitability, and economic viability.

List of Cash Crops

Cash crops play a pivotal role in global agricultural economies . Here’s a comprehensive chart listing various types of cash crops:


Fiber Crops	Cotton, Flax, Hemp
Oil Crops	Soybeans, Canola, Sunflower
Spice Crops	Vanilla, Cardamom, Pepper
Beverage Crops	Coffee, Tea, Cocoa
Industrial Crops	Rubber, Jute, Sugarcane
Fruit Crops	Bananas, Citrus Fruits
Nut Crops	Almonds, Cashews, Walnuts
Vegetable Crops	Tomatoes, Peppers, Onions

Cash Crop Examples in India

With its diverse climate and agricultural landscape, India is home to several cash crops that have significantly contributed to its economy. Some notable examples include:

Also Check These Relevant Topics:

Biology Articles Soil Rabi and Kharif Crops Rainwater Harvesting

Importance of Cash Crops

Fueling Global Economies Cash crops contribute significantly to a nation’s economic stability and growth. They generate substantial revenue, provide employment opportunities, and foster international trade relationships. Additionally, they influence local infrastructure development, technological advancements, and overall prosperity.

Rice and Sugarcane as Cash Crops

Rice, while a staple food for many, is not typically classified as a primary cash crop due to its dual role in personal consumption and commercial sale. On the other hand, Sugarcane is a prime example of a cash crop, cultivated primarily for sugar extraction and industrial use.

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) on Cash Crops

What are cash crops.

Cash crops are agricultural commodities cultivated primarily for sale and profit, rather than personal consumption. They play a significant role in generating revenue, shaping economies, and contributing to international trade.

How are cash crops different from subsistence crops?

Cash crops are grown for commercial purposes and are sold in the market, whereas subsistence crops are grown to meet the needs of a farmer's family, with any surplus sometimes sold locally.

What are some examples of cash crops around the world?

Cash crops span a wide variety, including coffee, cotton, tea, tobacco, cocoa, and oilseeds like soybeans and canola. Spices such as vanilla and cardamom and fruits and vegetables like bananas and tomatoes are also considered cash crops.

How do cash crops impact local economies?

Cash crops can profoundly affect local economies by creating jobs, boosting income, and supporting infrastructure development. They can also lead to economic vulnerability if there's overreliance on a single crop.

Is Rice a Cash Crop?

Rice is not universally considered a cash crop due to its dual purpose as both a staple food for consumption and a potential surplus for sale.

Is Sugarcane a Cash Crop?

Sugarcane is a classic cash crop grown primarily for its economic value in sugar and related industries.

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Cash-cropping and Economic Growth in Africa

For many African states, cash cropping is a major livelihood and prime source of income. Despite this importance, the industry has not achieved long term growth in a number of African economies. Many cash cropping contexts have succeeded and grown rapidly in the past, but a multitude of these, such as starch exports, have since slowed down or completely died out.

In examining why many African economies did not achieve long term growth in the cash cropping sector, first we need to determine what constitutes long term growth, and why cash cropping did not achieve it. This will be determined in the first section. Subsequently, the essay will determine that a lack of capital and capital accumulation is a stumbling block for growth in the cash-cropping sector and in African economies; this essay will then argue that much of the colonial era’s crop demand and success was transient due to demands by colonial states and world events. Finally, this essay will argue that African states have not properly developed the sector, due to a lack of will and a lack of capacity.

This essay will ultimately find that cash-cropping failed to achieve long term growth in African economies due to the transient nature of crop export success. A particular crop typically requires dedication to perfect but its success is short-lived and reliant on world market demand.

Economic growth is seen as a general expansion of the goods and services that a nation produces, with long-term growth being a sustained rise in this quantity. [1] To achieve long-term growth, African economies need to raise their output of goods and services over a long period of time. While cash-cropping succeeded in some contexts within a short length of time, this was subsequently followed by stagnation or a destruction of the industry. Chien (2015) argues that technology is a prime driver of economic growth. [2] While there is an effort to modernise in many African states, studies have shown that spending on agricultural development (in particular) is still too low. [3] Many of these studies suggest that to become globally competitive and productive, African states need to shift to a capital-intensive approach in the form of fertilisers, equipment and irrigation technology. [4] This is easier said than done. As the next section will argue, there is insufficient public or private capital to invest in the sector.

African cash-cropping needs to become capital intensive, but there simply isn’t enough capital. This also affects the rest of the economy, as a lack of capital results in a lack of local investment, that then holds back economic growth. Palm oil production in Nigeria has always been, and continues to be, highly labour intensive, with little attempts to shift towards capital intensification. [5] A lack of cash income, Martin argues, resulted in a lack of innovation in technology. [6] Money that was made was used for other reasons, as physical assets such as machinery were an inconvenience in matters of inheritance. [7] As a result, innovation was seen in the division of labour and not in capital. Investment was primarily in increasing the labour force, through marriage or through employment. [8] Capital was not used or accumulated due to a lack of it and the need to spend what was made on imports or politics. Nigeria, even today, faces a problem, as capital is needed to invest in the crop sector but there isn’t enough capital. [9]

In the case of cassava in the same region, machinery was invested in to increase productivity. [10] The inflexibility of capital innovation did, however, raise the level of distrust towards the system, as cassava production was ended by imperial decree due to its infringement on palm oil production. [11] While some capital was used to invest in these industries, the transient nature of crops did not endear producers to the idea of heavily investing in one crop. The problem with this sentiment, however, is that capital intensity is needed to increase production so that extra capital can be attained to invest in the next crop trend.

Trade in particular crops and the success of their growth never lasts forever. Crops continue to have relative demand over long periods, but market fluctuations due to varying demand has a major effect on the success of African producers. While schemes such as the 1947 Tanganyika Groundnut scheme failed as a result of sheer incompetence on the part of the organisers, many other cases of cash-cropping failures can be blamed on the transient nature of the industry. [12] Agriculture is a harsh industry. Even if the crop doesn’t fail, there is no guarantee that a producer will be able to sell their goods at a reasonable price or even at all. Due to this, farmers are often terrified of new crops or uncertainty. Risk is something they cannot afford. Shifts to new crops in Africa during colonialism can be seen as a result of coercion or major incentive, eliminating stagnation from uncertainty.

Cotton in Portuguese Mozambique and Angola are examples of the use of coercion to encourage a new crop. State intervention saw the encouraging of cotton production through force. [13] Prohibition on peasants selling non-cotton produce, designation of labour and forced use of land was not enough to make cotton successful, however. [14] Pitcher (1991) argues that legislation from the 1800s to 1900s, in fact, had nothing to do with the rising success of cotton production in the region. [15] The industry owes all its temporary success to the American Civil War, that resulted in a global cotton shortage, creating an opportunity for Portuguese colonial cotton. [16] When the Civil War ended, cotton sunk into a slump once again. Only the drastically draconian system of Estada Novo worked, to a degree, by guaranteeing prices and forcing peasant production. [17] The system itself, however, can be argued to have contributed to the violent upheaval that ended colonialism in Mozambique. Without mass coercion and without global opportunity, Mozambique was not able to outcompete global competitors.

The global demand for rubber during the World Wars was supplied by many African regions. [18] The end of the wars and the invention of rubber substitutes put an end to much of this demand. Those who had invested in the industry would have begun to make less income than they had predicted, highlighting further why African producers didn’t invest in technology. Machinery is suited for a singular crop. If that crop is no longer popular, then it becomes a wasted investment. With capital as scarce as it is, African producers would rather invest in crop diversification or extra labour. Even prior to the end of both World Wars, rubber production in the Congo was ended, due to unprofitability as labour costs became too much. [19] Capital investment could have changed this, lowering the need for and cost of labour. But as has been dealt with, capital was not available to invest in this industry, especially with fear of its transience.

Some trends in cash crops are artificially generated and stopped. An example of this is the case of cassava starch production in Nigeria. The need for starch during World War 2 saw the imperial government encourage starch production in Nigeria. [20] London was clear that the trade in starch would be transient. [21] After some initial failures, Nigeria eventually became a reliable source of starch. [22] Many producers shifted to growing cassava and producing starch, especially if they had become disillusioned by cocoa or palm oil production. [23] In April 1943, however, the Nigerian colonial government abolished the export of starch, despite its heavy inclusion in the economy. [24] The imperial government needed palm products, and starch had become too profitable, and had shifted too much labour from the palm industry. [25] In this way, the global demand for starch was generated by government demand with little private demand, and then ended through state decree despite local production and any existing private demand. Cassava trade was transient, and relying on it would have caused many producers to become impoverished after its export ban. [26]

Despite these few examples of cash-crop failures, there are some success stories. In contemporary Rwanda, bananas have become a major export with good resale value. They do not detract from food crops and complement other growing industries such as banana wine production. Cotton income in Mali and Burkina Faso has been reinvested in other crops, diversifying and avoiding risk. [27] Cocoa in Ghana is also a relative success story, with production growing from 450 000 tonnes in 2000 to 900 000 in 2010. [28] These examples show that there is room for success for cash-cropping in Africa, despite challenges. One just needs to produce and invest wisely in crops that can complement and grow local industries.

Many African states lack the necessary capacity to grow their crop sector. Even during the colonial era, transport was a crucial aspect to cultivation. [29] Today, only areas which exist alongside natural transport arteries or pre-existing infrastructure do well. [30] Land becoming scarcer alongside these arteries and infrastructure has resulted in a myriad of producers being in inopportune regions. [31] A lack of arable land and a lack of labour has also put the industry under strain. [32] Population growth would help the labour shortage, but a need for abodes continues to eliminate available land. [33] The traditional system of shifting cultivation has been put under strain due to labour shortages and a lack of arable land. [34] Fertilisers would solve this issue, but there is often not enough capital to invest. By and large, the African agricultural sector is underfunded. [35] This is caused by and exacerbates a lack of private and public agrarian capital, leading to a lack of much needed assets such as infrastructure, equipment, irrigation and fertiliser. [36] Many states cannot invest in agriculture due to a shortage of funds, such as in Zambia, Mali and Zimbabwe. [37] Overall, the incapacity of African cash-cropping links to the earlier section of a lack of capital.

In addition to this incapacity, there is also a relative lack of willingness among African governments to invest in technology or agriculture. Kinyanjui (1993) argues that many African leaders, especially among the more authoritarian states, care more about spending on security to maintain their regime than investing in food security or the cash-crop industry. [38] In many states with harder commodities, this is to be expected. Rent-seekers can more easily make money out of unsustainable commodities such as oil or mining than slower and less capital intensive industries such as cash-cropping.

This essay has shown that cash cropping in Africa and its lack of long-term growth is a problem of transience and lack of capital. Long-term economic growth requires capital investment and a sustainable growth of production. This is not possible in a sector in which demand constantly changes, disallowing reliable investment in any one export. In contemporary consumerist society, global demand is steady enough for most cash-crops, but an incapacity due to initial capital holds back African producers’ ability to become globally competitive. In the past, market fluctuations and the transient nature of crop demand led to a boom and bust in many African contexts. There are some contemporary success stories, however, which have succeeded due to reinvestment in diversification (to mitigate risk) and growth of complementary industries. [39] Post-colonial African contexts suffer from a lack of private and public capital, preventing them from moving towards capital intensive strategies. In addition to this fiscal incapacity to develop, many African leaders do not care enough to invest in agriculture, due to apathy or a need to invest in security spending to maintain their regime.

Overall, success in African cash-cropping needs to be achieved through sound investment. Capital, public and private, will appear from somewhere. Like Mali and Burkina Faso, that capital needs to be invested in diversification, but also in fertiliser (to alleviate concerns of arable land scarcity) and other assets. While still tumultuous, global demand of cash crops is steady enough to warrant some specialisation. What is also clear, however, is that the day of the peasant farmer is long gone. Only large commercial conglomerates can absorb the risk and potential losses of such a risky export market, and in going forward, Africa will need to develop along this path.

Austin, Gareth. “Cash Crops and Freedom: Export Agriculture and the Decline of Slavery in Colonial West Africa.” International Review of Social History 54, 1 (2009): 1-37.
Cavendish, Richard. Britain Abandons the Groundnuts Scheme. Accessed August 17, 2016. http://www.historytoday.com/richard-cavendish/britain-abandons-groundnuts-scheme.
Chien, YiLi. What Drives Long-Run Economic Growth?, Federal Reserve Bank of St Louis. Accessed August 20, 2016. https://www.stlouisfed.org/on-the-economy/2015/june/what-drives-long-run-economic-growth.
Curtis, Mark. Improving African Agriculture Spending: Budget Analysis of Burundi, Ghana, Zambia, Kenya and Sierra Leone. http://www.africa-adapt.net/media/resources/888/improving-african-agriculture-spending-2.pdf .
Determinants of Long-Run Growth . Boundless.com. Accessed August 20, 2016. https://www.boundless.com/economics/textbooks/boundless-economics-textbook/economic-growth-20/long-run-growth-99/determinants-of-long-run-growth-371-12468.
Eke, I.C. and Effiong J.A.L. “The Effects of Capital Accumulation on Crop Production Output in Nigeria.” International Journal of Agriculture and Earth Science 2, no. 3 (2016): 62-81. http://iiardpub.org/ijaes/get/THE%20EFFECTS.pdf. Accessed August 16, 2016.
Falola, Toyin. “Cassava Starch for Export in Nigeria during the Second World War,” African Economic History , no. 18 (1989): 73-98.
Kinyanjui, Kabiru. “Culture, Technology and Sustainable Development in Africa.” Asian Perspective 17, no. 2 (1993): 269-295.
Martin, Susan. “Gender and Innovation: Farming, Cooking and Palm Processing in the Ngwa Region, South-Eastern Nigeria, 1900-1930.” The Journal of African History 25, no. 4 (1984): 411-427.
Neuemark, S.D. “Some Economic Development Problems of African Agriculture,” Journal of Farm Economics 41, no 1 (1959): 43-50.
Reardon, Thomas, Christopger B. Barrett, and Valerie Kelly . Sustainable Versus Unsustainable Agricultural Intensification in Africa: Focus on Policy Reforms and Market Conditions. Paper invited for presentation at the AAEA International Preconference on “Agricultural Intensification, Economic Development and the Environment,”July 31-August 1, 1998, Salt Lake City, Utah.
The sad story of Ghana’s cocoa industry and the way forward . Ghana Business News. Accessed August 20, 2016. https://www.ghanabusinessnews.com/2015/06/22/the-sad-story-of-ghanas-cocoa-industry-and-the-way-forward/.
Tosh, John. “The Cash-Crop Revolution in Tropical Africa: An Agricultural Reappraisal,” African Affairs 79, no. 314 (1980): 79-94.

[1] Determinants of Long-Run Growth, Boundless.com, accessed August 20, 2016, https://www.boundless.com/economics/textbooks/boundless-economics-textbook/economic-growth-20/long-run-growth-99/determinants-of-long-run-growth-371-12468.

[2] YiLi Chien, What Drives Long-Run Economic Growth?, Federal Reserve Bank of St Louis, accessed August 20, 2016, https://www.stlouisfed.org/on-the-economy/2015/june/what-drives-long-run-economic-growth.

[3] Mark Curtis, Improving African Agriculture Spending: Budget Analysis of Burundi, Ghana, Zambia, Kenya and Sierra Leone , http://www.africa-adapt.net/media/resources/888/improving-african-agriculture-spending-2.pdf , 3.

[4] Thomas Reardon et al., Sustainable Versus Unsustainable Agricultural Intensification in Africa: Focus on Policy Reforms and Market Conditions, 1998: 24.

[5] Susan Martin, “Gender and Innovation: Farming, Cooking and Palm Processing in the Ngwa Region, South-Eastern Nigeria, 1900-1930,” The Journal of African History 25, no. 4 (1984): 424.

[6] Ibid., 425.

[7] Ibid., 426.

[8] Ibid., 426.

[9] I.C. Eke and Effiong J.A.L., “The Effects of Capital Accumulation on Crop Production Output in Nigeria,” International Journal of Agriculture and Earth Science 2, no. 3 (2016): 79, http://iiardpub.org/ijaes/get/THE%20EFFECTS.pdf , accessed August 16, 2016.

[10] Toyin Falola, “Cassava Starch for Export in Nigeria during the Second World War,” African Economic History, no. 18 (1989): 75.

[11] Ibid., 92.

[12] Richard Cavendish, Britain Abandons the Groundnuts Scheme, HistoryToday, accessed August 17, 2016, http://www.historytoday.com/richard-cavendish/britain-abandons-groundnuts-scheme.

[13] M. Anne Pitcher, “Sowing the Seeds of Failure: Early Portuguese Cotton Cultivation in Angola and Mozambique,” Journal of Southern African Studies 17, no. 1 (1991): 58.

[14] Ibid., 59.

[15] Ibid., 66.

[16] Ibid., 60.

[17] Ibid., 66. African peasants didn’t want to grow cotton as they saw it as unsustainable and dangerous, in that if it wasn’t sold, the loss couldn’t be recouped through eating it.

[18] Gareth Austin, “Cash Crops and Freedom: Export Agriculture and the Decline of Slavery in Colonial West Africa,” International Review of Social History 54, 1 (2009): 2-3.

[19] Ibid., 20.

[20] Falola, “Cassava Starch for Export in Nigeria during the Second World War,” 75.

[21] Ibid., 76.

[22] Ibid., 82.

[23] Ibid., 78.

[24] Ibid., 92.

[25] Ibid., 92.

[26] Reardon et al., Sustainable Versus Unsustainable Agricultural Intensification in Africa: Focus on Policy Reforms and Market Conditions , 19.

[27] Ibid., 20.

[28] The sad story of Ghana’s cocoa industry and the way forward, Ghana Business News, accessed August 20, 2016, https://www.ghanabusinessnews.com/2015/06/22/the-sad-story-of-ghanas-cocoa-industry-and-the-way-forward/.

[29] Austin, “Cash Crops and Freedom: Export Agriculture and the Decline of Slavery in Colonial West Africa,” 3.

[30] S.D. Neuemark, “Some Economic Development Problems of African Agriculture,” Journal of Farm Economics 41, no 1 (1959): 46.

[31] Reardon et al., Sustainable Versus Unsustainable Agricultural Intensification in Africa: Focus on Policy Reforms and Market Conditions , 2.

[32] John Tosh, “The Cash-Crop Revolution in Tropical Africa: An Agricultural Reappraisal,” African Affairs 79, no. 314 (1980): 89.

[33] I.C. Eke and Effiong J.A.L., “The Effects of Capital Accumulation on Crop Production Output in Nigeria,” 64.

[34] Neuemark, “Some Economic Development Problems of African Agriculture,” 44.

[35] Ibid., 63.

[36] Reardon et al., Sustainable Versus Unsustainable Agricultural Intensification in Africa: Focus on Policy Reforms and Market Conditions , 20.

[37] Ibid., 20-22.

[38] Kabiru Kinyanjui, “Culture, Technology and Sustainable Development in Africa,” Asian Perspective 17, no. 2 (1993): 277.

[39] Economic growth must be achieved in more than one sector. Bananas as an export may collapse, but creating demand through local industry brings in more capital and ensures that local banana producers have a source of income.

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Cash Crop Farming: Meaning, Advantages, and Disadvantages

In cash crop farming, crops are grown for the purpose of sale or to earn profits. This Gardenerdy article gives you an understanding of this type of farming, along with its advantages and disadvantages.

Did You Know?

In 1973, American inventor, Eli Whitney invented the cotton gin that contributed a great deal to the success of cotton as a cash crop.

What is Cash Crop Farming?

Cash crop farming refers to a type of farming where agricultural crops are grown for the purpose of sale or to make profits, instead of subsistence or barter. It is also called commercial farming or cash cropping.

In simpler words, cash crop farming is done by farmers to earn money in return for sustenance or to meet the family’s requirements. Also, an additional profit would be required for the next crop-related activity. That is, farmers have to borrow money from banks to purchase seeds for planting. Then, depending on the rise in market prices, they sell the harvested crops. In this way, they are able to repay their loans only after the sale of their crops.

The farming techniques used vary with each farmer as well as from one country to another. That is, traditional farmers in developing countries employ farming techniques that they are accustomed to. In the more developed countries, intensive cultivation and mechanized farming techniques are commonly used.

It has been observed that in the earlier times, cash crops were a small but critical part of the total production of a farm. Now, mostly in developed countries, the purpose of growing cash crops is earning revenue.

Furthermore, the price of cash crops depends on the supply and demand in more developed countries, the least developed countries being the suppliers.

Cash crop costs are majorly determined by the commodity markets with a global scope. However, there would be some fluctuations depending on the freight prices and local demand and supply.

The climate is a factor that decides the growth of cash crops. That is, the growth of cereals, fruit trees, and potatoes is supported by temperate climatic conditions, whereas rice, soybean, etc., come from a subtropical climate and sugarcane, cocoa, etc., from a tropical climate.

► Cash crop farming is considered as an accurate method that has proven to raise affordable food in high quantities.

► It is profitable to the farmers and serves as a source of their sustenance.

► It gives employment where cash crops can be processed and promotes economic diversification.

► It earns revenue for the government.

Disadvantages

► Moreover, the continuous use of monocropping has been linked to soil degradation or decline in the soil quality, which further leads to the growth of pests and disease-causing pathogens. The outcome of this could also be mass starvation caused due to the extensive destruction of a particular crop.

► Cash crop farming may prove beneficial only to those farmers who have food security and access to other necessary inputs and income, whereas small farmers may face constraints.

Examples of Cash Crops

► Wheat, rye, corn, oats, barley, rapeseed, mustard, potatoes, rice, millet, apples, oranges, cherries, coffee, cotton, strawberries, raspberries, soy beans, tea, etc., are some common examples of cash crops.

► A well-known global cash crop is coconut and it is grown in over 80 countries having a climate suitable for its growth. Coconut and its derivatives are widely used in cooking, and in making soaps and cosmetics.

► Jatropha curcas is an example of a cash crop. It is used for the production of biofuel.

► Black market cash crops like coca, cannabis, and opium poppies are also produced.

Cash Crop Farming Vs. Subsistence Farming

► Subsistence farming differs from cash crop farming as cash crops are grown mainly for direct selling and profit-making. In subsistence farming, just enough crops are grown by the farmers for consumption by them and their families, thus, providing them with the basic needs.

► Cash crop farming usually involves monocropping (growing a single crop), while subsistence farming involves the multiple cropping or mixed cropping practice.

► Cash crop farming is quite common in developed countries whereas subsistence farming is relatively less common.

► In cash crop farming, planning and management need to be done carefully and with skill, so that there is high production at a price that is affordable to the customers as well as pays for production and helps generate profits. This is not the case with subsistence farming.

Thus, we see that subsistence farming and cash crop farming differ in the basic purpose with which they are practiced. While the former is meant to serve the farmers, their families, and livestock, the latter is meant to earn profits. Promoting the growth of cash crops can help boost the economy, but it does discourage growing crops meant for domestic consumption. Cash crop farming is beneficial for those who have large farms and can afford expensive equipment and fertilizers. However, it is not helpful for farmers with small plots.

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> Journals
> American Political Science Review
> Volume 116 Issue 1
> Cash Crops, Print Technologies, and the Politicization...

Article contents

Introduction, the determinants of africa’s ethnic landscape, analysis i: ethnic politicization and salience, analysis ii: ethnic boundary-making, robustness and mechanisms, supplementary materials, data availability statement, funding statement, conflict of interest, ethical standards, cash crops, print technologies, and the politicization of ethnicity in africa.

Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 August 2021

Supplementary materials

What are the origins of the ethnic landscapes in contemporary states? Drawing on a preregistered research design, we test the influence of dual socioeconomic revolutions that spread throughout Africa during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries—export agriculture and print technologies. We argue these changes transformed ethnicity via their effects on politicization and boundary-making. Print technologies strengthened imagined communities, leading to more salient—yet porous—ethnic identities. Cash crop endowments increased groups’ mobilizational potential but with more exclusionary boundaries to control agricultural rents. Using historical data on cash crops and African language publications, we find that groups exposed to these historical forces are more likely to be politically relevant in the postindependence period, and their members report more salient ethnic identities. We observe heterogenous effects on boundary-making as measured by interethnic marriage; relative to cash crops, printing fostered greater openness to assimilate linguistically related outsiders. Our findings illuminate not only the historical sources of ethnic politicization but also mechanisms shaping boundary formation.

What are the origins of the ethnopolitical landscapes that shape contemporary states? A voluminous literature points to the influence that ethnicity—social identity based on shared descent and culture—has on politics and the allocation of state resources. From the provision of public services to civil war, ethnicity is found to structure a wide range of political and economic processes (Chandra Reference Chandra 2004 ; Habyarimana et al. Reference Habyarimana, Humphreys, Posner and Weinstein 2009 ; Horowitz Reference Horowitz 1985 ; Roessler Reference Roessler 2016 ). In this paper we address the question of what drives ethnic politicization—that is, why politics revolves around some cultural groups and not others. Despite a rich qualitative and historical literature on the topic (Bates Reference Bates, Rothchild and Olorunsola 1983 ; Posner Reference Posner 2005 ; Vail Reference Vail and Vail 1989a ), quantitative studies typically do not engage the endogenous sources of ethnopolitical divisions that shape policy outcomes. This represents an important limitation, as inferences on the consequences of ethnic politics may be vulnerable to selection problems (Birnir et al. Reference Birnir, Wilkenfeld, Fearon, Laitin, Gurr, Brancati and Saideman 2015 ; Reference Birnir, Laitin, Wilkenfeld, Waguespack, Hultquist and Gurr 2018 ). Footnote 1

We seek to advance knowledge on this question, reporting the results of a preregistered research design. Footnote 2 We distinguish between two interrelated processes that shape ethnic politics: boundary-making and politicization. The former—the sine qua non of ethnicity (Barth Reference Barth 1969 )—encapsulates the social boundaries that regulate group membership and shape inter-ethnic ties. Following from Weber ( Reference Weber 1978 ) and others (Caselli and Coleman Reference Caselli and Coleman 2013 ; Fearon Reference Fearon 1999 ; Parkin Reference Parkin and Parkin 1974 ; Wimmer Reference Wimmer 2013 ), we conceive of the porosity of group boundaries as being especially consequential for ethnic politics. Politicization, on the other hand, occurs when members of a cultural group coordinate on their shared identity to compete for state power (Bates Reference Bates, Rothchild and Olorunsola 1983 ; Fearon Reference Fearon 1999 ). In accounting for variation in boundary-making and politicization, our framework focuses on periods of significant material and cultural change that potentially strengthened groups’ mobilizational capabilities and redefined the markers of group membership.

We study these phenomena across countries in Africa, a region in which ethnicity has structured political competition, but only among a subset of ethnolinguistic groups. Footnote 3 Much existing scholarship on the politicization of ethnicity in Africa points either to the lasting effects of colonialism—via the arbitrary territorial partition of the continent to the imposition of indirect rule (Asiwaju Reference Asiwaju 1984 ; Ekeh Reference Ekeh 1990 ; Englebert, Tarango, and Carter Reference Englebert, Tarango and Carter 2002 ; Mamdani Reference Mamdani 1996 )—or to the role of contemporary political competition (Posner Reference Posner 2005 ). These factors are no doubt important but arguably too widespread to explain significant within-country variation in ethnic identity salience (Vail Reference Vail and Vail 1989a ). In addition, colonialism was embedded in larger socioeconomic changes. Two of particular importance were the cash crop revolution and the spread of Christianity by missionaries. Both of these transformations preceded the "Scramble for Africa" and may have affected ethnic identities independently of or in interaction with colonial policy making. We argue that these fundamental changes have path-dependent effects on contemporary ethnic mobilization and coalition formation despite significant institutional change over the last 150 years.

First, we posit that both the spread of cash crops and Christian missions contributed to the politicization of ethnicity. We hypothesized the transition to commercial export agriculture increased the ethnic politicization of groups endowed with cash crops through a resource channel that bolstered these groups’ mobilizational capabilities but also via competition for land and the enforcement of descent-based property rights regimes. While missionaries also brought about important material changes through investments in new infrastructure and provision of education, perhaps even more important was the communication revolution they unleashed. Intent on spreading the Gospel, missionaries invested heavily in standardizing, writing and printing what were primarily oral languages. This improved treated groups’ communication capabilities, while increasing ethnic salience through the strengthening of “imagined communities” (Anderson Reference Anderson 1983 )—as the adoption of a standardized language and the consumption of a uniform set of cultural characteristics, texts, and histories enhanced group solidarity.

Even as these dual socioeconomic forces increased ethnic politicization, we hypothesized they differently reshaped ethnic boundaries. The “imagined communities” reconstructed through language standardization created an opportunity for the assimilation of outsiders through language and cultural immersion—leaving a legacy of more inclusionary ethnic boundaries. Cash crop agriculture had a very different effect, as it was tied to control of the land. In the face of growing demand for access to their agricultural homeland, local communities employed ethnicity as a means of “social closure” (Parkin Reference Parkin and Parkin 1974 ; Weber Reference Weber 1978 ) to regulate land ownership and control agricultural rents—leaving a legacy of more exclusionary ethnic boundaries. Footnote 4

To test these hypotheses, we combine detailed historical data on cash crop production and the diffusion of print and writing technology (as measured by publications in African languages) with contemporary ethnicity data. Our cash crop data is based on a comprehensive historical map on the source locations of exports in late colonial Africa created by Hance, Kotschar, and Peterec ( Reference Hance, Kotschar and Peterec 1961 ) and digitized by Roessler et al. ( Reference Roessler, Pengl, Marty, Titlow and van de Walle 2020 ). To measure language standardization and its dissemination through printing, we compile a novel dataset of historical African language publications from Rowling and Wilson ( Reference Rowling and Wilson 1923 ) and Mann and Sanders ( Reference Mann and Sanders 1994 ). Together, these two bibliographic sources cover approximately 10,000 titles in 370 distinct African languages.

We employ group-level and individual-level indicators to measure ethnic politicization. At the group level, we use the Ethnic Power Relations (EPR; Vogt et al. Reference Vogt, Bormann, Rüegger, Cederman, Hunziker and Girardin 2015 ) and the Politically Relevant Ethnic Groups (PREG) datasets (Posner Reference Posner 2004a ) to measure which ethnic groups or coalitions have been active in competition for state power during the postindependence period. At the individual level, we use Afrobarometer Rounds 3–6 that include a question on whether respondents self-identify more in ethnic or national terms. To analyze the hypothesized heterogeneous legacies of cash crops and print technologies on boundary-making and social closure, we employ a behavioral measure of ethnic assimilation: inter- and intraethnic marriages from a large sample of couples surveyed by USAID’s Demographic and Health Surveys.

We use linguistic groups identified in the Ethnologue database as our primary unit of analysis to minimize concerns about endogenous sample selection (Laitin Reference Laitin 2000a , 142). This enables us to merge our cash crop, publishing, and outcome data, along with a host of control variables, to the Ethnologue groups through spatial overlays or ethnic name matching. Footnote 5 In the survey-based analyses, we use two types of specifications. The first— geographic models—are based on the location of individuals and the Ethnologue polygons in which they reside. These models compare people located in different places with and without historical cash crop production and/or missionary publishing. The second— ethnic models—are based on survey respondents’ affiliation to a given ethnic group rather than place of residence. Thus, they compare individuals residing in the same location but from ethnic groups with differential exposure to historical cash crop production and missionary publishing. This enables separating culturally transmitted attitudes and behaviors from locational effects.

We employ three main methods to mitigate endogeneity concerns. First, we employ location fixed effects in our ethnic-level specifications to address mission selection into areas with favorable locational fundamentals or those populated by already large and more powerful groups. Second, we use our African-language publishing data to analyze the effects of print technologies at the intensive margin (i.e., estimating the effects of the magnitude of publication records among groups with at least one publication). Third, we instrument actual crop production with agroclimatic suitability to address the potentially endogenous uptake of commercial agriculture. We also conduct additional robustness checks to rule out alternative explanations such as the effects of group size, precolonial centralization, indirect rule, ethnic diversity, and conversion to Christianity.

We find that groups historically exposed to cash crops or print technologies are significantly more likely to be politically relevant after independence. According to PREG (EPR), groups that cultivated at least one of five major cash crops through the end of colonialism or with a historical publication in their language are, respectively, 129% (54%) and 88% (45%) more likely than the average group to be politically relevant. These results are robust to instrumenting crops with suitability and when focusing only on the subsample of groups exposed to Christian missions.

At the individual level, we find that citizens residing in areas of historical cash crop production or living in Ethnologue polygons with a history of publishing are significantly more likely to self-identify with their ethnic group rather than nationality. Moreover, ethnic salience follows our expectation of cash crops producing location-specific effects among “stayers” and publishing producing broader cultural effects, including among “movers” (i.e., respondents living outside their ancestral ethnic homeland). We do not find evidence, however, that groups treated with cash crops or print technologies have more homogeneous political preferences today.

We find strikingly different effects of cash crops and publishing on the porosity of ethnic boundaries, as measured by observed interethnic marriage rates. Consistent with our expectation that cash crops engendered social closure and less openness to ethnic outsiders, we find interethnic marriage to be significantly lower even with linguistically closely related groups. In contrast, and consistent with the hypothesis that print technologies led to salient but more porous ethnic boundaries, we find null and sometimes positive effects on interethnic marriage with linguistically close ethnic outsiders but negative effects on marriages across large linguistic distances. However, in contrast to our expectations, both exposure to cash crops and print technologies are positively associated with contemporary ethnic-based conflict—suggesting that, even as print technologies opened the door to assimilation of culturally proximate outsiders, its politicizing effects ensured these groups have not escaped cycles of ethnic conflict.

Our findings address different research streams in the social sciences. Despite a strong consensus on the constructivist nature of ethnicity (Chandra Reference Chandra 2012 ; Laitin and Posner Reference Laitin and Posner 2001 ), the endogenous sources of ethnogenesis remain understudied. Our paper illuminates the historical role of export agriculture and publishing in Africa. Moreover, our analysis sheds light on the relationship between ethnic politicization and boundary-making (Wimmer Reference Wimmer 2013 ). It is generally assumed that these two processes are reinforcing, leading perhaps to convergence in the types of social boundaries regulating politically relevant ethnic groups. This may or may not be the case; as we illustrate, even across politicized groups, boundary policing can vary based on path-dependent effects of material and cultural changes on assimilationist practices and norms of openness.

In advancing this line of inquiry, we draw on classic theories of group formation—Weber’s ( Reference Weber 1978 ) notion of social closure, Anderson’s ( Reference Anderson 1983 , 46–7, 7) framework on the ethnonational effects of print technologies, and prominent but conflicting accounts of how economic change transforms ethnic identities (Bates Reference Bates 1974 ; Gellner Reference Gellner 1983 ; Robinson Reference Robinson 2014 ). To date, there have been few systematic tests of Anderson’s “imagined communities” hypothesis. Footnote 6 We find strong support for a link between print technologies, language standardization, and ethnonationalism in Africa. However, as we explain below, the mechanisms through which these processes reconstructed ethnic identity differed from those of nineteenth-century Europe where “print capitalism,” bureaucratic “languages of power,” and state-sponsored nation-building fostered national identities rather than the subnational identities that arose across Africa.

As far as “modernization” is concerned, our results are broadly in line with Bates’s ( Reference Bates 1974 ) intuition that competition for economic benefits may deepen ethnic divisions. At the same time, our focus on cash crops produced by African smallholder farmers suggests that rural economic change was just as important as the urban dynamics prominently highlighted in the existing literature (Cohen Reference Cohen 1969 ; Epstein Reference Epstein 1958 ).

Finally, our paper employs a preregistered design to address growing concerns about publication bias and data mining for significant results in historical persistence studies. Beyond guarding against cherry-picking positive findings, preregistration encourages careful ex ante theorizing and hypotheses development. Preregistration does not preclude ex post modifications of the prespecified analyses, but it does necessitate transparency about any changes made. In this vein, we describe all prespecified hypotheses and analyses in Supplementary Information IV.

In this section we more fully advance our theoretical argument on the influence of the cash crop and print revolutions on shaping Africa’s modern ethnic landscape. Before addressing each in turn, we first situate our argument within the broader ethnicity scholarship.

Ethnic Boundary-Making and Politicization

We conceive of a country’s ethnic landscape as shaped by two key processes: boundary-making and politicization. The former encompasses the construction and maintenance of social differences (Barth Reference Barth 1969 ) in which individuals employ “points of social reference,” such as ascriptive, cultural, or other markers, to place themselves and others into groups to “order” the world (Hale Reference Hale 2004 ). Boundary-making helps to solidify social groups through the adoption of criteria for membership and their enforcement by in-group members (Wimmer Reference Wimmer 2013 ). Following from Weber ( Reference Weber 1978 ), we consider a group’s closure or accessibility as one of the most important dimensions of boundary-making (Wimmer Reference Wimmer 2013 ). Politicization, on the other hand, entails members of a given group consciously or subconsciously leveraging their shared identity to coordinate their behavior to access political and economic benefits (Bates Reference Bates, Rothchild and Olorunsola 1983 ; Fearon Reference Fearon, Wittman and Weingast 2006 ).

Generally, boundary-making and ethnic politicization are theorized to be reinforcing. This is perhaps most starkly illuminated in the civil war literature in which conflict along ethnic lines contributes to the hardening of social boundaries (Fearon and Laitin Reference Fearon and Laitin 2000 ; Kalyvas Reference Kalyvas 2008 ). Other forms of political competition, such as elections, are also found to increase ethnic salience (Eifert, Miguel, and Posner Reference Eifert, Miguel and Posner 2010 ; Oucho Reference Oucho 2002 )—although this does not necessarily translate into higher degrees of closure. Footnote 7 The reverse—that boundary-making facilitates ethnic politicization—is an important assumption in rationalist accounts of ethnic coalition formation that stress the need to exclude outsiders from the returns to collective action (Fearon Reference Fearon 1999 ). Footnote 8 The reinforcing effects of boundary-making and politicization may suggest some degree of convergence in the structure of social boundaries across politicized groups, but as far as we know this has not been empirically assessed. Footnote 9

Existing Literature

What then explains boundary-making and politicization? Following from our conceptual framework, we expect factors shaping boundary-making to drive the construction and enforcement of socially differentiated groups, whereas factors activating politicization likely work through their effects on group coordination and mobilization. Here we briefly synthesize existing research with a focus on sub-Saharan Africa.

Evolutionary and geographic approaches, respectively, attribute Africa’s comparatively high ethnic diversity to the loss of genetic variation as human species migrated from the cradle of humankind (Ahlerup and Olsson Reference Ahlerup and Olsson 2012 ; van den Berghe Reference van den Berghe 1981 ) and ecological variation, leading to economic and cultural differentiation (Michalopoulos Reference Michalopoulos 2012 ; Nettle Reference Nettle 1998 ). What form these groups take and the degree of their politicization then depends on a host of historical, material, and institutional factors.

One factor regularly advanced as contributing to political relevance is group size, following the logic that a minimum support base is necessary to sustain viable political coalitions (Bates Reference Bates, Rothchild and Olorunsola 1983 ; Posner Reference Posner 2004b ; Reference Posner 2005 ). Beyond size, others point to the importance of groups’ sociopolitical structures, in particular legacies of centralized and hierarchical institutions (Michalopoulos and Papaioannou Reference Michalopoulos and Papaioannou 2013 ). Footnote 10 In the context of Africa’s multiethnic states, historical statehood may have deepened ethnopolitical cleavages (Paine Reference Paine 2019 ).

Other research focuses on economic change and its differential effects on groups across the continent. Ekeh ( Reference Ekeh 1990 ), Nunn ( Reference Nunn 2008 ), and Nunn and Wantchekon ( Reference Nunn and Wantchekon 2011 ) highlight how the slave trades contributed to ethnic fractionalization and strengthened norms of mistrust. The decline of the slave trades corresponded with the spread of export agriculture (Hopkins Reference Hopkins 1973 ) and Christian missionaries across the continent (Cagé and Rueda Reference Cagé and Rueda 2016 ). Bates ( Reference Bates 1974 ) mentions both of these factors as examples for spatially concentrated modernization benefits that spurred intergroup inequality, competition, and politicization. Footnote 11 Other relevant economic changes include mining, railway construction, and perhaps most prominently urbanization (Cohen Reference Cohen 1969 ; Horowitz Reference Horowitz 1985 ; Nnoli Reference Nnoli 1978 ; Vail Reference Vail and Vail 1989a ).

Beyond their material effects, missionaries, export agriculture, and the colonial state had profound cultural effects. Through tracing the historical process, Ranger ( Reference Ranger and Vail 1989 ) shows how missionary investments in the translation and printing of Bibles in vernacular languages “created rather than merely reflected” extant ethnolinguistic divisions. Footnote 12 Berry ( Reference Berry 1993 ) and Lentz ( Reference Lentz 2013 ) point to the effects of the commercialization of agriculture on the reconstruction of social identities, especially the distinction between “natives”—or “sons of the soil”—and “strangers” (Lentz Reference Lentz 2013 ). Mamdani ( Reference Mamdani 1996 ) argues that the colonial project had much broader cultural effects through social engineering around the “customary.” Reinforced through indirect rule and other colonial policies of social control (Eyoh Reference Eyoh, Zeleza and Kalipeni 1999 ; Posner Reference Posner 2005 ), colonialism sharpened communal identities Footnote 13 through ideologies of “tribalism” (Ekeh Reference Ekeh 1975 ) and “autochthony” (Lentz Reference Lentz 2013 ). Footnote 14

The anticolonial liberation struggle held the promise to reimagine social relations and national communities (Ake Reference Ake 1993 ; Ekeh Reference Ekeh 1990 ; Fanon Reference Fanon 1963 )—and in some cases, such as Nyerere’s Tanzania, this was achieved (Miguel Reference Miguel 2004 ). But largely, postcolonial competition for state power revolved around ethnopolitical networks, further deepening ethnic politicization (Horowitz Reference Horowitz 1985 ; Nnoli Reference Nnoli and Nnoli 1998 ; Roessler Reference Roessler 2016 ; Rothchild Reference Rothchild 1997 ). The advent of multiparty elections with the end of the Cold War, in some cases, transformed ethnopolitical configurations (Posner Reference Posner 2005 ), but this often intensified rather than dampened ethnic salience (Eifert, Miguel, and Posner Reference Eifert, Miguel and Posner 2010 ; Oucho Reference Oucho 2002 ) as well as autochthonous mobilization (Ceuppens and Geschiere Reference Ceuppens and Geschiere 2005 ; Marshall-Fratani Reference Marshall-Fratani 2006 ). However, there is some evidence that urbanization and demographic change (leading to greater levels of ethnic diversity), as well as democratic institutions, are reducing ethnic favoritism (Burgess et al. Reference Burgess, Jedwab, Miguel, Morjaria and Miquel 2015 ; Ichino and Nathan Reference Ichino and Nathan 2013 ; Kramon et al. Reference Kramon, Hicks, Baird and Miguel 2021 ).

We build on and extend this literature by developing and systematically testing new hypotheses on how the cash crop and print revolutions shaped processes of ethnic boundary-making and politicization from the nineteenth century onward.

The Cash Crop Revolution

In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, African economies underwent an important structural transformation away from the slave trades that dominated exchange for the previous four hundred years to commercial export agriculture (Frankema, Williamson, and Woltjer Reference Frankema, Williamson and Woltjer 2018 ; Hogendorn Reference Hogendorn, Duignan and Gann 1969 ; Hopkins Reference Hopkins 1973 ). Footnote 15 The cash crop revolution led to an important spatial shift in economic production to areas suitable for oil palm, groundnuts, cocoa, coffee, and cotton and enabled millions of African smallholders and traders to benefit from global exchange (Hopkins Reference Hopkins 1973 ). Fueled by European-financed transportation infrastructure before and during colonialism, these cash crop zones were vertically integrated with export markets but with weak horizontal linkages with the rest of the colony (Hirschman Reference Hirschman 1977 ; Rodney Reference Rodney 1972 ; Roessler et al. Reference Roessler, Pengl, Marty, Titlow and van de Walle 2020 ).

Consistent with Bates ( Reference Bates 1974 ), we posit that the spatial disparities arising from the cash crop revolution had important path-dependent effects on ethnic politicization. The takeoff of export agriculture endowed some groups—those who would be the primary producers of cash crops or the owners of the land on which they were produced—with a common economic niche, much greater wealth potential than others, and clear incentives to defend these advantages in competition with other groups.

A second and closely related channel of ethnic politicization was via the effects of the commercialization of agriculture on land tenure regimes. Footnote 16 Many of the most suitable areas experienced an increase in demand for land as waves of farmers, including enterprising migrant farmers (Hill Reference Hill 1963 ), adopted cash crops. Labor migration to cash crop areas further increased local diversity, land pressures, and intergroup competition.

The commercialization of agriculture combined with migration-led population growth induced important changes in the social bases of land tenure regimes. In precolonial Africa, land rights were contingent on group membership or allegiance to traditional authorities (Berry Reference Berry 1993 ). These practices did not change per se with the advent of cash crop agriculture and colonialism. What did, however, were outsiders’ eligibility for group membership as ethnic boundaries became more tightly regulated (Boni Reference Boni, Richard and Lentz 2006 ; Lentz Reference Lentz 2013 ). Thus, following from Weber’s ( Reference Weber 1978 ) idea of social closure (Parkin Reference Parkin and Parkin 1974 ), in which social identity is employed as a means of restricting access to economic rents, in the face of rising land values and an influx of migrants, ethnic boundaries were more firmly policed to exclude outsiders from land ownership. Footnote 16 In line with the idea that ethnic differences are constructed, at least partially, as “a boundary-enforcement device” (Caselli and Coleman Reference Caselli and Coleman 2013 , 162) to control private goods, contestation over land not only made ethnicity more salient; it likely led sons of the soil to emphasize less accessible criteria of group membership such as ascriptive characteristics and ancestral ties to the land. Footnote 18 In a fascinating ethnography of the effects of the spread of cocoa and migrant farmers to the Sefwi homeland (located in present-day western Ghana) from the early twentieth century onward, Boni ( Reference Boni, Richard and Lentz 2006 ) documents this precise dynamic unfolding—resulting in the “ancestralization of land rights” and more stringent enforcement to prevent migrants from permanently owning land.

We expect these mechanisms to only apply to regions of African smallholder production. Where European companies, settlers, or the colonial state dominated production, land alienation and labor coercion likely undercut local control of agricultural rents, weakened ethnic institutions, and reduced opportunities for ethnic boundary-making.

Christian Missions, Print Technologies, and African Language Publications

As the abolition of the slave trade ushered in cash crop agriculture in Africa, it also gave momentum to the spread of Christian missions across the continent. In their endeavor to spread the Gospel, missionaries spearheaded a communication revolution.

Missionaries translated the Bible and education materials into vernacular languages as a vehicle for conversion (Laitin Reference Laitin 2007 ; Ranger Reference Ranger and Vail 1989 ; Woodberry Reference Woodberry 2012 ). As most African languages were oral languages, missionaries first invested in language standardization and developing Latin-script writing systems (Posner Reference Posner 2003 ; Ranger Reference Ranger and Vail 1989 ). To propagate language knowledge and consumption of the written texts, printing presses were imported to publish Bibles, hymnals, and grammar books that were then used in churches and schools (Cagé and Rueda Reference Cagé and Rueda 2016 ; Posner Reference Posner 2003 ). This communication revolution was most intense in British colonies given the preponderance of Protestant missionaries and the promotion of local languages and culture as part of indirect rule arrangements (Albaugh Reference Albaugh 2014 ). Footnote 19

Anderson’s ( Reference Anderson 1983 ) argument on the influence of print capitalism on European nation-building is a valuable reference when considering the effects of Africa’s print revolution on ethnonational communities. However, while language standardization and printing underpinned significant social changes in both regions, some mechanisms differed (Ranger Reference Ranger and Vail 1989 ). First, given lower literacy and less integrated markets, in Africa the consolidation of ethnolinguistic consciousness and politicization did not result from the simultaneous mass consumption of newspapers and novels followed by state adoption and enforcement of national languages. Instead, missionary investments in language and printing in Africa instigated much more localized “imagined communities,” which were constructed and sustained by new cultural entrepreneurs (initially indigenous missionaries undertaking the language standardization) and by community members’ exposure to the translated Bibles, conversionary material, and other printed texts in vernacular languages. These activities spurred ethnonational “awakenings” similar to what Anderson ( Reference Anderson 1983 , 73) describes in Europe—where the “energetic activities of … professional intellectuals were central to the shaping of nineteenth-century European nationalisms.” In Africa, an intelligentsia of mostly mission-educated linguists, writers, and teachers transmitted ideas of groupness through the churches and schools and, in turn, created new ethnic elites who further promoted the group’s values and solidarity through literature, newspapers, and the formation of cultural associations (Vail Reference Vail and Vail 1989a , 11–2).

Another important difference with Europe was the role of the state. According to Anderson ( Reference Anderson 1983 , 76), the expansion of European states increased the importance of official languages and fostered the development of a bureaucratic middle class. At the same time, state-sponsored nationalisms promoted linguistic assimilation and national identities (Weber Reference Weber 1976 ). In contrast, in colonial Africa, the state was run by Europeans with little interest in fostering an African class of bureaucrats. Instead, colonial authorities focused on thwarting rather than promoting any kind of national identity, fearing the rise of revolutionary movements (Vail Reference Vail and Vail 1989a ).

The Yoruba represent a paradigmatic case of the influence of missionary language investments and publishing on the reconstruction of ethnic identity. Footnote 20 With the collapse of the Oyo empire at the end of the eighteenth century, civil wars and slave raiding divided the Yoruba into rivalrous subgroups (Adediran Reference Adediran 1984 ). From the 1840s onward, however, missionaries from the Church Missionary Society (CMS), including freed slaves, such as Samuel Crowther, contributed to the rebuilding of the Yoruba ethnic nation. Intent on spreading Christianity, the CMS missionaries worked on Yoruba orthography, translation, and publishing, even starting a Yoruba newspaper in as early as 1859 (Falola Reference Falola 1999 ). In propagating a standardized language and embracing and promoting the ethnonym “Yoruba,” the Christian missionaries boosted Yoruba ethnic consciousness (Peel Reference Peel 2003 ). Moreover, as missionaries interpreted Yoruba history and tradition through a Christian lens (most famously Samuel Johnson in The History of the Yorubas ), ethnogenesis and religious change reinforced each other. Consistent with Vail ( Reference Vail 1989b ), missionary schools contributed to the propagation of standardized Yoruba through instruction in the language, which then produced new elites who served as champions of Yoruba solidarity and nationalism (Usman and Falola Reference Usman and Falola 2019 ). This is personified in the life of Obafemi Awolowo, one of Nigeria’s founding fathers. Awolowo, born into one of the first Christian families in Ikenne, was educated in missionary schools before leading a pan-Yoruba cultural association (Egbé Ọmọ Odùduwà) dedicated to “ re inventing a common Yorùbá identity” (Adebanwi Reference Adebanwi 2014 ).

The standardization and printing of African languages is therefore expected to have strengthened groups’ ethnonationalism and their mobilizational capabilities—with the rise of new ethnic elites and the writing and printing technologies they could wield as they competed in the political arena. In addition to strengthening groups’ political capacity, the print revolution likely contributed to more expansionary identities than cash crop agriculture, as missionaries encouraged language uptake and provided opportunities for outsiders to learn the language via dissemination of language materials, church-related activities, and schooling. The upshot was the construction of more porous ethnic boundaries and assimilationist cultural practices—at least among those who adopted the group’s language.

Following from our theoretical framework, we preregistered the hypothesis that groups exposed to cash crops or print technologies are more likely to be politically relevant in the postindependence period. We also expected this to lead to more salient ethnic identities among individual group members. Despite these similar effects on ethnic politicization, we expected differential effects on boundary-making. We hypothesized that the commercialization of agriculture led to the construction of less porous ethnic boundaries than vernacular publishing and predicted lower rates of interethnic marriage for the cash crop than for the publication treatment. Footnote 21

In this section we describe the various sets of data we assemble to test our hypotheses. We explain the use of Ethnologue to derive units of analysis, describe our historical data on cash crops and African language publishing, and discuss our proxies for ethnic politicization, salience, and boundary-making. Footnote 22

Historical and Geographic Data

Identifying potentially relevant groups.

For a candidate list of nominal ethnic categories, we use Ethnologue, a reference source on living languages. Ethnologue attempts to capture the complete universe of languages regardless of their social or political relevance or demographic size (Simons and Fennig Reference Simons and Fennig 2017 ). Having been compiled from the 1950s onward, Ethnologue may nevertheless miss a few precolonial small or extinct ethnolanguage groups. However, selection issues seem minimal in comparison with datasets like AMAR, EPR, or Murdock ( Reference Murdock 1959 ; Reference Murdock 1967 ). Footnote 23 Identifying potentially salient ethnic categories from Ethnologue restricts our focus to ethnolinguistic rather than racial, religious, or regional markers. The analytical consequences of this restriction are minimal since in our sub-Saharan African sample practically all ethnic categories in EPR, PREG, Afrobarometer, and DHS are equivalent to, or combinations of, language families, languages, or dialects. Another advantage of Ethnologue is that its companion dataset, the World Language Mapping System (WLMS) provides maps demarcating linguistic homelands, which we leverage to spatially aggregate our cash crop data, survey-based outcome measures, and geographic control variables as described in detail below.

To measure cash crop production, we use a geospatial dataset on the primary commodity revolution in Africa from Roessler et al. ( Reference Roessler, Pengl, Marty, Titlow and van de Walle 2020 ), drawing on a historical map produced by Hance, Kotschar, and Peterec ( Reference Hance, Kotschar and Peterec 1961 ). The map depicts the source locations of more than 95% of exports in 1957 across 38 states in sub-Saharan Africa. Footnote 24 Each primary commodity production point represents a value of $289,270 in 1957 USD. The dataset covers nine groups of cash crops; Footnote 25 20 minerals and metals; and forest, animal, and manufactured products.

Our main analysis focuses on the five main cash crops: cocoa, coffee, cotton, palm, and groundnut, representing 80% of total cash crop production and no less than half of all exports in 1957 across the countries in our sample. In addition, these five crops were predominantly produced by African smallholders rather than European settlers or on plantations, which makes them more relevant for our stipulated causal mechanism than other resources. Our Supplementary Information (section III.5) presents additional analyses also including other crops and minerals and more precisely coding the mode of production for all country–crop combinations in the Hance data. Figure 1 maps the 4,651 locations that produced one of the five most important export crops.

Figure 1. Publications and Cash Crop Locations

Note : Language homelands are mapped according to Ethnologue. Grayed regions are Ethnologue polygons for which there is no record of publications. Colors indicate the number of publications listed in Rowling and Wilson ( Reference Rowling and Wilson 1923 ). Each blue cross locates 289,270 USD (1957) of cash crop export value for either cocoa, coffee, cotton, groundnuts, or palm oil. Solid black country borders describe our sample.

Print Technologies and Publishing Data

To capture exposure to print technologies, we draw on two library databases to construct a record of historical publishing at the language level. Footnote 26 In combination with Ethnologue and WLMS, this represents the first ethnically linked and geocoded database of publishing in African languages throughout the colonial period and after independence.

The first source is a 1923 compilation of 2,480 publications across 168 languages (Rowling and Wilson Reference Rowling and Wilson 1923 ). It was intended to serve as a reference book for publications by Christian missionaries in Africa including not just religious texts but also dictionaries, grammar books, educational materials, and newspapers. It also provides contemporaneous estimates of the number of speakers per included language, which we use to normalize the number of publications.

Our second source (Mann and Sanders Reference Mann and Sanders 1994 ) catalogues “collections of African language texts at SOAS, … the African Department of SOAS, the International Institute for African Languages and Cultures, … and the International Committee on Christian Literature for Africa.” This source complements Rowling and Wilson ( Reference Rowling and Wilson 1923 ), especially given its greater temporal coverage. However, Mann and Sanders ( Reference Mann and Sanders 1994 ) exclude grammars and dictionaries, which may have been particularly important for constructing salient ethnolinguistic communities. It is much less comprehensive on early printed materials, as it counts 50% fewer pre-1925 titles than Rowling and Wilson ( Reference Rowling and Wilson 1923 ). We thus use Rowling and Wilson ( Reference Rowling and Wilson 1923 ) as the main source in our analysis and present results using Mann and Sanders ( Reference Mann and Sanders 1994 ) in the Online Appendix.

The map in Figure 1 shows the total number of publications per ethnolinguistic polygon as listed in Rowling and Wilson ( Reference Rowling and Wilson 1923 ).

Contemporary Data on Ethnic Identities and Political Relevance

We use several data sources to measure the main outcomes of our study: ethnic politicization and boundary-making at the group and individual level.

Group-Level Politicization Measures

To measure which Ethnologue groups serve as bases for contemporary political mobilization, we match Ethnologue to two expert-coded sources on ethnic groups’ relevance in national-level political competition postindependence: the Politically Relevant Ethnic Groups (PREG; Posner Reference Posner 2004a ) and the Ethnic Power Relations (EPR; Vogt et al. Reference Vogt, Bormann, Rüegger, Cederman, Hunziker and Girardin 2015 ) datasets. For each, we code a binary outcomes indicating whether the Ethnologue group has a one-to-one match in PREG/EPR (e.g., Yoruba and Yoruba) or is a clearly identifiable part of a broader ethnic coalition coded as relevant by the respective dataset (e.g., the Gikuyu language as part of the Kikuyu-Meru-Embu coalition in EPR). All Ethnologue groups without any plausible exclusive or coalition match to the respective dataset are coded zero on the respective PREG or EPR outcome. Footnote 27

Individual-Level Politicization Measures

The salience of individual members’ ethnicity vis-à-vis other identities likely varies between and within ethnic groups. To analyze this, we use survey data from rounds 3–6 of Afrobarometer, which ask respondents whether they identify more in ethnic or in national terms (Ali et al. Reference Ali, Fjeldstad, Jiang and Shifa 2019 ; Robinson Reference Robinson 2014 ). We use a dummy variable of whether a respondent identifies more strongly or even only in ethnic rather than national terms as the outcome in our Afrobarometer specifications.

Boundary-Making

A key dimension of boundary-making is a group’s accessibility to outsiders. Given the importance of marriage in social relations and group maintenance, many scholars view “endogamy [as] the ultimate measure of the salience of boundaries for intergroup relations” (Hechter Reference Hechter 1978 , 304). The underlying assumption is that groups with more exclusionary boundaries are less likely to marry outside their group—and to develop norms against such practices. To calculate ethnic exogamy, we use USAID’s Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) that includes data on the ethnicity of individuals and their spouses. These measures are described in more detail below.

We first report our specifications and results for the effect of cash crops and publishing on ethnic politicization at the group and individual levels.

Group-Level Specification and Results

To test for group-level effects, we estimate regression equation 1 using OLS.

Pol ec measures the political relevance of Ethnologue group e in country c , using PREG or EPR. Cash Crops ec is a binary measure of historical cash crop cultivation in the Ethnologue polygon. Publications ec indicates whether Rowling and Wilson ( Reference Rowling and Wilson 1923 ) lists at least one publication in Ethnologue language e ; λ c represents country fixed-effects; and X′ ec is a set of standard geographic and historical controls including agricultural suitability; tsetse fly and malaria ecology; elevation; ruggedness; average yearly precipitation; average yearly temperature; distances (in logs) to the coast, to navigable rivers, to cities in 1900, to the country capital, to historical missions, and to missionary printing presses; and absolute longitude and latitude.

Figure 2 reports the estimates of regression 1 when the outcome is a binary variable equal to one if the ethnic group is matched to a politically relevant group or coalition in PREG or EPR. Our baseline results indicate that, conditional on controls, a group with historical cash crop production is roughly 16–17 percentage points more likely to be listed as politically relevant in PREG and EPR (a 129% and 54% increase from the sample mean of the dependent variable, respectively). Similarly, languages with historical publishing are 11–13 percentage points more likely to be listed as politically relevant in PREG and EPR (an 88% and 45% increase from the respective outcome mean).

Figure 2. Cash Crops, Print Technologies, and Political Relevance

Note : These figures summarize the results of eight regression models. The two binary outcomes indicate whether an Ethnologue group is matched to a group or coalition listed as politically relevant in PREG ( left-hand panel ) or EPR ( right-hand panel ). Lines 1 and 2 report effects using binary treatments, indicating whether Ethnologue groups were exposed to cash crop production and/or print technologies. In lines 3 and 4, cash crops are instrumented with the mean agroclimatic suitability for the five most important export crops by using the spatial 2SLS approach described in the text. In lines 5 and 6, the sample is restricted to Ethnologue polygons that experienced missionary activity. Lines 7 and 8 control for logged historical population per Ethnologue polygon based on HYDE raster data.

Potential endogeneity necessitates caution in causally interpreting the correlations reported in Figure 2 . One important concern is that our results are driven by geographic or historical determinants of ethnic groups’ take-up of cash crops and print publishing. Footnote 28 We employ several strategies to address this issue.

First, we instrument Cash Crops ec with indicators of suitability for cash crop agriculture and estimate the effects using a spatial-2SLS (S2SLS) strategy, following Betz, Cook, and Hollenbach ( Reference Betz, Cook and Hollenbach 2019 ). The instrument is the average agroclimatic suitability from the FAO GAEZ database across the five most important African cash crops (cocoa, coffee, cotton, groundnuts, and oil palm) in the homeland of ethnic group e. These suitability scores combine soil and climatic characteristics to predict the ecological potential to grow specific crops in rainfed agricultural systems. To serve as a valid instrument, suitability may only affect outcome variables through its influence on actual cash crop production. We argue that this exclusion restriction likely holds, conditional on the rich set of geographic and historical controls in our models, especially general agricultural suitability, temperature, and precipitation, which are included to isolate cash-crop-specific effects from overall agricultural productivity and its social and political consequences.

The suitability instrument strongly predicts colonial cash crop production in first-stage regressions. The first-stage F -statistic is 13.5 in the EPR and 13.3 in the PREG models. To account for potentially similar spatial patterns in the instrument and outcomes that may threaten the exclusion restriction, the IV models further include a spatial lag of the respective political relevance outcomes instrumented with first- and second-order spatial lags of the baseline controls (Betz, Cook, and Hollenbach Reference Betz, Cook and Hollenbach 2019 ). All spatial lags are based on a binary contiguity matrix that defines ethnic group e ’s neighbors as all other ethnic polygons within a 100-km centroid distance. Footnote 29 Line 3 in Figure 2 shows that S2SLS results remain similar to baseline OLS although confidence intervals naturally become wider.

A second endogeneity concern is that European missions tended to establish outposts in geographically favorable areas or those with already more intensive colonial presence (Jedwab, zu Selhausen, and Moradi Reference Jedwab, Selhausen and Moradi 2018 ). Subsetting the analysis to groups exposed to missions makes the analysis sample more comparable in terms of geographic fundamentals and other potential determinants of missionaries’ targeting of specific groups and areas. The results, reported in line 6 of Figure 2 remain robust, despite the large reduction in observations and correspondingly large standard errors.

Individual-Level Specification and Results

To test for individual-level effects, we use survey data of expressed ethnic salience and estimate the following equation in a geographic and an ethnic variant:

Table 1. Geographical Persistence in Ethnic Identity

Note : The table reports standardized OLS estimates (beta coefficients). Standard errors are reported in parentheses and clustered at the location level. The dependent variable is a binary variable flagging whether respondents declare stronger ethnic than national identities. In column 4, we instrument cash crop production with agricultural suitability to cash crop production using the spatial 2SLS approach described in the text. Column 5 restricts the sample to ethnic leavers. Column 6 restricts the sample to locations with at least one historical publication. * p < 0.10, ** p < 0.05, *** p < 0.01.

The results of the ethnic specifications are reported in Table 2 . Among individuals within the same survey location, ethnic salience is significantly higher among the ethnic groups with a history of publishing. A one-standard-deviation increase in publications per (estimated) thousand people increases respondents’ ethnic identification by around 1.0% of a standard deviation (approximately 0.3 percentage points, or 2.4% of the mean outcome, see columns 2 and 3). In contrast, historical cash crop production now has no significant effect. Footnote 31

Table 2. Cultural Persistence in Ethnic Identity

Note : The table reports standardized OLS estimates (beta coefficients). Standard errors are reported in parentheses and clustered at the location level. The dependent variable is a binary variable equal to one if respondents declare stronger ethnic than national identities. Column 4 restricts the sample to ethnic leavers. Column 5 restricts the sample to ethnic leavers from groups with at least one historical publication. * p < 0.10, ** p < 0.05, *** p < 0.01.

Whereas cash crops increased ethnic salience only among stayers, publishing significantly elevates ethnic identities among movers (column 4). This cultural mover effect is robust to intensive margin-only comparisons (column 5). This suggests a culturally transmitted effect of print technologies—the formation of an “imagined community”—which persists even among migrants (or their descendants).

Overall, we find that ethnic groups with higher levels of historical cash crop production and publishing are more likely to be politically relevant in the postindependence period and that individuals from these groups report more politically salient ethnic identities. The individual-level ethnic salience results suggest we are capturing two different channels of politicization—one tied to place and the other stemming from cultural transmission. That these correlate, respectively, with localized cash crop production and vernacular publishing increase our confidence that these historical processes were at least part of the causal chain shaping ethnic politicization in Africa.

Two examples from Nigeria illustrate the operationalization of our interethnic marriage outcomes. A marriage between a female respondent identifying as Yoruba and a male Hausa respondent is coded as exogamous on all levels of the language tree. The Yoruba language belongs to the Niger-Congo language family, whereas Hausa is an Afro-Asiatic language. These language families are already separate on the first level, and therefore Yoruba and Hausa do not share any nodes on the language tree. In contrast, a Yoruba–Igala couple is coded as endogamous on levels 1–6 and as exogamous thereafter. The Yoruba and Igala languages share the first six nodes of the language tree but then branch out in different directions. Footnote 33

If cash crop agriculture sparked a process of more exclusionary identities, we would expect lower interethnic marriage rates at even the furthest branches of the language tree. A Yoruba respondent from a cash crop region would be similarly less likely to be married to a Hausa as to an Igala speaker. If print technologies led to salient but porous ethnic boundaries, we would expect members of these groups (e.g,. Yoruba) to be less likely to choose a spouse from a linguistically distant group (e.g., Hausa) but still open to intermarrying with linguistically related ethnic others (e.g., Igala). We test these hypotheses for both the geographic and ethnic definitions of our treatment, as defined above.

Geographic Persistence

Figure 3 presents coefficient estimates from 13 models based on geographically assigned treatment variables. All 13 exogamy outcomes and both treatment variables are standardized to mean 0 and SD 1 to facilitate comparing coefficient sizes across Ethnologue levels and treatments. The cash crop coefficients in Figure 3 are consistently negative and significant across all linguistic levels of differentiation. Interethnic marriages are between 0.015 and 0.025 standard deviations less likely in locations with one-standard-deviation higher levels of late colonial cash crop production. While these effect sizes may appear small in standard-deviation terms, their coefficients are, again, similar in magnitude to contemporary modernization proxies such as education and formal employment. Footnote 34 The coefficients on the publication variable are negative, significant, and somewhat larger in absolute size on levels 1–8 of the Ethnologue language tree. From level 9 onward, publication coefficients drop substantially and become statistically indistinguishable from zero. This pattern supports our theoretical conjecture that African-language printing heightened the salience of ethnic identities but, compared with cash crop agriculture, led to more porous boundaries and more assimilation among linguistically close ethnic categories. We show in the Appendix (Figure A6) that, similar to the Afrobarometer analysis above, these geographic effects are driven by ethnic stayers.

Figure 3. Geographic Persistence: Cash Crops, Publications, and Ethnic Marriages

Note : The figure reports standardized OLS estimates from 13 regressions with country-round fixed effects. Standard errors are clustered at the survey location level. Each triangle represents the coefficient of geographically assigned cash crops and publications treatments, as described in the text. Bars represent 95% confidence intervals.

Cultural Persistence

Figure 4 summarizes results from models that assign treatment variables by husbands’ ethnic identities and include location fixed effects. Footnote 35 The left-hand panel reports findings from analyses of the entire sample of couples for which both spouses’ ethnic identity was successfully matched to the Ethnologue language tree, whereas the right-hand panel restricts the sample to ethnic movers only and thus compares marital choices by husbands outside of their ancestral homeland. These within-location models yield results that are substantively similar to those from the geographic-persistence analysis above. Effect sizes and the level difference between historical cash crop production and African language publishing appear, if anything, to be more pronounced.

Figure 4. Cultural Persistence: Cash Crops, Publications, and Ethnic Marriages

Note : Each triangle represents the standardized OLS estimates (beta coefficient) of ethnic-level cash crop and print technology treatments, as described in the text. The left panel is based on analyses of the whole sample, and the right panel reports results from models run on the subsample of ethnic movers only. Bars represent 95% confidence intervals.

The empirical results in previous sections suggest that (i) historical cash crop production and the uptake of print technologies increased groups’ mobilizational capabilities and political relevance in the postindependence period; (ii) these historical forces also have had persistent effects on individual ethnic salience but through different channels—cash crop effects appear tied to land and sites of historical cultivation and publishing effects stem from cultural transmission among members of the ethno-linguistic group; and (iii) we observe differential effects on interethnic marriage with linguistically proximate out-groups. Note that in contrast to the Afrobarometer models, we find cultural persistence (ethnic mover) effects of cash crops on ethnic marriages, suggesting perhaps that political ethnicity is easier to change than deep-rooted cultural norms about appropriate marital choices. Footnote 36

In the remainder of this section, we summarize findings from our prespecified analyses to account for potential endogeneity before presenting additional specifications that address a series of potential alternative explanations that might account for the observed empirical patterns.

Addressing Endogeneity

Across most analyses, we address threats that the effects of historical cash crop production and vernacular language publishing are endogenous to underlying geographic factors or ethnic groups’ precolonial characteristics. The effects of cash crops on group-level politicization ( Figure 2 ) and interethnic marriages (Appendix Figure A4) are robust to instrumenting cash crop production with indicators of suitability in a spatial-2SLS setup. Footnote 37 To account for potential selection of missionary and publishing activities into certain areas or groups, we show the results are robust to restricting the analysis to Ethnologue groups with a Christian mission ( Figure 2 ) and publishing at the intensive margin (column 6 in Table 1 ; column 5 in Table 2 ; Figures A4 and A5). To address potential geographic confounders of publishing, the results presented in Table 2 and Figure 4 include location fixed effects. This increases our confidence that geographic confounders do not explain away exogamy patterns or cultural persistence in ethnic identity.

Alternative Explanations

If larger groups were more likely to cultivate cash crops or have vernacular publications, our results may pick up their size-based advantages in coalition formation (Bates Reference Bates, Rothchild and Olorunsola 1983 ; Posner Reference Posner 2005 ). We account for this issue in several ways. First, the publications treatment in the survey analyses is normalized by the number of language speakers as estimated by Rowling and Wilson ( Reference Rowling and Wilson 1923 ). Second, we use the HYDE population rasters (Klein Goldewijk et al. Reference Goldewijk, Kees, Doelman and Stehfest 2017 ) to control for precolonial population per ethnic polygon across all three analysis sections (see above). As HYDE only imperfectly captures group-level population, Appendix Table B7 and Figure B8 add precolonial political centralization as a proxy for precolonial group size and political cohesion (Murdock Reference Murdock 1967 ). Results remain generally robust to accounting for group size, although coefficients get significantly smaller in the group-level political relevance models with the HYDE control. Footnote 38

Colonizer Effects

We also show that the effects of cash crop agriculture and publishing on ethnic politicization and marriage patterns are not mere artifacts of British indirect rule (Ali et al. Reference Ali, Fjeldstad, Jiang and Shifa 2019 ). The results are reported in section III.4 of our Supplementary Information. We do observe that former French colonies have either zero or dampened publication effects, perhaps a consequence of France’s more hegemonic cultural and linguistic policies in its colonies (Albaugh Reference Albaugh 2014 ; Cogneau and Moradi Reference Cogneau and Moradi 2014 ). These heterogeneous effects offer additional suggestive evidence of the importance of vernacular language standardization and its propagation through schools and churches as a key mechanism driving ethnic politicization.

We run causal mediation models (Acharya, Blackwell, and Sen Reference Acharya, Blackwell and Sen 2016 ) to gauge the mechanisms through which our historical treatments affect contemporary ethnic salience and exogamy. First, we observe that accounting for modernization proxies such as urbanization, education, and wealth does not explain our findings and, if anything, makes them stronger (Figures B12[a], B12[d], and B13). Second and in line with Cagé and Rueda ( Reference Cagé and Rueda 2016 ), political engagement and public sphere variables from Afrobarometer explain up to 17% of the publications effect. Finally, historical group-level advantages in secondary and higher education account for relatively large shares of the publishing effect on interethnic marriages (15–26% in geographic models, 16–43% in ethnic specifications, see Figure B14). These results, while only suggestive, point to the roles of an early intelligentsia in constructing ethnic identities and of continued political engagement in maintaining them.

Resource Types

We expected cash crop agriculture to matter due to local ethnic competition for economic benefits and ethnic elites’ and communities’ strategic boundary-making. This mechanism is unlikely to play out under European-owned plantation or settler agriculture, nor is it likely in mining regions where there were limited benefits for indigenous farmers or where the colonial state or concession companies regulated access. Consistent with this, we show in Supplementary Information III.5 that our results are mainly driven by smallholder crops predominantly cultivated by African farmers. The effects of historical plantation agriculture and mining are weaker or even point in the opposite direction.

Diversity and Religion

One concern about the interethnic marriage results is whether they merely reflect differences in local ethnic diversity. In Supplementary Information III.6, we account for or interact our treatments with local-level ethnic fractionalization scores. The cash crop effects are larger in ethnically diverse locations strengthening our confidence that ethnic competition rather than local-level ethnic homogeneity explains lower exogamy levels.

Another possibility is that the publishing measure is merely picking up the spread of Christianity, which may explain politicization or marital choices. To rule this out, we control for Christian population share in the group-level models, rerun all exogamy models with directed religious couple fixed effects, and use religious denomination dummies in mediation models. Results are nearly identical to those from our baseline analyses (Supplementary Information III.7).

Our analysis shows that Africa’s contemporary ethnic landscape was at least partially shaped by the persistent effects of the cash crop and printing revolutions that spread from the nineteenth century onward. In line with our hypotheses, geographic variation in cash crop agriculture and the uneven diffusion of print technologies differentially increased groups’ mobilizational potential and their capabilities to compete for state power after independence. Our analysis of individual-level identity salience suggests that these two forces affected ethnicity through different channels—with cash crop effects on individual identity salience tied to historic agricultural zones and publishing effects transmitted culturally among language speakers even beyond their ethnic homeland. Beyond self-reported identity salience, we find that these socioeconomic transformations resulted in different patterns of interethnic marriage. Publishing contributed to the construction of more porous boundaries than cash crop agriculture, leading to comparatively higher rates of intermarriage with linguistically related out-group members. This points to important differences in boundary policing among politicized groups based on their historical exposure to commercial agriculture and print technologies.

In shedding light on these endogenous processes, we highlight key underlying factors that may confound analyses of contemporary ethnic politics—such as contestation over land and cross-cutting languages. Footnote 39 These dynamics require greater attention among scholars of ethnic politics and conflict, especially in light of more recent waves of internal migration, climate change, and rising land pressures. Footnote 40 How these changes affect ethnic boundaries, not least between pastoral and agricultural groups, are important questions for future research.

Our findings also have important implications for understanding the effects of colonialism on ethnicity. Much existing scholarship emphasizes the top-down effects of colonial social engineering and indirect rule on ethnic politicization. Footnote 41 In contrast, our analysis demonstrates the importance of broader social and economic forces, which preceded colonialism and were key drivers of it. Further, our findings suggest that colonialism did not uniformly mold or “fix” ethnic boundaries. Instead, identity (re)construction arose as much from the strategic actions of African farmers, landowners, and elites, as well as those of missionaries, culture brokers, and ordinary people, responding to opportunities and constraints brought about by economic and technological change in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

To view supplementary material for this article, please visit http://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055421000782 .

Research documentation and data that support the findings of this study are openly available at the American Political Science Review Dataverse: https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/WQEQPN .

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

For excellent research assistance at various stages of this project, we thank, from ETH-Zurich: Paola Galano Toro, Vanessa Kellerhals, Benjamin Füglister, Lukas Dick; from Witten/Herdecke University: Carlos Mairoce and Julian Seitlinger; from Oxford University: Sidhart Bhushan, and Hedda Roberts; and from William & Mary: Layla Abi-Falah, Aaron Spitler, and Henry Young. Earlier versions of our research design were presented at WGAPE, LSE, March 2018; Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Boston, September 2018; Princeton University Comparative Politics Colloquium, October 2018; Annual Meeting of the AEHN Bologna, October 2018. First results and early paper versions presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington DC, September 2019; Political Economy Workshop, Zurich, October 2019; Annual Meeting of the Swiss Political Science Association, February 2020; virtual APSA 2020; Zurich Workshop in Empirical Political Economy, September 2020; ASREC annual conference, November 2020; Leiden Workshop in Political Science, October 2020; Workshop on the Politics of Favoritism, ZEW Mannheim, February 2021. We are grateful to participants for their suggestions and feedback. Special thanks to three anonymous reviewers, Matthew Gichohi, Corinne Bara, Joan Ricart-Huguet, Leila Demarest, Dan Posner, Tim Phillips, Carl Müller-Crepon, and Lars-Erik Cederman for comments and discussions.

This research was generously supported by the Swiss National Science Foundation (grant #P0EZP1_159076, Pengl) and the US National Science Foundation (award #1628498, Roessler).

The authors declare no ethical issues or conflicts of interest in this research.

The authors affirm that this research did not involve human subjects.

1 Across the ethnic politics literature, many studies model competition for power and resources among a given subset of politically relevant ethnic groups.

2 We preregistered our research design with Evidence in Governance and Politics (EGAP) on April 24, 2019, after some promising preliminary analyses but before merging our publications and cash crop data with Ethnologue language categories and group polygons and, via Ethnologue, to EPR, PREG, Afrobarometer, and DHS. We had already seen geographic correlations between cash crop locations and Afrobarometer/DHS outcomes as well as between proximity to missionary printing presses and Afrobarometer identity salience. However, we were in no position to analyze group-level outcomes, the actual publications treatment, or the ethnic specifications described below, as all of these require ethnic matches. Our preanalysis plan can be found here: https://osf.io/nqp2u .

3 In our sample of 35 sub-Saharan African countries, there exist 2,303 Ethnologue languages, whereas the Ethnic Power Relations dataset counts 140 groups relevant in the first year that countries in the region enter the dataset and another 158 groups relevant through its last year (Vogt et al. Reference Vogt, Bormann, Rüegger, Cederman, Hunziker and Girardin 2015 ).

4 See Caselli and Coleman ( Reference Caselli and Coleman 2013 ) for a formalization of the link between social closure and ethnicity.

5 For combining Ethnologue groups with information from EPR, PREG, DHS, and Afrobarometer, we use the publicly available ethnic links coded by Müller-Crepon, Pengl, and Bormann ( Reference Müller-Crepon, Pengl and Bormann 2020 ).

6 However, see Sasaki ( Reference Sasaki 2017 ), who focuses on the influence of the printing press in Europe on language standardization.

7 Salience and closure capture different but potentially reinforcing identity dimensions. The former reflects the importance of an identity to oneself or others—i.e., the likelihood that a given identity and not others will be invoked across different situations (Stryker Reference Stryker 1980 ). In contrast, closure reflects the degree to which a group is accessible to outside members (Wimmer Reference Wimmer 2013 ). Following from Stryker ( Reference Stryker 1980 ), we might expect closed groups, in which entry and exit pose higher costs, to correlate with more salient identities.

8 See also Bates ( Reference Bates, Rothchild and Olorunsola 1983 ), Chandra ( Reference Chandra 2006 ), and Posner ( Reference Posner 2017 ).

9 We analyze this in Supplementary Information I. We find that politically relevant groups do tend to have less porous boundaries as measured by interethnic marriage, though these correlations are not particularly strong.

10 Koter ( Reference Koter 2016 ), in contrast, argues that hierarchical institutions enabled postindependence rulers to target groups with patronage-based policies rather than ethnic appeals, potentially dampening ethnic salience. Also, Dunning and Harrison ( Reference Dunning and Harrison 2010 ) find that the historical legacy of cousinage from the Mali Empire has helped to weaken the political effects of ethnicity.

11 For an illuminating ethnography on the interactive effects of Christian missionaries and cash crops on ethnic association formation, anticolonial resistance, and political mobilization, see Spear ( Reference Spear 1997 ). In the case of the Meru, ethnic mobilization contributed to the development of a broader nationalist movement (Okoth Reference Okoth 2006 ).

12 See also Chimhundu Reference Chimhundu 1992 ; Posner Reference Posner 2003 .

13 Colonial partition itself, however, may have contributed to stronger national identities among groups divided between two sovereign states (Miles and Rochefort Reference Miles and Rochefort 1991 ; Robinson Reference Robinson 2014 ).

14 On the genealogy of autochthony and its roots in colonialism, see Ceuppens and Geschiere ( Reference Ceuppens and Geschiere 2005 ); Marshall-Fratani ( Reference Marshall-Fratani 2006 ).

15 Cash crops would prove a much more important source of colonial exports than minerals. By 1957, across the 35 countries in our dataset, cash crops accounted for 59.4% of total exports (by value) compared with only 22% for minerals (Hance, Kotschar, and Peterec Reference Hance, Kotschar and Peterec 1961 ).

16 For important previous work on the sociopolitical implications of the transition to commercial agriculture, see Colson ( Reference Colson and Victor 1971 ), Berry ( Reference Berry 1993 ), and Boone ( Reference Boone 2014 ; Reference Boone 2017 ).

17 This process of ethnic boundary hardening was driven from below—as chiefs found themselves under growing pressure from their constituents not to give away too much land to outsiders (Boni Reference Boni, Richard and Lentz 2006 )—but also supported from above—as colonial governments promoted neocustomary land tenure regimes (Boone Reference Boone 2017 ; Mamdani Reference Mamdani 1996 , 104–5).

18 See also Bates ( Reference Bates 1974 , 465–7) on how local elites in cash crop areas used ethnic criteria to restrict access to modernization benefits.

19 In French colonies, educational instruction was mandated to be in French. Albaugh ( Reference Albaugh 2014 ) estimates that by 1950 only around 58% of the population in French colonies had their languages transcribed compared with 76–81% in British, Belgian, and Portuguese colonies.

20 For other case studies, see Ranger ( Reference Ranger and Vail 1989 ), Chimhundu ( Reference Chimhundu 1992 ), and Strommer ( Reference Strommer, Zimmerman and Kellermeier-Rehbein 2015 ).

21 We also preregistered a set of ancillary hypotheses and analysis on homogeneous political preferences, interethnic trust and ethnic conflict that we report in Supplementary Information IV.

22 Data and replication scripts for all analyses in this article and the Online Appendix are openly available in the APSR Dataverse (Pengl, Roessler, and Rueda Reference Pengl, Roessler and Rueda 2021 ). The replication folder also contains extended Supplementary Information with additional data descriptions and results.

23 AMAR and EPR rely on some indication of social or political relevance as a basis for inclusion. Murdock ( Reference Murdock 1959 ; Reference Murdock 1967 ) has a much smaller number of groups than Ethnologue. See Laitin ( Reference Laitin 2000b , 142) on the advantages of using “language as a proxy for ethnicity.”

24 It excludes data on the Union of South Africa (including present-day Namibia), Madagascar, and other island colonies.

25 Cocoa, coffee, cotton, groundnuts, oil palm, stimulants, other food crops, other industrial crops, other oils.

26 This approach was inspired by Chaney’s ( Reference Chaney 2016 ) work on the Middle East.

27 In robustness checks, we also use more restrictive versions and only code Ethnologue groups with exclusive one-to-one matches as 1 and all other groups as 0. Supplementary Information I.3 provides an intuitive example of this distinction and Appendix Figure A1 shows results. We also use AMAR (All Minorities at Risk) to measure groups’ social relevance capturing group consciousness and shared norms and cultural features short of national-level political mobilization (Birnir et al. Reference Birnir, Wilkenfeld, Fearon, Laitin, Gurr, Brancati and Saideman 2015 , 112). See Appendix Figure A2 for results.

28 Figure I.9 in our Supplementary Information shows that groups with cash crops or publications systematically differ from those without on a number of baseline covariates.

29 The joint significance of spatially lagged baseline controls in the second first stage (predicting the spatially lagged dependent variable) is high, and the respective F statistics remain well above conventional thresholds.

30 See Supplementary Information (Figure I.8) for a concrete example.

32 See Cervellati, Chiovelli, and Esposito ( Reference Cervellati, Chiovelli and Esposito 2018 ) for a similar approach.

33 Figures I.6 and I.7 in the SI schematically illustrate these examples.

34 See Appendix Tables A2–A5.

35 See Appendix Figure A7 for results when assigning treatments based on wives’ ethnicities.

36 This seems consistent with recent findings that local ethnic minorities face incentives to vote for the local majority candidate rather than one of their own (Ichino and Nathan Reference Ichino and Nathan 2013 ).

37 Afrobarometer results disappear when using this approach. One explanation is the lower spatial coverage of Afrobarometer, which has less than half the number of unique survey locations than DHS. In addition, Afrobarometer was geocoded ex post and location coordinates are probably less accurate.

38 Figures B10 and B11 further control for ethnic polygon area. Supplementary Information III.1.2 more closely investigates the relationship between group size and publications.

39 On these points, see respectively, Boone ( Reference Boone 2014 ) and Laitin ( Reference Laitin 2000a ).

40 See Klaus ( Reference Klaus 2020 ) for a recent such example.

41 See for example Mamdani ( Reference Mamdani 1996 ) and Posner ( Reference Posner 2005 ) and more recently Ali et al. ( Reference Ali, Fjeldstad, Jiang and Shifa 2019 ), McNamee ( Reference McNamee 2019 ), and Müller-Crepon ( Reference Müller-Crepon 2020 ).

Figure 1. Publications and Cash Crop Locations Note : Language homelands are mapped according to Ethnologue. Grayed regions are Ethnologue polygons for which there is no record of publications. Colors indicate the number of publications listed in Rowling and Wilson (1923). Each blue cross locates 289,270 USD (1957) of cash crop export value for either cocoa, coffee, cotton, groundnuts, or palm oil. Solid black country borders describe our sample.

Figure 2. Cash Crops, Print Technologies, and Political Relevance Note : These figures summarize the results of eight regression models. The two binary outcomes indicate whether an Ethnologue group is matched to a group or coalition listed as politically relevant in PREG ( left-hand panel ) or EPR ( right-hand panel ). Lines 1 and 2 report effects using binary treatments, indicating whether Ethnologue groups were exposed to cash crop production and/or print technologies. In lines 3 and 4, cash crops are instrumented with the mean agroclimatic suitability for the five most important export crops by using the spatial 2SLS approach described in the text. In lines 5 and 6, the sample is restricted to Ethnologue polygons that experienced missionary activity. Lines 7 and 8 control for logged historical population per Ethnologue polygon based on HYDE raster data.

Figure 3. Geographic Persistence: Cash Crops, Publications, and Ethnic Marriages Note : The figure reports standardized OLS estimates from 13 regressions with country-round fixed effects. Standard errors are clustered at the survey location level. Each triangle represents the coefficient of geographically assigned cash crops and publications treatments, as described in the text. Bars represent 95% confidence intervals.

Figure 4. Cultural Persistence: Cash Crops, Publications, and Ethnic Marriages Note : Each triangle represents the standardized OLS estimates (beta coefficient) of ethnic-level cash crop and print technology treatments, as described in the text. The left panel is based on analyses of the whole sample, and the right panel reports results from models run on the subsample of ethnic movers only. Bars represent 95% confidence intervals.

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Volume 116, Issue 1
YANNICK I. PENGL (a1) , PHILIP ROESSLER (a2) and VALERIA RUEDA (a3)
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055421000782

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The Big Question How did farmers, activists, workers and politicians face the problems of industrial America during the Populist and Progressive Eras?

Section 1: Short-answer questions (30 points)

In this section, you will write a two- to three-sentence response to each of the following items. Remember to use examples and be specific.

1. What factors caused many people to give up farming and move to the city? Fill in the boxes below to explain how each step led many farmers to leave their farms for a life in the city. (7 points)

In the late 1800’s the majority of farmers grew enough food to support themselves, with a small percentage of product for sale to others, and the farmers were making profit. A much higher production drove down the price, which had the effect of making it more affordable to live in the city, and then added effect of forcing farmers who could not compete to find another line of work. Farmers had quit and moved to the city in the Industrial Revolution because they could get better pay working in the factories and could better support their families.

An advancement of farm technology allowed larger plots of land or numbers of animals to be grown and raised by few numbers of people, which by taking dairy farming, and one pumping machine can do the work of 5-6 people in half of the time. By being said of plowing versus someone spading and any number of other cases.

The Essay on Rural Area City One People

Your Land and My Land There are many differences in a city when compared to a rural setting. One of the largest differences deals with that of the visual surroundings. Cities are filled with buildings, streets traffic and people, while the country is filled with trees, mountains, streams and animals. With such commotion in this city-type setting, the natural environment is altered a great deal. ...

Factories in the cities attracted workers, and the availability of workers had turned into a attracted but more industry, and at the same time, as agricultural productivity steadily increased, farm land and labor were released for many other uses.

Jobs in the City

Most city jobs tend to pay more (unless you are the farm owner… especially ones subsidized by the US government), but there is public transportation and everything is closer together, so it tends to be a more convenient life.

2. What was each group’s goal, and what did they accomplish? Fill in the chart. (8 points) Group

Woman’s Christian

Temperance Union

Settlement House Movement

Urban reformers

Prohibitions of alcohol

It was critical due to its primary goal, which was to settle people into houses, and many people were settled, and many houses were

filled. To “fix” the deficiencies in education, working skills, and selfdiscipline.

Accomplishment

They had the eighteenth amendment passed, which was the prohibition of alcohol. The prohibition was a ban of sale and consumption of

They had cleaned up cities such as New York, makinggovernment change to a more

Muckrakers

To reform some of the country’s many problems, and the muckrakers were trying to protect consumers and put an end to the injustice and dangers of big business. Effect way of running the city to improve their citizens knowledge. The filth & horror working conditions in the meat packing industry, He’d had gone under cover to work in a packing house first so that he could write about it with greatest accuracy. He was considered a “muckraker” because he wrote about something factual and awful happening in society that most people agreed needed fixing. It worked. The novel became a bestseller, and the government cracked down on health & sanitation issues in the packing houses.

3. Study this quotation and answer the question. (6 points)

“To those of my race who depend on bettering their condition in a foreign land, or who underestimate the importance of preservation friendly relations with the southern white man who is their next door neighbor, I would say: “Cast down your bucket where you are.” Cast it down, making friends in every manly way of the people of all races, by whom you are surrounded. To those of the white race who look to the incoming of those of foreign birth and strange tongue and habits for the prosperity of the South…I would repeat…Cast it down among the eight millions of Negroes whose habits you know, whose fidelity and love you have tested in days when to have proved treacherous meant the ruin of your fireside. Cast down your bucket among these people… —Booker T. Washington, 1895

The Essay on George Washingtons Imapact on Black Relations

George Washington's Impact on Black Relations During the Colonial Era there was much debate regarding slavery. The north was primarily against slavery while the south was economically dependent on slavery. When colonist started to settle North America they had come from England for religious and political freedom. Many were subsistence farmers (raising just enough food to survive on, with perhaps ...

In this speech at the Atlanta Cotton Exposition, Washington was talking to both black and white southerners. What was he telling them to do in order to be successful in the New South?

By making friends in every manly way of the people of all races, by whom you are surrounded, refers to sending your bucket deep into the well and bringing up a wealth of good stuff, and It’s a metaphor for casting out your life in a friendly caring way and seeing what comes back to you.

4. Explain how each of these leaders responded to the question of race relations. (9 points) Ida B. Wells:

In 1906, Ida B. Wells joined with William E.B. DuBois and others to further the Niagara Movement, and she was one of two African American women to sign “the call” to form the NAACP in 1909. Although Ida B. Wells was one of the founding members of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), she was also among the few Black leaders to explicitly oppose Booker T. Washington and his strategies. As a result, she was viewed as one the most radical of the so-called “radicals” who organized the NAACP and marginalized from positions within its leadership.

W.E.B. Du Bois:

W.E.B. DuBois responded to race relations by becoming one of the founders of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored Pe ople) in 1909, and his accomplishments included being the first African-American to earn his PhD from Harvard in 1895 and in 1903 he published “The Souls of Black Folks”.

Marcus Garvey:

Garvey was deeply influenced by Booker T. Washington’s example of se lf-reliance and moral uplift, but did not agree with Washington’s accommodating stance on race relations. Rather than compromise with white Americans, Garvey urged blacks to abandon them. He railed against race mixing and openly distrusted light-skinned blacks (who often dominated leadership positions in rival organizations such as the NAACP).

The Term Paper on United States Labor Workers American

... 11, 1894, 90 percent of his workers went on strike. The strike spread nationwide when the American Railway Union refused to move trains with ... sent in militias or federal troops to put down labor strikes. While most labor clashes took place in the mines and mills ... as well as hospitals, penitentiaries, and asylums. The first black institutions of higher learning were founded. Equally important it ...

One of Garvey’s most controversial acts was to meet with Ku Klux Klan leaders in Atlanta in 1922 to demonstrate his agreement with the KKK’s view on miscegenation. Garvey left behind a powerful legacy of newly awakened black pride, economic independence, and reverence for Africa.

Section 2: Extended Writing (30 points)

In this section, you will show your knowledge of the content by constructing a paragraph. Remember to use examples from this unit, be specific, and follow proper paragraph- and essay-writing conventions. Write a paragraph of at least 5 sentences explaining how unions, strikes, and boycotts helped advance the interests of workers in America in the late 19th century, and what problems they faced. Organize your thoughts around these questions:

What kinds of unions were formed, and what were their goals?

Terence Powderly of the Knights of Labor and Samuel Gompers of the American Federation of Labor, had each interested in advancing the cause of workers, but each had a very different vision of how to do so.

What actions did unions use to achieve their goals?

A strike occurs when union members decide that they will cease to work, and that they will only recommence once they are satisfied that their employer will meet their conditions.

What actions were the most successful? Which ones caused problems? Now that you have organized your thoughts, write your paragraph below .

Unions, strikes, and boycotts had helped advanced the interests of workers in America in the late 19th century, and the problem they did face was in 1902, a strike of anthracite coal miners, under the banner of the United Mine Workers. More than 100,000 miners in northeastern Pennsylvania called a strike on May 12, and kept the mines closed all that summer, and on Oct. 3, and on Oct. 16 appointed a commission of mediation and arbitration. Five days later the miners returned to their jobs, and five months later the Presidential Commission awarded them a 10 percent wage increase and shorter work days-but not the formal union recognition they had sought. Labor movement has always been divided over aims and tactics Some unions wanted broad social change, others focused narrowly on issues of wages, benefits, but by working rules.

The Term Paper on American Labor Workers Unions Work

... Non-union workers were hired and the strike was broken. Unions were not allowed back into the plant until 1937. (2) Two years later, a strike ... the Knights of Labor. Its leader was former cigar union official Samuel Gompers who only wanted to focus on skilled workers. (web 2) The ...

Some of these unions wanted to organize all workers into industrial organizations, othe rs wanted to organize smaller units of skilled workers into craft organizations, so then they divided between these two broad approaches to the labor movement can be seen clearly in the experiences of two most important American union leaders of the late nineteenth century. The National Labor Union, Knights of Labor, and American Federation of Labor, but the first two failed due to different reasons, while the AFL succeeded. The AFL sought to protect all skilled workers and wanted a fair share of labor, and they didn’t push for extreme reforms only shorter hours, increased conditions, and wages, but after the panic of 1893 they continued to grow (500,000 members).

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Shifting from Traditional Food Cropping to Cash Cropping

First Online: 01 January 2014

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Mohinder Kumar Slariya 4

Part of the book series: Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences ((AGES))

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Agriculture has undergone change and has been characterized by enhanced productivity, replacement of human labour by mechanization, introduction of synthetic fertilizers and pesticides, and selective breeding. The fate of agriculture round the globe has changed and Himalayan states are not an exception. In this study, two districts of Himachal Pradesh, Kangra and Chamba, have been selected because of the availability of four agro-climatic zones. To see the impact, 50 respondents from each research segment (50 × 4 = 200) have been chosen from 73 villages and 30 gram panchayats. To see the role of compelling forces, exploratory, descriptive, and observational methods of research have been deployed. The study concluded that there is a shift from traditional cropping to vegetables, sericulture, and horticulture, and that people are earning good income and also experiencing change in the amenities available in the household as well as they are capable of providing better living conditions.

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Garhwal Himalaya—Potential of Cash Crops in Attaining Food Security and Enhancing Livelihoods—Khanda Gad Watershed Case Study

More Than Cereal-Based Cropping Innovations for Improving Food and Livelihood Security of Poor Smallholders in Marginal Areas of Bangladesh

Household Analysis of Crop Diversification and Socioeconomic Classifications of Agriculture Practitioner

Department of Agriculture (2013) http://www.hpagriculture.com . Accessed 15 Nov 2013

Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (2013) http://www.mospi.nic.in . Accessed 15 Nov 2013

Slariya M (2008) Ecology of Power Projects: An Environmental Study of Power Projects in Chamba district of Himachal Pradesh, India unpublished project report submitted to UGC, New Delhi

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Slariya, M.K. (2014). Shifting from Traditional Food Cropping to Cash Cropping. In: Singh, R., Hietala, R. (eds) Livelihood Security in Northwestern Himalaya. Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences. Springer, Tokyo. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-4-431-54868-3_7

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Nepali Educate - Educational Resources for Class 11 & 12 Students

Essay on: cash crops in nepal.

Cash Crops in Nepal

I n agricultural cultivation, the farmers generally grow two kinds of crops. They are food crops and cash crops. The crops which are grown for food are food crops. They are edible. The farmers in the terai grow more both crops.

Farmers grow several types of cash crops in different geographical regions throughout the year. Jute, cotton, sugarcane, are grown in the terai. From the jute fibers are taken out and it is the best raw material to the jute and cotton industries. Tea and coffee are grown in the sloping land. Ilam and Jhapa districts are popular for the tea and coffee production. We can see several tea estates in Ilam and in Jhapa. These estates provide employment to multi manpower.

To sum up, the production of the cash crops not only provides the employment but also provides the foreign currencies to the nation. Foreign currencies support the nation's development.

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Cash Crops Essay

Africans and the creation of cash crops.

Africans were heavily involved in the creation of cash crops. Stock claims that in a significant portion of tropical Africa, small-scale peasant farmers predominated in the production of cash crops. (196). For instance, in Senegal and Northern Nigeria, groundnut farming accounted for the majority of the output of cash crops. On the other hand, coffee was grown in Belgium Congo, Cote d'Ivoire, Tanganyika, Angola, and Uganda. South Western Nigeria and Gold Coast's main cash product export was cocoa. Contrary to other crops like cocoa, cotton required a lot of work and was inexpensive. (Mulvaney 64). Under duress from Europeans, African farmers grew the crop to supply raw materials for the French textile industry. For example, Europeans made production of cotton compulsory in some parts of Burkina Faso, Niger, Mali, and the Central African Republic.

Challenges Faced by African Farmers

However, African farmers did not benefit much from cash-crop production. For example, most of African farmers only got less than 40% of profits from their cash crops. The majority of them also lost access to other land for food crop production (Stock 195-197). Therefore, successful production of cash-crop did not mean extensive rural prosperity. Moreover, although some African peasant farmers still grew their foodstuff, they mostly relied on imported European manufactured metals goods and cloth which undermined their industrial self-sufficiency. Notably, low-priced food-crop such as rice from French and China was imported into French West African colonies and sold at prices (Stock 196-197). In turn, they interfered with local food production.

Impact on African Development

Africans' success in the production of cash-crops distorted African development for future years in various ways. First thing, Africans started cash-crop farming to get tax their colonies required them to pay (Stock 196). Such pressure made Africans depended on imported food crops. However, they could not afford prices required for imports and cost of exportation. As a result, they became poor. Moreover, European merchants dominated markets at the cost. Consequently, prices paid to African cash-crop producers were low. When prices of manufactured goods in Europe increased, European merchants passed the cost to African farmers (Stock 196-197). Therefore, Africans received less for what they produced and paid more for goods they imported or bought. The situations forced Africans to bring more land under cash-crop production and neglected food production (Mulvaney 64-65). The soil became increasingly exhausted and famine struck during drought. As evident, cash-crop production made Africans dependent on other continents for basic foodstuffs.

Works Cited

Mulvaney, Dustin. “Green Food: An A-to-Z Guide.” Thousand Oaks, Calif: Sage Pub, 2011. Print.

Stock, F. Robert. “Africa South of the Sahara: A Geographical Interpretation.” New York: Guilford Press, 2013. Print.

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The four maps in Fig. 1 visualize our central argument and empirical approach: cash crop suitability (upper-left panel), at least partially shaped the distribution of historical cash crop production (upper-right panel), which in turn structured colonial infrastructure investments in export-oriented cash crop enclaves (lower-left panel) that have wrought severe and persistent subnational ...
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Cash crop farming refers to a type of farming where agricultural crops are grown for the purpose of sale or to make profits, instead of subsistence or barter. It is also called commercial farming or cash cropping. In simpler words, cash crop farming is done by farmers to earn money in return for sustenance or to meet the family's requirements.
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Cash Crops In the late 1800's the majority of farmers grew enough food to support themselves, with a small percentage of product for sale to others, and the farmers were making profit. A much higher production drove down the price, which had the effect of making it more affordable to live in the city, and then added effect of forcing farmers ...
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